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A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE 
NETHERLANDS 

By  PETRUS  JOHANNES  BLOK,  Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR  OP  DUTCH  HISTORY  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OP  LBYDBN 


TO  BE  COMPLETED  IN    FIVE    PARTS. 
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Parts  I,  II,  and  III  translated  by  Ruth  Putnam  and  Parts 

IV  and  V  by  Oscar  A.  Bierstadt. 
Part  I.     From  the  Earliest  Times  to  the  Beginning  of 

the  15th  Century. 
Part  II.    The  Gradual  Centralization  of  Power,  and 

the  Burgundian  Period. 
Part  III.     The  War  of  Independence,  1568-1621. 
Part  IV.     Frederick  Henry,  John  de  Witt,  William  III. 
Part  V.    To  be  announced  later. 


HISTORY  OF 

THE   PEOPLE  OF  THE 
NETHERLANDS 


BY 


PETRUS  JOHANNES  BLOK 

Professor  of  Dutch  History  in  the  University  of  Leyden 


PART    IV. 
FREDERICK   HENRY        JOHN  DE  WITT         WILLIAM  III. 


TRANSLATED  BY  OSCAR  A.  BIERSTADT 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 

Zbe  Iknic&er&ocker  flJresa  ^p 

1907  v    » 

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Copyright,  1907 

BY 

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PREFACE 

THE  historian  of  the  "golden  age"  of  the  Nether- 
lands has  a  pleasant  task  to  perform,  because  the 
glory  of  posterity  has  never  risen  higher  than  in  this 
time,  especially  in  the  second  half  of  the  century. 
But  this  task  is  difficult,  for  great  is  the  number  of  the 
works  that  have  appeared  on  this  attractive  epoch,  and 
hard  it  is  to  hold  fast  the  thread  of  the  narrative  amid 
the  many  important  events  occurring  in  every  depart- 
ment of  the  national  life.  The  author  hopes  he  has  over- 
come this  difficulty  without  allowing  too  ample  a  space 
to  any  portion  of  the  history  of  the  people,  so  far  as 
possible  without  being  swayed  by  his  personal  preference 
for  persons  and  systems. 

It  would  not  greatly  surprise  him,  however,  if  the  crit- 
ics, as  has  previously  happened,  were  again  to  complain 
that  in  this  volume  also  of  the  history  of  the  people  of  the 
Netherlands  too  much  place  has  perhaps  been  given  to 
the  political  history  of  the  people.  That  poor  political 
history !  Formerly  it  was  everything,  the  everywhere 
recognised  mistress;  now  it  is  put  under  a  ban  and 
thrown  into  an  obscure  corner,  and  unjustly.  It  may 
not  be  denied  that  the  interest  of  the  public  at  present  is 
directed  more  to  other  expressions  of  the  life  of  the  peo- 
ple, but  this  does  not  signify  that  those  other  expressions 
of  old  took  a  so  much  more  considerable  place  in  the 
popular  life  itself,  in  the  daily  thoughts  of  the  nation. 
Any  one  acquainted  with  the  most-read  pamphlets  of 

iii 


iv  Preface 

the  seventeenth  century  will  readily  acknowledge  that 
the  political  events  at  home  and  abroad  occupied  a  very 
notable  space  in  the  life  and  thought  of  the  people,  in 
close  connection  with  their  hope  and  fear,  with  differ- 
ences of  opinion  in  religious  matters,  and  with  the 
changes  of  material  prosperity.  It  would  be  wrong  to 
attribute  too  great  an  influence  to  a  temporary  phenom- 
enon, to  interest  in  material  questions,  in  treating  the 
history  of  the  people  in  general,  just  as  it  would  be  a 
wrong  view  to  pay  attention  chiefly  to  the  vicissitudes 
of  working  men  who  now  rejoice  in  great  importance. 
The  author  believes  he  has  been  faithful  to  the  principles 
developed  by  him  in  the  introduction  to  his  first  volume, 
according  to  which  he  assigns  to  the  political  history  the 
eminent  place  belonging  to  it  in  the  life  of  the  people, 
without  forgetting  that  it  does  not  alone  constitute  the 
history  of  the  people,  but  that  a  larger  space  must  be 
granted  to  other  utterances  of  the  popular  life  than  was 
formerly  the  case  in  general  historical  works.  Opinions 
may  differ  as  to  how  ample  this  space  should  be.  The  ex- 
tent of  its  demands  depends  often  upon  personal  political 
views.  No  difference  of  ideas  can  exist  with  regard  to 
the  subject  itself,  if  one  is  only  guided  by  the  require- 
ments of  a  purely  scientific  consideration,  not  by  the 
political  or  social  opinion  of  the  day. 

The  author  hopes  some  years  longer  to  continue  work- 
ing  upon  the  task  set  for  himself  and  to  bring  it  to  an 
end,  encouraged  by  the  great  interest  and  cooperation 
which  he  has  so  far  encountered  with  gratitude. 

P.  J.  B. 

Leyden,  September  26,  1901. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I. — The  First  Years  after  the  Truce  i 

II. — Frederick  Henry's  Beginning 20 

III. — The  Prince  at  the  Height  of  his  Power          .        .  60 

IV. — The  United  Netherlands  in  1640        ....  74 

V. — The  French  Alliance 103 

VI. — Last  Years  of  the  War.     Peace  of  Munster    .        .  123 

VII. — First  Years  of  Peace 151 

VIII. — First  English  War 186 

IX. — The  Council  Pensionary  at  the  Head  of  the  State  220 

X. — Land  and  People  about  1660 244 

XI. — Years  of  Peace 290 

XII.— Second  English  War      .                317 

XIII. — Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power         ....  339 

XIV.— De  Witt's  Fall 366 

XV.— The  Great  War 399 

XVI. — Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition         .        .        .  443 

XVII. —The  Coalition  War 473 

XVIII. — William  III.'s  Last  Years 493 

XIX. — The  Netherlands  at  the  End  of  the  Seventeenth 

Century 506 

Appendix  :  Sources  of  Netherland  History       .        .  543 

Index 555 

V 


HISTORY  OF  THE  DUTCH  PEOPLE 


CHAPTER  I 


THE   FIRST  YEARS   AFTER  THE   TRUCE 


HOW  little  power  the  new  government  possessed  was 
manifest  both  in  foreign  and  domestic  affairs  during 
the  first  years  after  the  renewal  of  the  war.  Relations 
with  France,  England,  Sweden,  Denmark,  the  German 
princes,  and  the  Hanse  towns  were  anything  but  satis- 
factory. The  United  Netherlands,  honoured  and  feared 
under  Oldenbarnevelt's  sway  by  all  Europe,  were  still 
desired  as  an  ally  and  respected  as  an  enemy  on  account 
of  their  50,000  disciplined  troops  and  100  war  ships, 
but  these  advantages  were  not  boldly  used.  The  prince 
and  his  advisers  did  not  show  themselves  equal  to  their 
task. 

The  Huguenots  of  La  Rochelle  begged  the  help  of  the 
States  against  their  government,  but  although  Maurice 
and  the  preachers  sympathised  with  them,  their  emis- 
saries were  not  publicly  received  in  the  States-General* 
and  assistance  was  neither  given  nor  positively  refused 
them.  The  tone  of  Maurice  and  Du  Maurier  in  their 
interviews  on  the  relation  of  the  States  to  France  re- 
mained sharp  and  unfriendly,  and  the  remembrance  of 
Oldenbarnevelt  raised  an  insuperable  barrier  between 
them,  but  hostility  did  not  go  beyond  bitter  words  and 


VOL.  IV. — I 


2  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

mutual  complaints.  Cause  enough  for  such  complaints 
was  given  by  the  French  government,  particularly  on  the 
occasion  of  De  Groot's  escape  from  Loevestein.  The 
brave  and  faithful  wife  of  the  imprisoned  pensionary 
neglected  nothing  in  order  to  obtain  from  the  States  the 
liberation  of  her  husband.  Failing  in  this,  she  had 
recourse  to  another  way,  and  on  March  22,  1621,  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  her  husband  out  of  his  prison,  as  is 
well  known,  in  a  chest  used  for  conveying  books.  The 
one  woman  was  a  match  for  a  thousand  men.  The 
escaped  prisoner  did  not  stop  in  the  Southern  Nether- 
lands, where  he  would  have  been  received  with  open 
arms,  but  hastened  to  Paris.  Here  he  met  with  a  cordial 
reception,  and  was  entertained  by  the  best  society  as  a 
man  of  uncommon  importance  and  a  celebrated  scholar. 
The  king  granted  him  a  yearly  pension  of  3600  livres 
and  took  him  under  his  patronage,  when  the  Estates  of 
Holland,  indignant  at  the  publication  "with  privilege  of 
the  king"  of  the  masterly  Justification  of  tJie  Lawful 
Government  of  Holland  and  West  Friesland,  strictly  pro- 
hibited this  book  and  proscribed  its  author.  The  work, 
translated  into  Latin,  French,  and  German,  placed  in 
the  clearest  light  before  all  Europe  the  culpable  action 
taken  against  the  fallen  party.  It  was  an  arraignment  of 
the  victors  of  1618  and  1619,  and  did  more  than  any 
other  writing  to  confirm  an  unfavourable  opinion  of  their 
conduct  towards  Oldenbarnevelt  and  his  followers.  On 
this  account  it  imbittered  De  Groot's  enemies  and  made 
his  return  to  the  fatherland  impossible.  This  book  and 
his  letters  found  their  way  into  the  United  Netherlands 
with  the  help  of  Du  Maurier,  but  the  States  did  not 
venture  to  complain  of  this  any  more  than  of  the  protec- 
tion bestowed  in  France  on  many  other  fugitive  Remon- 
strants, as  Uyttenbogaert  and  Episcopius.  The  fear  of 
the  enmity  of  France  kept  them  also  from  complaining 
of  their  merchants'  troubles  in  France  and  of  the  plans 


The  First  Years  after  the  Truce  3 

there  formed  against  the  interests  of  the  East  India 
Company. 

Weak  was  the  attitude  towards  England,  which  took 
a  high  stand  on  account  of  Coen's  treatment  of  the  Eng- 
lish in  India,  and  repeatedly  threatened  to  capture  the 
returning  East  Indiamen.  An  effort  was  made  not  to 
anger  Sweden  by  too  close  an  alliance  with  Denmark, 
and  at  the  same  time  Denmark  was  kept  as  friendly  as 
possible.  The  same  feeble  policy  was  adopted  towards 
the  German  cities  and  princes.  There  was  giving  and 
promising  on  one  side,  taking  and  refusing  on  the  other, 
and  so  nobody  was  really  satisfied. 

The  war  was  waged  also  in  listless  fashion.  When 
Spinola  laid  siege  to  Jiilich,  relief  was  so  slow  in  coming 
that  its  commander,  Pithan,  had  to  surrender  in  Febru- 
ary,  1622.  Prince  Maurice  took  the  field  but  remained 
inactive.  It  seemed  as  if  there  was  a  disposition  to 
prolong  the  Truce  upon  any  favourable  terms,  in  accord- 
ance with  Oldenbarnevelt's  policy,  and  the  partisans  of 
peace  took  heart  in  south  and  north.  The  death  of 
both  the  king  of  Spain  and  Archduke  Albert  in  162 1 
impeded  the  enemy's  plans. 

Unconquerable  energy  was  shown  by  the  merchants, 
however,  who  went  on  developing  the  world's  commerce, 
although  the  war  now  compelled  them  again  to  arm 
themselves  against  the  enemy  and  to  send  their  ships  to 
sea  well  equipped  for  action.  Beside  the  East  India 
Company  a  West  India  Company  came  into  existence  by 
charter  of  June  3,  162 1.  Both  corporations  were  not 
simply  commercial  associations,  but  political  institutions 
as  well,  designed  not  alone  for  gain,  but  also  to  injure 
the  enemy  and  to  stop  the  source  of  his  power.1 

Such  an  institution  was  the  West  India  Company  from 
its  beginning.  The  indefatigable  Usselincx,  himself  a 
stern   Calvinist   and  enemy  of  all  "heretics  and  erring 

1  Van  Rees,  Staathuishoudkunde  in  Arederland,  ii,,  p.  122. 


4  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

spirits,"  saw  more  chance  for  his  projects  after  Olden- 
barnevelt's  fall,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1618  he  returned 
from  Zealand,  whither  he  had  fled  to  escape  his  creditors, 
to  Holland  in  order  to  act  as  adviser  to  the  Estates  of 
that  province  and  the  States-General  in  the  matter  of  the 
new  company  and  its  charter.  He  could  not  even  now 
carry  out  all  his  ideas.  He  desired  a  limitation  of  the 
power  of  the  directors  over  the  shareholders,  better  and 
more  complete  accounts,  the  planting  of  colonies  of  free- 
men closely  bound  to  the  mother  country,  the  promotion 
of  civilisation  and  Christianity  among  the  natives,  and 
especially  a  regular  supervision  by  the  state  of  the  doings 
of  the  merchants  "who  have  gain  for  their  north  star  and 
greed  for  a  compass,  and  who  would  believe  the  ship  was 
keeping  to  its  right  course,  if  it  were  almost  wrecked  by 
profit."  Little  heed  was  given  his  grievances,  and  the 
company  was  modelled  after  the  East  India  Company, 
though  indeed  the  "participants"  in  the  new  association 
had  rather  more  to  say,  and  the  state  possessed  more  in- 
fluence through  its  deputies  in  the  governing  board  of 
the  Nineteen  and  through  its  approval  required  for  war- 
like operations.  The  company  obtained  a  monopoly  for 
the  western  coast  of  Africa  as  far  as  the  Cape,  and  for 
America  and  the  islands  east  of  New  Guinea  during  a 
period  of  twenty-four  years. 

It  is  plain  from  the  entire  organisation  of  the  company 
that  it  was  formed  for  spoils  and  privateering.  At  first 
subscriptions,  open  to  any  one  within  or  without  the 
United  Netherlands,  did  not  come  in  very  fast,  since  the 
shareholders  of  the  East  India  Company,  the  model  for 
the  new  company,  were  far  from  satisfied  with  the  work- 
ing of  their  charter.  The  States-General  made  every 
effort  to  promote  subscriptions  and  changed  the  charter 
so  as  to  give  more  influence  to  the  stockholders;  the 
East  India  Company,  about  to  have  its  patent  renewed, 
was  compelled  to  subscribe  one  million  guilders;  pam- 


The  First  Years  after  the  Truce  5 

phlets  were  put  out  in  support  of  the  affair.  By  the 
summer  of  1623  seven  millions  were  at  last  raised. 

Disapproving  of  the  scheme  as  settled  upon,  Usselincx 
would  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  the  business,  to 
which  he  had  devoted  his  life  and  fortune,  and  he  now 
entered  the  service  of  Sweden  in  the  hope  of  realising 
there  his  great  plans.  He  secured  from  Gustavus  Adol- 
phus  the  charter  for  a  company  constituted  according  to 
his  notions,  but  it  never  came  into  being  owing  to  want 
of  funds  and  the  circumstances  of  Sweden  after  the  king's 
death  in  1632.  Discouraged,  he  returned  finally  to  his 
fatherland,  where,  at  over  eighty  years  of  age,  he  died 
poor  and  forgotten  about  the  middle  of  the  century, 
persisting  until  his  last  days  in  writing  and  speaking  for 
his  cherished  ideas,  the  accomplishment  of  which  was 
contrary  to  the  spirit  of  his  time. 

The  formation  of  the  new  company  was  viewed  with 
displeasure  in  England,  as  the  scene  of  its  activity  was  to 
be  in  the  very  regions  recommended  by  Raleigh  and  his 
friends  to  the  English  merchants  and  already  visited  by 
them.  King  James  was  always  complaining  of  the  harm 
done  to  English  interests  in  the  East  Indies  by  Coen  and 
his  followers  who,  despite  the  treaty  of  union,  continued 
as  much  as  possible  to  keep  the  English  out  of  affairs  in 
the  Archipelago.  There  was  mutual  distrust,  quarrelling 
everywhere  between  officials  on  both  sides,  a  seemingly 
endless  strife.  Meanwhile  Coen  went  energetically  to 
work.  Energy  was  necessary  in  the  Indies  of  those  days. 
The  uncivilised  natives  of  the  Indian  isles,  exasperated 
by  the  unbridled  avarice  of  the  Netherlanders,  English, 
Portuguese,  and  Spaniards,  hunted  down  like  wild  beasts, 
robbed  of  their  possessions,  and  driven  from  their  homes, 
revenged  themselves  upon  their  oppressors  whenever 
they  could.  How  Coen  and  his  men  considered  and 
treated  the  natives  is  horribly  evident  from  his  relation  > 

1  Tiele,  Bouwstoffen,  i.,  p.  272. 


6  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

of  the  conquest  of  the  Banda  Islands  in  1621,  a  story 
of  death  and  destruction  surpassing  in  cold-blooded 
cruelty  anything  of  the  kind.  With  the  exception  of 
the  small  Pularoon,  on  account  of  the  disputes  with  the 
English  about  its  possession,  all  of  the  inhabited  islands 
were  laid  waste ;  thousands  of  the  population  were  killed 
or  starved  to  death;  and  the  survivors — some  eight 
hundred  men,  women,  and  children — were  transported  to 
Batavia,  where  the  poor  unfortunates  perished  in  misery. 
This  group  of  islands  had  to  be  repeopled — a  fearful 
testimony  to  the  methods  of  the  Netherlanders  in  secur- 
ing commerce  and  supremacy  in  the  Indies. 

The  picture  Coen  himself  gives  of  the  "bad  life"  of  the 
Netherlanders  around  him,  of  their  drunkenness,  immo- 
rality, and  greed,  shows  us  how  great  was  the  need  of  an 
iron  hand  like  his  to  rule  over  these  rough  men.  And 
the  women  sent  out  to  the  Indies  by  the  company  in  the 
beginning,  the  "scum  of  the  land,"  were  not  much  better 
than  the  men.  Unquestionably  many  noble  deeds  were 
done  by  the  Netherlanders  in  India  during  these  years; 
heroic  was  often  the  conduct  of  those  carrying  the  com- 
pany's flag  over  the  Indian  lands  and  seas;  admirable 
talent  was  exhibited  in  managing  the  affairs  of  the  com- 
pany; but  the  dark  side  of  it  all  must  be  indicated,  and 
it  should  not  be  forgotten  that,  in  accomplishing  so  much 
worthy  of  praise,  much  occurred  which  cannot  bear  the 
light  of  to-day.  Coen's  own  doings  prove  that  a  great 
man  in  a  time  of  blood  and  iron  may  go  beyond  what  is 
allowable.  No  brave  acts,  no  ability  in  governing  and 
waging  war,  no  brilliant  success  can  quite  atone  for  the 
cruelty  inflicted  upon  the  unfortunate  natives  of  the 
Banda  Islands.  Where  the  governor-general  acted  thus, 
his  subordinates  naturally  followed  his  example.  The 
English  did  likewise  upon  occasion,  and  it  is  not  surpris- 
ing that  the  differences  between  the  two  nations  often 
assumed  in  these  remote  regions  a  character  recalling  the 


The  First  Years  after  the  Truce  7 

most  barbarous  times,  when  the  question  of  right  was 
simply  one  of  might,  when  the  worst  sides  of  human 
nature  were  openly  displayed. 

These  things  were  differently  regarded  in  Europe  than 
in  India,  particularly  by  the  weaker  party,  in  this  case 
the  English.  At  the  request  of  King  James  a  new 
embassy  from  the  Netherlands  appeared  in  England  at 
the  end  of  162 1.  Sommelsdijk  against  his  wishes  was 
appointed  head  of  it.  The  tone  of  the  discussions  was 
anything  but  mild.  The  king  in  the  earliest  interviews 
made  the  most  odious  remarks  about  the  Dutch  mer- 
chants and  fishermen,  "bloodsuckers  of  my  kingdom,"  as 
he  called  them.  There  was  negotiation  and  wrangling 
for  more  than  a  year,  until  an  agreement  was  reached 
concerning  Indian  affairs.  Peace  was  now  hoped  for  in 
these  quarters,  and  a  considerable  indemnity  was  granted 
to  the  English  for  their  losses. 

The  war  with  Spain  became  more  serious  in  the  second 
year.  With  the  support  of  the  States  the  expelled  Bo- 
hemian king  kept  one  army  in  the  Palatinate  under  the 
Count  of  Mansfeld  and  another  in  Westphalia  under 
Duke  Christian  of  Brunswick.  The  king  soon  went  to 
the  Palatinate  for  a  last  attempt  to  recover  his  hereditary 
land.  But  this  attempt  failed  also,  and  the  unfortunate 
prince  disbanded  all  his  troops.  The  armies  of  Mansfeld 
and  Brunswick,  thus  made  independent  and  still  num- 
bering 25  poo  men,  threatened  to  move  into  France  to  aid 
the  Huguenots.  The  States  and  the  prince  succeeded 
by  the  promise  of  subsidies  in  persuading  Mansfeld  to 
turn  to  the  Netherlands  and  to  act  with  their  army  in 
opposing  Spinola's  designs. 

The  plans  of  the  Spanish  general  had  begun  to  excite 
alarm  in  the  border  provinces  of  the  States.  These  plans 
resulted  from  the  changed  condition  of  the  Spanish  mon- 
archy and  the  southern  provinces  after  the  deaths  of 
Philip  III.  and  the  archduke.     The  world-monarchy  of 


8  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Spain,  no  longer  what  it  was  in  the  early  time  of  Philip 
II.  and  having  constantly  fallen  lower  under  Philip  III., 
appeared  once  more  under  the  latter's  son,  Philip  IV., 
with  the  pretensions  of  the  greatest  of  European  powers, 
and,  as  leader  of  the  Catholic  reaction,  it  exerted  all  its 
strength  in  the  European  complications.  In  place  of 
the  insignificant  Lerma  the  young  king  had  confided  the 
management  of  affairs  to  Don  Gaspar  de  Guzman,  Count 
de  Olivares,  an  able  statesman,  whose  dearest  wish  was 
to  bring  Spain  back  to  the  policy  of  Philip  II.,  and  to 
have  her  closely  allied  with  the  German  Hapsburgs  and 
the  papal  see.  Although  weaker  than  formerly,  Spain 
could  still  give  her  antagonists  enough  to  do.  This  policy 
required  a  more  intimate  union  between  Spain  and  the 
different  portions  of  the  monarchy,  including  the  loyal 
Netherlands.  Archduchess  Isabella,  now  a  childless 
widow,  showed  no  inclination  to  make  her  territory  into 
a  separate  realm ;  she  contented  herself  with  the  office  of 
governess  of  the  land ;  and  she  consented  to  have  the 
States  of  the  various  provinces  take  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  her  nephew,  Philip  IV.,  as  duke  and  count,  this  actu- 
ally occurring  in  1623. '  The  war  was  now  to  be  con- 
tinued from  Spain.  Spinola  received  his  orders  and  the 
financial  means  to  execute  them. 

A  short  raid  by  Prince  Frederick  Henry,  who  with  his 
cavalry  laid  the  Brabant  country  as  far  as  the  gates  of 
Brussels,  Mechlin,  and  Louvain  under  contribution  in 
the  spring,  excited  dismay  in  the  south,  but  Drenthe, 
Overyssel,  and  Gelderland  were  so  open  to  the  enemy 
that  tribute  had  to  be  paid  him  in  various  districts,  and 
on  all  sides  reports  were  rife  of  a  secret  understanding  of 
some  Catholic  noblemen  and  peasants  with  the  Spaniard. 
There  were  also  complaints  of  excessive  taxation,  of 
Holland's  predominance,  and  harmony  in  the  north  left 

1  Waddington,  La  Kepublique  des  Provinces  Unies  (Paris,  1895),  i.,  p. 
94. 


The  First  Years  after  the  Truce  9 

much  to  be  desired,  all  the  more  so  because  the  prince, 
suffering  from  a  severe  disease  of  the  liver,  could  display- 
but  slight  vigour. 

Suddenly  Spinola  laid  siege  in  July  to  the  important 
fortress  of  Bergen  op  Zoom,  but  it  held  out  well  and 
blocked  the  "Spanish  hosts."  Fortunately  Mansfeld's 
army,  early  in  September,  had  penetrated  to  Tilburg, 
and  the  prince  was  able  to  approach  the  endangered 
fortress,  so  that  Spinola  had  to  raise  the  siege,  which 
had  lasted  three  months,  and  to  quit  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  city  so  valiantly  defended  by  its  governor, 
Ryhove,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  whole  country.  This 
success  was  of  benefit  to  Zealand  and  Holland  and  in- 
spired a  song  of  triumph  by  Starter.  It  was  now  hoped 
that  King  James  would  earnestly  adopt  his  son-in-law's 
cause  and  take  Mansfeld  into  his  service,  but  this  did 
not  happen.  The  States  also  were  not  anxious  to  keep 
the  German  general's  force  through  the  winter  and  sent 
it  into  East  Friesland,  whose  count  urged  the  evacuation 
of  his  fortresses,  but  now  saw  his  land  overrun  by  Mans- 
feld's wild  bands.  For  more  than  half  a  year  Mansfeld's 
troops  levied  tribute  upon  the  little  country  and  Olden- 
burg, and  the  count  of  East  Friesland,  almost  a  prisoner 
in  one  of  his  castles,1  considered  it  lucky  that  the  garri- 
sons of  the  States  protected  his  chief  fortified  places. 
Mansfeld  refused  to  leave  until  300,000  guilders  had  been 
given  him  to  pay  his  debts.  In  the  autumn  the  States 
loaned  this  sum  to  the  Estates  of  East  Friesland  in  return 
for  a  bond  signed  by  the  latter  and  making  the  country 
dependent  upon  the  United  Netherlands. 

An  attempt  by  Maurice  in  December  to  capture  Ant- 
werp by  surprise  failed  on  account  of  the  weather.  The 
Netherlanders  were  little  satisfied  with  the  weak  attitude 
of  the  prince,  who  was  known  to  be  secretly  negotiating 
with   the  enemy,  Juffer  Tserclaes   constantly  travelling 

1  Aitzema,  i.f  p.  131. 


io  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

between  The  Hague  and  Brussels  and  hoping  that  Span- 
ish offers  would  win  him  over  to  favour  peace.  Abroad 
also  there  were  complaints  of  his  inactivity  and  of  the 
slight  vigour  displayed  in  foreign  affairs  by  the  United 
Netherlands  since  Oldenbarnevelt's  fall.  This  general 
discontent  with  Maurice  was  somewhat  allayed  by  the 
discovery  of  a  shameful  plot  against  his  life.  Some  per- 
secuted Remonstrant  preachers,  rural  functionaries,  and 
private  individuals  with  the  financial  aid  of  Oldenbarne- 
velt's sons  and  his  nephew,  Van  der  Dussen,  formed  a 
plan  to  put  the  prince  out  of  the  way  by  hiring  unscrupu- 
lous sailors  to  murder  him  during  one  of  his  regular 
visits  to  his  mistress  at  Ryswick.  These  seamen,  mis- 
trusting the  business  which  had  only  been  obscurely 
proposed  to  them  as  something  for  the  welfare  of  the 
country,  went  to  the  prince  for  further  information  and 
thus  revealed  the  plot  in  January.  Search  was  at  once 
made  for  the  conspirators.  Most  of  them  were  arrested. 
A  few,  including  Stoutenburg  and  Van  der  Dussen, 
escaped  and  sought  the  protection  of  the  archduchess. 
Fifteen,  among  whom  were  Reinier  van  Groenevelt, 
Oldenbarnevelt's  eldest  son,  and  Slatius,  the  Remon- 
strant pamphleteer,  lost  their  lives  upon  the  scaffold, 
suffering  a  righteous  punishment  for  their  criminal 
attempt.  Groenevelt  could  not  be  saved,  though  he 
showed  repentance  and  his  proud  mother  begged  for  his 
life. 

Maurice  seems  to  have  felt  increasing  dejection  at  the 
slow  course  of  affairs,  and  he  longed  for  rest  and  peace. 
The  efforts  made  anew  from  the  southern  provinces  to 
bring  him  to  serious  negotiations  for  a  truce  found  him 
less  unwilling  than  before,  partly  because  Holland  also 
was  complaining  loudly  of  the  burdens  of  the  war.  In 
the  spring  of  1623  a  secret  emissary  from  Brabant,  Van 
Petersom,  appeared  repeatedly  at  The  Hague  with  the 
commission  to  open  negotiations,  and  he  was  not  immedi- 


The  First  Years  after  the  Truce        n 

ately  repulsed.  It  was  plain  enough  that  without  allies 
the  war  would,  in  the  long  run,  be  too  much  of  an  under- 
taking for  the  States,  an  old  truth  confirmed  again  by- 
facts  and  calling  attention — as  in  the  days  of  Prince 
William — to  France  and  England,  the  only  allies  worthy 
of  earnest  consideration,  and  yet  offering  scanty  hopes. 

England  was  less  than  ever  to  be  depended  upon,  now 
the  old  king  seemed  about  to  attain  his  long-cherished 
purpose,  and  his  son  Charles,  having  departed  for  Mad- 
rid, was  received  so  cordially  at  the  Spanish  court  that 
his  marriage  to  a  Spanish  infanta  looked  settled.  The 
attitude  of  England  towards  the  Netherlands,  moreover, 
had  always  been  so  ambiguous  that  no  close  alliance  was 
thought  of  between  them.  This  was  rather  to  be 
expected  with  France.  The  possibility  that  England,  by 
a  league  with  Spain,  might  either  obtain  the  Netherlands 
or  help  put  the  hereditary  enemy  in  possession  of  them 
appeared  so  threatening  to  France  that  the  French  gov- 
ernment, immediately  after  the  report  of  Charles's 
success1  at  Madrid,  reverted  to  the  policy  of  Henry  IV. 
and  promised  a  renewal  of  subsidies  to  the  States,  if  they 
would  cease  negotiating  with  Spain  for  a  new  truce  and 
would  not  support  the  Huguenots  or  rebellious  noblemen 
in  France. 

It  was  resolved  in  the  Netherlands  to  send  an  embassy 
to  France.  A  better  understanding  thus  prepared  with 
France  caused  a  renewal  of  the  old  alliance  to  be  expected 
shortly,  although  the  friend  of  the  States  for  many  years, 
Jeannin,  had  died  in  1622.  It  was  apparent  that  the 
French  administration  was  inspired  with  a  new  spirit. 
Cardinal  de  Richelieu,  the  greatest  political  genius  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  entered  the  royal  council  in  April, 
1624,  and  soon  ruled  the  course  of  affairs  in  France. 
His  domestic  policy  sought  to  uphold  the  king's  power, 
his  foreign  policy  aimed  at  the  humiliation  of  the  house 

1  Ranke,  Franz,  Gesch.,  ii.,  p.  200. 


1 2  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

of  Austria,  of  Spain.  A  more  vigorous  policy  was  now 
to  be  looked  for  from  France  towards  the  United  Neth- 
erlands. The  renewal  of  the  former  friendly  relations 
between  the  two  governments  had  to  be  arranged.  This 
task  could  scarcely  be  intrusted  to  Du  Maurier,  for  he 
was  not  on  good  terms  with  Prince  Maurice  and  the 
statesmen  surrounding  him.  The  ambassador  under- 
stood this  himself,  and  before  he  was  "thrown  out  of  the 
window,"  he  sent  in  his  resignation  which  was  at  once 
accepted.  In  April,  1624,  he  left  the  provinces  never  to 
return.  He  was  replaced  by  the  Catholic  d'Espesse,  an 
agent  of  the  new  policy  that  was  to  make  France  under 
Richelieu's  guidance  play  so  great  a  part  in  Europe. 

The  condition  of  the  United  Provinces  was  still  far 
from  brilliant  in  1624.  The  eastern  sections,  menaced 
on  one  side  by  the  Spanish  garrisons  and  Tilly's  victori- 
ous troops,  ravaged  on  the  other  by  the  fierce  bands  of 
Brunswick  and  Mansfeld  and  by  undisciplined  Italian 
deserters  from  the  Spaniards,  were  unfortunate  enough. 
The  Veluwe,  Drenthe,  and  Overyssel  were  laid  under 
contribution  in  February  by  Spanish  forces.  Floods, 
snow,  and  frost  did  uncommon  damage  in  the  country. 
Few  were  the  gleams  of  light  also  in  European  politics. 
Although  the  English  marriage  at  Madrid  was  broken  off 
before  the  autumn,  England  continued  unfriendly  towards 
the  States,  which  did  their  best  to  keep  James  in  good 
humour  by  acceding  to  his  demands.  Coen's  return 
from  India  to  the  fatherland  offered  some  opportunity 
for  a  better  understanding. 

The  disappointment  of  the  English  government  at  the 
failure  of  the  Spanish  matrimonial  plans  was  so  great 
that  it  soon  showed  a  more  friendly  countenance  to  the 
Netherlanders.  Carleton,  still  representing  his  govern- 
ment in  the  Netherlands,  had  a  very  serious  talk  with  the 
prince  about  the  causes  of  the  mutual  estrangement 
during  recent  years.     Shortly  afterwards  Sommelsdijk  and 


The  First  Years  after  the  Truce        13 

Joachimi  went  to  England  '  at  the  request  of  the  English 
administration,  and  in  July,  1624,  a  treaty  was  arranged, 
by  which  England  agreed,  as  in  1585,  to  assist  the 
United  Netherlands  with  6000  men,  while  the  money 
expended  was  to  be  paid  back  on  the  conclusion  of 
peace  or  a  long  truce,  although  no  cautionary  towns 
were  to  be  placed  in  English  hands.  About  the  same 
time  an  embassy  to  France  made  a  treaty  of  subsidy  for 
three  years  at  Compiegne  with  Louis  XIII.,  the  treaty 
like  that  of  1608  promising  reciprocal  aid  in  case  of  war, 
and  the  States  agreeing  to  conclude  no  peace  or  truce 
without  the  king's  intervention.  The  subsidy  was  to  be 
1,200,000  livres  for  the  first  year,  1,000,000  for  the  two 
following  years,  and  the  provinces  were  to  repay  the 
money  within  three  years  after  the  making  of  peace  or 
truce.  The  States  in  case  of  war  were  to  help  France 
with  the  half  of  this  amount  or  with  troops  and  war- 
ships, whenever  their  situation  allowed.  Commercial 
dissensions  were  settled  as  well  as  possible.  This  was 
a  plain  indication  of  the  course  France  intended  to 
follow. 

The  summer  of  1624  thus  brought  a  fine  chance  of 
improving  matters.  France  and  England  again  stood 
towards  the  States  in  the  same  relation  as  before  the 
Truce,  and  the  friendship  between  these  two  powers 
seemed  lastingly  confirmed,  when  the  Prince  of  Wales, 
the  later  Charles  I.,  married  Henrietta  Maria,  the  French 
king's  sister.  So  close  appeared  the  bond  connecting 
the  two  powers  and  the  United  Netherlands  that  even 
the  quarrels  between  English  and  Netherlander  in 
India,  the  news  of  which  just  reached  Europe  before  the 
conclusion  of  the  treaties  of  alliance,  could  not  disturb 
the  harmony  for  the  time  being.  There  was  hope  of  a 
renewal  of  the  Triple  Alliance  of  1596.  If  this  came 
about,  Spain's  misfortune  was  boundless,  the  freedom  of 

1  Arend,  Van  Rees,  and  Brill,  iii.,  4,  10. 


14  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  United  Netherlands  an  accomplished  fact,  the  con- 
quest of  the  south  probable. 

The  dissensions  with  England  were  serious  enough. 
In  February,  1623,  there  was  discovered  upon  Ambon  a 
conspiracy  of  the  English  settled  there  and  some  Japan- 
ese to  take  possession  of  the  fort.  The  governor  of  the 
Moluccas,  Henry  van  Speult,  by  means  of  torture,  ob- 
tained first  from  a  few  Japanese,  then  from  some  of  the 
Englishmen,  confessions  which  appeared  to  place  the 
affair  beyond  doubt,  although  objection  might  well  be 
made  to  the  regularity  of  his  method  of  procedure. 
Governor  and  council  condemned  the  guilty  men  to 
death,  and  the  sentence  was  immediately  carried  out 
upon  twenty,  half  of  them  being  Englishmen  and  includ- 
ing Towerson,  the  agent  at  Ambon,  and  several  mer- 
chants and  officials  of  the  English  company.  Only  two 
of  the  condemned  Englishmen  were  spared  to  look  after 
the  property  of  their  company,  and  later  received  pardon 
at  Batavia.1  This  trial,  as  soon  as  it  was  heard  of  in 
England,  aroused  the  most  violent  indignation,  and  the 
governor-general  and  directors  of  the  Dutch  East  India 
Company  also  regarded  Van  Speult's  action,  though  not 
illegal,  as  very  imprudent  on  account  of  his  harshness 
and  irregularities.  Carleton  protested  strenuously  in 
August  against  the  treatment  inflicted  upon  English 
subjects  and  opposed  the  sending  out  again  of  Coen,  the 
mortal  enemy  of  the  English,  as  governor-general.  He 
demanded  an  investigation  by  the  States-General,  pun- 
ishment of  the  Dutch  officials,  compensation  for  the 
damages  done  the  English  company,  and  permission  in 
accordance  with  the  treaty  of  1619  to  build  forts  in  the 
Moluccas.  His  tone  was  so  sharp  that  the  States-Gen- 
eral requested  him  to  moderate  it.  A  vehement  pam- 
phlet against  the  English  on  the  affair  awakened  more 
bad   feelings  on   both  sides.     There  was  again  talk  of 

*De  Jonge,  Opkomsi,  v.,  p.  v. 


The  First  Years  after  the  Truce         1 5 

England  making  reprisals  on  the  returning  East  India- 
men.  At  last  the  States-General  were  obliged  to  summon 
Van  Speult  and  the  other  judges  home  to  give  an 
account  of  their  conduct.  Furthermore  they  did  their 
best  to  meet  the  wishes  of  the  English  with  regard  to  the 
general  situation  in  India. 

Coen  was  meanwhile  engaged  in  persuading  the  direc- 
tors to  adopt  the  measures  recommended  by  him  for 
India.  He  wanted  economy  and  better  government, 
encouragement  of  the  immigration  of  Europeans,  devel- 
opment of  commerce  with  China,  promotion  of  free 
trade  and  free  cultivation  of  land  and  products.  These 
principles  conflicted  with  the  monopoly  hitherto  enjoyed 
by  the  company,  but  Coen's  knowledge  of  Indian  affairs 
and  his  persuasive  eloquence  so  influenced  the  directors 
that  before  the  end  of  1623  a  beginning  was  made  with 
the  introduction  of  a  system  which  was  to  establish 
Indian  commerce  upon  other  foundations.  Naturally 
Coen  was  desired  to  execute  his  own  ideas,  and  the  office 
of  governor-general  was  again  offered  to  him  in  October, 
1624.  He  wished  for  delay  in  order  to  be  married,  then 
sickness  detained  him  further,  giving  Carleton  an  oppor- 
tunity to  protest  against  his  appointment,  so  that  the 
directors  held  him  back,  when  he  was  ready  to  embark 
in  the  spring  of  1625,  and  the  States-General  forbade  his 
departure  from  fear  of  complications  with  England.  The 
champions  of  monopoly  seized  the  chance  to  thwart 
Coen's  plans.  Supported  by  the  States-General  and 
Carleton,  they  succeeded  in  winning  over  the  not  very 
zealous  directors  to  let  the  scheme  rest  for  a  time,  and 
when  Coen  in  1627  finally  set  out,  he  was  half  a  year 
later  prohibited  from  doing  anything  about  free  trade  as 
proposed.  This  deprived  the  energetic  governor  of  the 
opportunity  of  reforming  the  management  in  the  Indies 
according  to  his  ideas  and  therefore  played  into  the 
hands  of  the  English. 


1 6  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

In  the  summer  of  1624  the  chance  of  success  in  war 
seemed  not  unfavourable  for  the  United  Netherlands. 
With  England  and  France  in  close  friendship,  with 
Venice  and  Savoy,  Denmark  and  Prince  Bethlen  Gabor 
of  Transylvania  in  alliance,  themselves  equipped  with  a 
large  army  and  fleet,  while  Mansfeld  with  French  and 
English  help  prepared  to  renew  the  war  in  Bohemia  and 
the  Palatinate  and  Christian  of  Brunswick  was  ready  to 
try  his  luck  again,  the  States-General  appeared  in  a 
condition  not  only  to  defend  their  own  territory  but  also 
to  act  offensively  as  in  Maurice's  best  years.  The  news 
from  the  West  Indies,  where  Admiral  Willekens  and  his 
valiant  vice-admiral,  Piet  Heyn,  in  the  service  of  the 
new  company  took  possession  of  San  Salvador  in  Brazil, 
sounded  promising.  From  the  East  Indies  came  reports 
of  the  increasing  power  of  the  Netherlanders  in  the 
Archipelago. 

But  Spain  also  was  strongly  armed  and  in  good  spirits 
after  the  discomfiture  of  the  armies  of  the  Protestant 
princes  in  Germany.  Spinola  was  stationed  with  a  con- 
siderable force  in  Brabant  and  menaced  the  frontiers  of 
the  States.  Moreover,  the  prince  was  not  the  same  man 
as  of  old  and  was  now  more  averse  than  ever  to  offensive 
operations  in  the  open  field,  this  feeling  being  shared  by 
the  army.  There  began  to  be  doubts  of  the  courage  of 
the  commanders,  and  they  were  suspected  of  an  inclina- 
tion quietly  to  enjoy  their  good  pay,  of  a  distaste  for 
war  after  the  delights  of  the  Truce,  which  had  indeed 
caused  the  soldiery  to  degenerate  not  a  little.  The 
troops  of  the  States  remained  inactive,  until  Spinola  in 
August,  with  18,000  men,  laid  siege  to  Breda,  which  had 
been  strongly  fortified  by  Maurice  and  was  regarded  as  a 
model  fortress  and  a  sort  of  military  academy.1  The  old 
and  experienced  Justin  of  Nassau  was  governor  there 
at  the    head  of  a  garrison  of  nearly  3000  men  with  1800 

1  Aitzema,  i.,  p.  324. 


The  First  Years  after  the  Truce         1 7 

armed  citizens.  The  prince  really  took  the  field  at  this 
report,  but  now  also  not  much  was  accomplished, 
although  he  had  almost  30,000  men  and  200  pieces  of 
ordnance.1  The  army,  gathered  near  Nimwegen,  soon 
moved  across  the  rivers  apparently  to  relieve  Breda,  but 
in  fact  to  support  a  new  attack  upon  Antwerp,  where 
there  was  only  a  small  garrison.  Repeated  attempts  to 
surprise  the  place  failed,  and  the  prince  finally  confined 
himself  to  harassing  Spinola  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Breda  in  order  to  force  him  to  break  off  the  siege.  The 
city  itself  seemed  well  enough  supplied  with  troops, 
artillery,  and  provisions  to  resist  the  enemy  for  a  long 
time.  But  Spinola  drew  close  around  Breda,  could  not 
be  enticed  from  his  positions,  and  so  strengthened  himself 
by  inundations  and  earthworks  or  forts  that  the  prince's 
measures  to  drive  him  away  had  little  result.  Then 
the  prince  in  the  middle  of  November  returned  to  The 
Hague,  peevish  and  discouraged,  suffering  severely  from 
the  disease  of  the  liver  which  had  so  long  been  undermin- 
ing his  constitution,  leaving  the  command  of  the  troops 
to  his  brother  and  Count  Ernest  Casimir.  So  came  the 
spring  of  1625.  The  troops  of  the  States  had  much 
sickness  on  account  of  the  continuous  rains  and  were 
impeded  by  storms  in  their  efforts  at  relief.  Mansfeld's 
arrival  from  England  with  nearly  20,000  men  brought  no 
change,  for  the  prince's  illness  gradually  grew  worse  and 
paralysed  all  action  on  the  side  of  the  States. 

At  the  end  of  March,  1625,  this  sickness  became  so 
serious  that  the  prince,  more  and  more  emaciated  and 
feeble,  feeling  his  end  approach,  and  wishing  to  assure 
the  future  of  the  state,  summoned  his  brother  from  the 
camp  to  The  Hague.  He  advised  this  brother,  who  was 
over  forty  years  old  and  still  unmarried,  in  the  interest 
of  the  country  and  his  family,  to  marry  as  speedily  as 

1  Van  der  Capellen,  i.,  p.  312. 


1 8  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

possible.  Before  the  end  of  the  month  Frederick  Henry- 
yielded  to  the  desire  of  his  dying  brother  and  offered  his 
hand  to  his  cousin,  Countess  Amalia  of  Solms-Braunfels, 
twenty-eight  years  of  age  and  a  lady  of  the  court  of  the 
queen  of  Bohemia.  The  marriage  took  place  in  great 
haste  on  April  4th.  Frederick  Henry,  made  captain-general 
by  Maurice  with  the  authorisation  of  the  States,  departed 
for  the  camp  again  a  week  later,  leaving  his  brother  in 
a  deplorable  condition,  but  unable  to  tarry  longer  on 
account  of  the  circumstances. 

The  sick  man  died  on  the  23d,  attended  in  his  last  days 
by  the  preacher  Bogerman.1  His  deathbed  was  sur- 
rounded by  only  a  few  persons,  among  them  being  his 
beloved  sister  Emilia,  the  wife  of  Prince  Emanuel  of  Por- 
tugal, some  members  of  the  States-General,  the  councillor 
Vosbergen,  and  the  chief  officers  of  his  court.  He  died, 
as  he  had  lived,  a  simple,  courageous,  honest,  faithful, 
Christian  soldier,  not  fearing  death,  but  preparing  to  pass 
away,  and  until  his  last  hours  looking  after  the  interests  of 
the  state,  whose  head  he  was,  and  of  the  war,  which  he 
had  directed  during  forty  years.  His  body  was  not 
laid  to  rest  at  Delft  until  September  20th. 

The  last  years  of  the  great  general  had  not  been  fortu- 
nate. The  victory,  won  in  1618  and  1619  under  his  guid- 
ance by  a  strong  party  over  its  political  opponents,  had 
unquestionably  brought  him  almost  monarchical  power  in 
the  state,  but  his  clear  understanding  must  quickly  have 
seen  that  this  great  power  was  of  importance  to  one  so 
averse  to  affairs  of  state  as  he  was  only  so  far  as  he  was 
aided  by  capable  servants,  and  that  there  was  a  sad  want 
of  them.  As  long  as  peace  continued,  this  was  not  so  ap- 
parent;  but  when  the  war  broke  out  again  in  1621,  the 
unsatisfactory  state  of  things  became  evident.  Disap- 
pointed now  that  matters  did  not  go  to  his  liking,  unlucky 

1  Aitzema,  i.,  p.  376. 


The  First  Years  after  the  Truce         19 

in  his  enterprises,  worn  out  by  illness,  he  saw  finally 
his  popularity  decline  and  his  star  setting  amid  general 
uncertainty. 

During  years  he  had  a  liaison  with  Margaret  of  Mechlin, 
a  former  lady  of  the  court  of  Princess  Louise,  and  by  her 
he  had  two  sons,  William  and  Louis,  whose  names  became 
favourably  known  and  were  mentioned  in  his  will.  Two 
other  sons  and  three  daughters  he  regarded  as  illegitimate. 
The  irregular  life1  of  the  great  general  is  not  the  darkest 
stain  upon  his  memory.  Far  more  injurious  to  his  repu- 
tation was  his  cruelty  towards  Oldenbarnevelt,  a  moral 
and  political  mistake  which  had  the  most  fearful  conse- 
quences for  his  house  and  country.  Even  his  inestimable 
services  to  the  land  and  the  fame  of  his  military  operations 
cannot  efface  this  stain,  cannot  stop  "  the  springs  of  this 
murder,"  as  Vondel  sings,  and  posterity  remembers 
mournfully  how  two  great  minds,  whose  cooperation  had 
once  wrought  so  much  good,  were  separated  at  the  end  of 
life  by  bitter  enmity.  But  posterity  at  the  same  time 
honours  in  Maurice  the  great  soldier,  the  excellent  mathe- 
matician, the  talented  creator  of  the  army  which  became 
in  his  and  his  brother's  hands  the  efficient  instrument 
for  assuring  the  independence  of  the  Netherlands  first 
achieved  by  their  father. 

1  Van  de  Kemp,  Maurits  van  Nassau,  iv.,  p.  165,  171,  394,  400. 


CHAPTER  II 

FREDERICK   HENRY'S   BEGINNING 

THE  way  in  which  Prince  Maurice  had  ruled  the 
country  of  late  years  and  the  great  power  allowed 
him  without  opposition  by  the  States  had  disaffected  many 
and  made  them  fear  for  the  permanence  of  the  existing 
government.  This  feeling  was  not  improved  by  the  slight 
successes  of  the  war,  and  we  find  traces  of  a  desire  to 
limit  the  might  of  his  successor  and  thus  to  find  a  remedy 
for  the  threatening  greatness  of  the  Oranges.1  It  was 
done  neither  in  Holland,  nor  in  the  other  provinces,  where 
Prince  Frederick  Henry  became  stadtholder.  Holland 
immediately  chose  the  prince  in  his  brother's  place  and 
soon  persuaded  Zealand  to  do  the  same.  The  commis- 
sion of  Holland  to  the  prince,  dated  May  24,  1625,  is  sim- 
ply a  copy  of  that  of  1585  to  Maurice,  but  it  speaks  of 
the  "  Lords  States,"  by  whose  opinion  or  by  the  advice  of 
whose  committees  he  was  now  to  be  bound.  Of  any  fur- 
ther limiting  instruction,  such  as  Maurice  had  had,  there 
is  no  mention  in  the  appointment  of  Frederick  Henry 
owing  to  the  extension  of  the  stadtholder's  influence  in 
recent  years.  In  Groningen  and  Drenthe  the  Frisian 
stadtholder,  Ernest  Casimir,  was  elected  in  the  place  of 
Maurice,  probably  by  previous  arrangement  between  him 
and  Frederick  Henry.  The  States-General,  in  accordance 
with  their  promise  to  the  dying  Maurice,  had  made  his 

1  Van  der  Capellen,  i.,  p.  349  ;  Aitzema,  i.,  p.  384. 

20 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  21 

brother  captain  and  admiral-general  at  once,  and  without 
first  consulting  the  separate  provinces,  which  rightly 
caused  some  dissatisfaction ;  but  the  arbitrary  action 
was  accepted  under  the  circumstances  and  with  the  army 
in  the  field. 

The  new  "  dominant  personage  "  differed  in  many  re- 
spects from  his  predecessor.  Frederick  Henry,  inheriting 
diplomatic  talent  from  his  father,  and  courteous  manners 
from  both  mother  and  father,  had  learned  much  about  war 
from  his  brother,  of  whom  he  was  a  great  admirer.  From 
the  campaign  of  1600  he  was  fully  initiated  into  the  great 
general's  military  plans  and  ideas,  and  had  been  formed 
entirely  in  his  school.  Carefully  educated  under  his  ex- 
cellent mother's  guidance  and  by  the  intelligent  Uytten- 
bogaert,  he  had  broader  views  than  his  brother,  and  an 
eye  for  other  than  military  affairs.  His  intellectual  cult- 
ure was  not  so  exceptional  as  some  of  his  panegyrists 
would  have  us  believe,  but  he  manifested  interest  in  art 
and  literature,  so  far  as  the  camp  and  politics  allowed  him 
time.  We  possess  military  memoirs  planned  and  revised 
by  him,  if  not  written  by  his  hand.  Cautious  and  slow  in 
carrying  out  his  projects — "  I  must  sleep  over  it,"  he  was 
accustomed  to  say — he  was  mild  in  his  judgment  of  others, 
without  the  passion  of  party,  noble  toward  his  enemies, 
generous  toward  those  he  deemed  worthy  of  his  friendship 
and  confidence.  His  diplomatic  utterances  and  art  of 
concealing  his  true  meaning  sometimes  conveyed  the  im- 
pression of  hypocrisy.  His  wife  was  a  gifted  woman, 
although  she  cannot  be  exonerated  from  a  love  of  power 
and  pelf,  from  a  certain  inclination  to  intrigue.  The  birth, 
on  May  26,  1626,  of  their  son,  who  was  to  bear  the  name 
of  William,  was  celebrated  as  an  event  of  national  im- 
portance, and  Vondel's  Geboortclock  of  the  young  prince 
seemed  to  ring  out  over  the  cradle  of  a  royal  child.  Both 
had  a  taste  for  outward  splendour,  for  a  brilliant  court. 
Their  environment  showed  a  great  difference  from  the 


22  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

simple  state  maintained  by  Maurice.  Visited  by  young 
French  noblemen  and  by  the  sons  of  German  princes,  their 
court  was  soon  Vune  des  plus  polies  of  the  time,  and  the 
palaces  built  or  beautified  by  them  could  bear  compari- 
son with  the  abodes  of  sovereigns  elsewhere.  But  this 
princely  pomp,  unusual  in  Holland,  was  not  openly  dis- 
played until  some  years  later,  after  the  prince  had 
won  fame  and  wealth  by  his  glorious  campaigns  and 
sieges. 

The  beginning  of  his  stadtholdership  was  not  so  brilliant. 
The  large  army  designed  for  the  relief  of  besieged  Breda 
failed  to  drive  the  strongly  intrenched  Spinola  away  and 
had  soon  to  withdraw,  while  Mansfeld's  weakened  forces 
encamped  in  the  territory  of  Jiilich.  Breda  was  forced  to 
capitulate  in  May,  1625,  its  garrison  marching  out  with  the 
honours  of  war.  The  sensation  produced  by  the  loss  of  the 
important  fortress  was  profound,  as  is  manifest  in  contem- 
porary pamphlets  and  other  writings.  There  was  some 
thought  of  an  agreement  with  Spain,  and  the  prince  ap- 
peared not  averse  to  it. 

Hope  for  the  future  was  raised  by  the  death  of  King 
James,  who  expired  some  days  before  Maurice  and  was 
succeeded  by  Spain's  bitter  enemy,  Charles  I.  An  extra- 
ordinary embassy  on  the  occasion  of  the  departure  of  the 
ambassador  of  the  States,  Joachimi,  Caron's  successor,  was 
intended  to  induce  England  to  engage  in  a  common  war. 
Sommelsdijk,  still  at  the  head  of  foreign  affairs,  managed 
negotiations  and  with  Buckingham  brought  about  before 
autumn  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance,  the  commer- 
cial dissensions  being  thrust  aside.  Buckingham  soon 
appeared  at  The  Hague  to  broaden  the  alliance  into  a 
great  European  league  against  Spain  and  the  emperor, 
in  which  France,  Denmark,  Sweden,  Venice,  Savoy,  the 
German  Protestant  princes,  and  Bethlen  Gabor  of  Transyl- 
vania were  to  take  part.  A  beginning  was  made  in  these 
plans  with  Denmark,  which  was   supported    in    its   war 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  23 

against  the  emperor  by  subsidies  from  England  and  the 
States  and  by  a  fleet.  But  Charles's  want  of  money,  his 
trouble  with  Parliament  and  the  nation,  and  the  unre- 
liability of  his  advisers  turned  great  expectations  into 
disappointment. 

More  was  to  be  looked  for  from  France  under  the  power- 
ful Richelieu,  now  inclined  to  help  the  Netherlands  against 
Spain.  Frederick  Henry  and  Sommelsdijk  set  their  hopes 
on  this  country.  During  1625  a  close  alliance  with  France 
was  prepared  by  aiding  the  contest  of  its  government 
against  the  Huguenots  of  La  Rochelle.  Maurice  had  re- 
luctantly agreed  to  France's  desire  to  borrow  or  buy 
twelve  Dutch  ships,  while  twenty  others  under  Haultain, 
destined  to  fight  the  Spaniards  in  the  Mediterranean, 
might  first  be  employed  against  La  Rochelle.  Haultain 
was  actually  left  before  the  harbour  of  the  Huguenots,  and 
in  November  Sommelsdijk  himself  went  to  Paris  to  bring 
this  delicate  matter  to  a  happy  ending.  Just  then  Haul- 
tain received  orders  to  return  to  the  Flemish  coast  on 
account  of  the  condition  of  his  ships.  The  States  were 
rejoiced  to  find  a  reason  for  stopping  the  unpopular  action 
of  the  fleet  against  the  Huguenots.  Besides  arranging 
affairs  with  the  Huguenots,  Sommelsdijk  had  also  to  per- 
suade France  to  join  the  great  alliance.  Richelieu  seemed 
not  unwilling,  if  the  Huguenots  would  submit.  The  medi- 
ation of  Sommelsdijk  and  the  English  envoys  aided  not  a 
little  to  induce  the  Huguenots  of  La  Rochelle  in  February, 
1626,  to  conclude  a  disadvantageous  treaty  with  their  king. 
Now  the  way  was  open  for  France  to  enter  the  league 
against  the  house  of  Hapsburg.  But  Richelieu  showed 
slight  desire  to  engage  in  a  great  European  war  and  ne- 
gotiated secretly  with  Spain  until  a  pacific  agreement  was 
speedily  reached.  An  alliance  between  France  and  the 
Netherlands  soon  appeared  impossible,  and  Sommelsdijk 
left  Paris  in  April  without  attaining  his  object.  The 
Huguenots  had  been  sacrificed  without  receiving  the  price 


24  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

hoped  for,  and  Sommelsdijk  had  been  overreached  by  the 
crafty  cardinal. 

The  alliance  with  England  also  did  not  answer  expec- 
tation. The  king  of  England  had  formed  it  more  from 
personal  enmity  to  Spain  than  from  political  considera- 
tions, and  Parliament  was  not  disposed  by  strong  financial 
support  to  make  the  war  really  possible.  Money  could 
only  be  secured  for  it  with  difficulty,  not  even  by  pledg- 
ing the  jewels  of  the  royal  family,  upon  which  Bucking- 
ham was  unable  to  get  a  loan  at  Amsterdam.  Under 
the  circumstances,  England's  part  in  the  war  was  limited 
chiefly  to  privateering  upon  not  very  extensive  a  scale. 
All  efforts  to  obtain  money  failed.  The  English  people 
would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  frivolous  Buckingham 
and  his  policy.  A  combined  expedition  of  English  and 
Dutch  ships  to  the  Spanish  coast,  undertaken  in  the  fall 
to  intercept  the  Spanish  silver  fleet  from  the  West  Indies, 
did  not  accomplish  its  purpose  ;  an  attack  upon  Cadiz 
was  a  complete  failure  ;  and  a  new  Netherlandish  fleet 
was  very  slowly  equipped  in  the  spring  of  1626  owing  to 
lack  of  money,  bad  management,  and  domestic  discord. 
In  Friesland  dissensions  prevented  the  regular  collection 
of  the  taxes,  and  Zealand  declared  its  inability  to  pay 
the  excessive  imposts.  The  suspension  of  revenue  from 
these  two  provinces  naturally  had  a  bad  effect  upon  the 
progress  of  the  war  both  by  sea  and  by  land. 

In  1626,  as  in  1625,  little  of  importance  was  accom- 
plished on  either  side.  Spain  and  the  archduchess  also 
had  to  contend  with  want  of  money,  and  the  war  in 
Germany  so  held  their  attention  that  there  was  no  thought 
of  great  operations  in  the  Netherlands  after  the  siege  of 
Breda.  The  enemy  was  content  with  laying  the  Betuwe 
under  contribution.  In  the  summer  the  army  of  the 
States  took  the  field,  and  Count  Ernest  Casimir  got  pos- 
session of  Oldenzaal  after  a  short  siege.  The  prince 
failed  in  an  attack  on  the  district  of  Waes,  and  later  some 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  25 

marching  to  and  fro  on  the  Rhine  ended  the  campaign  in 
anything  but  a  brilliant  fashion. 

There  was  much  talk  of  secret  negotiations,  of  a  possi- 
ble renewal  of  the  Truce.  The  prince  was  supposed  to 
desire  peace,  while  it  was  known  that  the  archduchess 
would  not  be  in  the  least  averse  to  it,  and  that  only 
Spain's  refusal  to  recognise  the  independence  of  the 
north  remained  the  great  obstacle.  Nothing  was  effected 
beyond  a  liberal  exchange  of  prisoners,  which  gave  oppor- 
tunity for  mutual  courtesies. 

The  successes  won  by  the  imperial  arms  against  Den- 
mark made  the  States  fear  for  their  eastern  frontiers, 
when  the  Protestant  cause  seemed  lost  after  the  defeats 
of  Mansfeld  at  Dessau  and  of  King  Christian  IV.  at 
Lutter,  and  after  the  death  of  Prince  Christian  of  Bruns- 
wick. Northern  Germany  lay  open  to  the  imperial 
forces,  and  at  any  moment  Tilly  or  Wallenstein  was 
expected  to  move  towards  the  Netherlands.  Friesland 
and  Groningen  urgently  demanded  protection  by  more 
troops.  Spinola's  activity  in  Flanders,  where  he  began 
threatening  Sluis,  and  the  boldness  of  the  Dunkirk  pri- 
vateers caused  uneasiness  also  in  Zealand.  This  made 
the  border  provinces  more  than  ever  disposed  to  keep 
their  engagements  and  regularly  to  pay  up  their  contri- 
butions, which  brought  some  improvement  in  the  pros- 
pect for  the  following  year. 

While  foreign  affairs  thus  took  a  critical  turn,  it  was 
anything  but  quiet  in  the  country  itself.  The  Remon- 
strants placed  all  their  hopes  upon  Frederick  Henry. 
Knowing  his  slight  sympathy  for  the  other  party,  they 
expected  everything  from  him  after  his  advancement, 
while  their  opponents  were  far  from  assured  about  his 
intentions  with  regard  to  religion.  But  the  cautious 
prince  was  too  much  of  a  statesman  to  lend  himself  to 
thorough  measures  in  favour  of  the  weaker  party,  knowing 
well  that  he  would  thereby  rouse  the  opposition  of  the 


26  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

preachers  and  people,  and  would  make  the  recently 
ended  contest  break  out  again.  The  discord,  which  had 
torn  the  state  so  terribly  during  the  Truce,  would  in  time 
of  war  do  more  than  anything  else  to  favour  the  enemy's 
plans.  His  policy  was  to  gain  time,  slowly  to  secure 
acceptance  for  the  idea  of  mutual  toleration,  and  mean- 
while not  to  change  existing  conditions.  Of  course  the 
Remonstrants  were  disappointed  by  this  attitude  of  the 
prince.  Their  chiefs,  including  still  Uyttenbogaert  and 
De  Groot,  sharply  expressed  themselves  concerning  his 
"politic"  reserve  and  "  fair  words." 

The  prince,  however,  advanced  slowly  but  surely  to- 
wards his  object.  Everywhere  he  supported  the  moder- 
ate elements,  suppressed  the  zealots,  and  promoted  con- 
ciliation, undisturbed  by  reproaches  from  one  side  or  the 
other.  Through  his  friend  Van  der  Myle  he  kept  in  touch 
with  the  leaders  of  the  Remonstrants  and  often  calmed 
and  moderated  them.  The  fate  of  the  Remonstrants 
quickly  improved  after  his  accession.  At  Rotterdam, 
Gouda,  Alkmaar,  and  Hoorn,  where  they  were  still 
numerous,  and  at  other  places  also  the  edicts  against  their 
conventicles,  though  not  abrogated,  were  regarded  as 
antiquated  and  treated  as  a  dead  letter.  Even  in  Amster- 
dam this  course  was  adopted  to  the  great  vexation  of 
some  of  the  ministers  who  thundered  from  the  pulpits 
against  the  cursed  adherents  of  Arminius  and  complained 
in  pamphlets  about  the  "  exorbitancies  "  of  their  adver- 
saries. The  policy  of  the  States  toward  the  Huguenots 
came  in  for  reprehension.  Was  it  not  a  shame  to  help 
put  down  these  poor  fellow-believers  by  force  of  arms  ? 
Were  they  not  bringing  down  the  anger  of  heaven  upon 
themselves  by  aiding  the  "papist"  in  the  destruction  of 
the  "  true  religion  "  ?  The  French  minister  Doucher  at 
Amsterdam  preached  a  violent  sermon  against  the  moder- 
ate magistrates  of  the  city,  several  editions  of  it  reaching 
the  people.     The  synods  of  North  and  South  Holland  sent 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  27 

to  the  States  a  remonstrance  "  concerning  the  great  in- 
solence of  the  Arminians."  Grevinchoven,  Uyttenbogaert, 
Paschier  de  Fijne,  and  other  Remonstrants  did  not  lag 
behind  with  answers  to  these  attacks.  Joost  van  Vondel's 
Palamedes,  in  which  political  allusions  to  circumstances  of 
the  time  were  rightly  discovered,  excited  violent  indigna- 
tion and  led  to  persecution  of  the  poet.  Coster's  Iphigenia 
with  its  sharp  assault  upon  "  foolish  popery  "  awakened 
new  interest.  Vondel's  satires  angered  the  opposite 
party  more  than  ever.  The  tumult  against  the  Remon- 
strants at  Amsterdam  in  1626  showed  how  serious  the 
movement  threatened  to  become,  how  the  populace  might 
be  stirred  up  by  vehement  words  from  the  preachers  and 
by  the  growing  boldness  of  the  Remonstrants.  But 
Frederick  Henry  adhered  firmly  to  his  conciliatory  policy, 
and  the  municipal  governments  supported  him  and  each 
other  in  making  ready  for  an  "  amnesty  "  and  in  oppos- 
ing such  popular  movements. 

Although  the  majority  of  the  Estates  of  Holland  was 
still  called  Contra-remonstrant,  its  words  and  deeds 
showed  that  it  was  far  from  the  ardour  of  161 8.  Nothing 
was  done  beyond  preparing  for  a  new  publication  of  the 
ordinances  relating  to  religion,  but  there  was  some  hesita- 
tion about  this,  and  in  the  summer  of  1627  it  was  merely 
resolved  to  urge  the  municipal  governments  and  judges 
to  observe  them  as  perpetual  edicts,  a  course  of  action 
which  did  not  content  the  zealots  and  was  not  pleasing  to 
the  Remonstrants.  In  Utrecht  the  edicts  were  enforced, 
but  in  Holland  the  magistrates  of  some  cities  refused 
more  or  less  roundly  to  proceed  against  the  disobedient. 

The  third  year  of  Frederick  Henry's  administration  had 
begun,  and  very  little  was  as  yet  accomplished  in  the  war. 
Now,  however,  the  prince  seemed  to  have  something 
great  in  mind.  At  the  end  of  July  he  laid  siege  to  Grol, 
from  which  place  the  Spaniards  had  for  years  ravaged 
the  district  of  Zutphen,  and  which  Maurice  had  twice  at- 


28  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

tempted  in  vain  to  capture.  Notwithstanding  the  enemy's 
approach,  the  prince  succeeded  within  a  month  in  conquer- 
ing the  strong  fortress,  and  his  fame  as  a  besieger  was 
immediately  established.  Such  was  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
country  at  this  news,  that  all  doubt  about  the  future  gave 
way  before  the  thought  of  the  great  general,  who,  as 
"  Holland's  pilot,"  would  now  steer  the  ship  of  state  "to 
safe  havens."  The  fear  of  secret  negotiations  with  Spain 
vanished,  now  that  the  States  had  once  more  taken  the 
offensive,  now  that  ''William's  valiant  son  "  had  in  his 
turn  avenged  his  father's  blood.  The  bells,  which  the 
year  before  had  announced  the  birth  of  his  heir,  now 
saluted  the  victor,  and  for  many  as  for  the  poet  there  was 
henceforth  in  the  darkness  of  the  great  war  and  of  internal 
disturbance  "  no  guiding  star  but  the  light  that  glittered 
from  his  helmet's  crest."1 

Self-reliance  was  encouraged.  This  was  quite  necessary, 
because  England  and  France  could  be  depended  upon  less 
than  ever,  now  that  the  capricious  policy  of  Charles  I.  and 
his  favourites  had  brought  about  a  war  between  these  two 
powers,  which  lasted  over  two  years  and  only  ended  after 
the  cause  of  the  Huguenots  in  France  had  been  lost  by  the 
conquest  of  La  Rochelle  and  when  Buckingham's  death 
seemed  about  to  release  England  from  his  unprincipled 
statecraft.  The  States  suffered  some  injuries  from  this  war 
coming  so  close  to  them.  The  condition  of  affairs  in  the 
Baltic  was  anything  but  favourable  to  Netherlandish  inter- 
ests, especially  when  Wallenstein,  the  emperor's  successful 
general,  after  his  victories  over  Denmark,  set  about  form- 
ing an  imperial  navy  to  the  great  uneasiness  of  Sweden  as 
well  as  of  the  States.  The  war  between  Sweden  and  Poland 
still  continued.  Tilly's  troops  approached  the  eastern 
frontiers  and  moved  into  East  Friesland  before  the  end 
of  1627. 

Thus  the  winter  of  1627-1628    brought    many  perils. 

1  Vondel's  V erovering  van  Grol. 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  29 

The  States  made  efforts  to  reconcile  both  France  and  Eng- 
land and  Sweden  and  Poland.  The  latter  was  finally 
successful  in  1629,  having  been  undertaken  by  a  brilliant 
embassy,  the  soul  of  which  was  Andries  Bicker,  burgomas- 
ter of  Amsterdam.  Earlier  peace  between  Denmark  and 
the  emperor  enabled  the  latter  to  concentrate  his  forces 
in  the  west.  The  ambassadors,  Randwijk  and  Pauw  sent 
to  England,  Sommelsdijk  and  Vosbergen  to  France,  were 
less  fortunate,  and  friendly  relations  were  not  promoted 
by  the  departure  first  of  d'Espesses,  who  had  had  person- 
ally disagreeable  experiences  at  The  Hague,  later  of  Carle- 
ton,  who  returned  to  his  home  after  a  sojourn  of  fourteen 
years. 

Carleton's  departure  furnished  an  opportunity  of  mak- 
ing one  desired  change.  Although  the  cautionary  towns 
were  restored  and  the  money  advanced  had  been  paid  off, 
the  English  ambassador  still  had  a  seat  in  the  council  of 
state.  Now  it  was  intimated  to  the  English  government 
that  Carleton's  successor  would  not  be  admitted  to  the 
council.  This  seemed  to  the  council  of  state  a  favourable 
time  to  increase  its  influence  in  the  government.  Asked 
by  the  States-General  how  a  new  levy  of  10,000  men  was 
to  be  raised,  it  resolved  in  March  of  1628  to  appeal  to  the 
provinces  in  a  missive  complaining  of  the  course  of  affairs. 
The  confusion  in  the  finances,  causing  an  unsatisfactory 
condition  of  army,  fortifications,  and  fleet,  was  rightly  as- 
cribed to  a  lack  of  cooperation  in  the  government.  The 
council  saw  a  remedy  for  the  evils  in  the  enlargement  of 
its  own  power  over  against  that  of  the  States-General. 
The  prince  advised  against  sending  this  communication, 
but  the  council  carried  out  its  plan  after  a  month's  delay. 
A  serious  contest  was  threatened,  but  the  States-General 
quickly  settled  it  by  denying  the  competence  of  the  coun- 
cil in  the  matter,  although  a  willingness  was  expressed  to 
consider  the  points  in  question.  The  ecclesiastical  troubles 
in  Amsterdam  waxed  so  violent  that  the  prince  thought  it 


So  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

necessary  in  April  to  go  there.  The  city  government  had 
invited  him,  as  it  seemed  no  longer  able  to  assert  its  au- 
thority over  the  people  excited  by  turbulent  ministers. 
Received  joyfully  by  the  Remonstrants  and  their  friends, 
as  appears  from  Vondel's  jubilant  "welcome,"  the  prince 
promised  to  prevent  Remonstrant  meetings,  provided  the 
Contra-remonstrants  would  stop  their  agitation  and  peti- 
tions. Scarcely  had  he  departed,  when  the  municipal 
government  again  connived  at  the  assemblies  of  the  Re- 
monstrants, and  the  prince,  approving  of  this  attitude,  sent 
towards  the  end  of  the  year  a  garrison  of  six  companies 
to  the  city.  Some  of  the  agitators  were  soon  banished 
and  fined,  but  the  ministers  were  not  yet  molested.  This 
all  led  to  a  sharp  war  of  pamphlets  — "  it  snows  blue 
booklets,"  wrote  Uyttenbogaert  —  to  numerous  satires, 
even  to  popular  tumults.  Amsterdam  was  continually 
disturbed.  A  "  massacre  or  some  other  dire  peril "  seemed 
not  impossible,  but  the  Amsterdam  government  remained 
firm.  There  were  now  and  then  violent  disputes  in  the 
Estates  of  Holland,  and  the  Calvinistic  majority  threat- 
ened to  withhold  their  votes,  if  their  friends  were  perse- 
cuted, but  the  prince  managed  finally  to  moderate  affairs, 
although  the  zealots  had  the  council  pensionary  Duyck 
on  their  side.  The  latter's  temporary  substitute,  who 
succeeded  him  at  his  death  in  September,  1629,  Jacob 
Cats,  pensionary  of  Dordrecht,  stood  on  the  side  of  the 
Contra-remonstrants,  but  he  was  not  a  strong  character, 
and  the  prince  easily  persuaded  him  of  the  necessity  of 
moderation.  The  ministers  continued  to  agitate,  and  even 
spoke  of  the  return  of  their  exiled  partisans  and  of  the 
strict  enforcement  of  the  edicts.  Then  at  last  the  Amster- 
dam magistrates  determined  to  expel  from  the  city  the 
most  turbulent  of  the  preachers,  Smout,  and  to  demand 
that  the  council  of  the  church  should  thenceforth  admit 
representatives  of  the  municipality  to  its  meetings  (Janu- 
ary, 1630).     Smout's  colleague,  Kloppenburg,  was  after- 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  31 

wards  led  out  of  the  city.  The  Amsterdam  affair  was 
debated  in  the  Estates  of  Holland  during  the  entire 
spring,  and  finally  the  majority  resolved  to  refer  it  to  the 
synod  of  North  Holland.  But  Amsterdam  refused  to  have 
this  "  political  "  matter  settled  by  an  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority. Then  the  prince  intervened  and  had  the  resolu- 
tion repealed,  but  not  until  the  end  of  the  year  was  the 
decision  intrusted  to  him  by  the  Estates,  when  he  ar- 
ranged that  the  church  council  was  not  to  be  troubled  by 
municipal  representatives  for  a  year  and  Smout  was  to 
remain  out  of  Amsterdam  and  keep  his  salary.  The 
prince's  garrison  made  it  possible  for  the  government  of 
Amsterdam  to  preserve  order  amid  these  disturbances.1 

The  result  of  these  dissensions  had  a  great  influence 
upon  the  condition  of  the  Remonstrants  here  and  else- 
where. Two  seditious  Contra-remonstrant  ministers  were 
expelled  from  Rotterdam  in  1630.  So  matters  went  in 
other  places.  Favoured  by  the  magistrates,  the  Remon- 
strants were  soon  holding  meetings  everywhere,  no  atten- 
tion being  paid  to  the  prohibitory  edicts.  Hundreds  of 
them  came  together  without  fear  of  the  murmuring  mul- 
titude or  of  the  Calvinistic  town  councils,  which  even  at 
The  Hague  dared  not  prevent  these  meetings.  "  Modera- 
tion, moderation  !  "  was  the  prince's  usual  reply,  when  he 
was  requested  to  use  his  military  power  to  enforce  the 
ecclesiastical  laws.  "  Go  gently  !  "  was  his  constant  admo- 
nition to  the  magistrates.  When  in  September,  1630,  an 
appeal  was  made  to  the  States-General  by  the  violent 
Contra-remonstrants,  their  cause  seemed  lost.  Of  the 
seven  provinces,  Friesland  and  Gelderland  alone  favoured 
prompt  execution  of  the  edicts,  and  by  the  influence  of 
the  prince  and  of  Holland  the  appeal  was  buried  without 
debate. 

With  the  beginning  of  163 1  it  may  be  said  that  an  end 
came  to  agitation  about  ecclesiastical  affairs.     Pamphlets 

1  Wagenaar,  xi.,  p.  86. 


32  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

on  church  matters  diminish  in  number  and  in  vehemence, 
although  they  do  not  yet  disappear  entirely  from  the 
literature  of  those  days.  The  appointment  of  the  ortho- 
dox but  "politic"  Adriaan  Pauw,  Reinier's  son,  to  be 
council  pensionary  in  April  of  that  year  could  not  pro- 
mote the  revival  of  the  edicts.  Freedom  for  the  Remon- 
strants proved  advantageous  to  other  Protestant  dissenters, 
such  as  the  Mennonites  and  Lutherans.  With  the  ad- 
herents of  Arminius  they  had  suffered  under  persecution  ; 
with  them  they  now  enjoyed  greater  liberty.  This  result 
was  due  to  the  prince,  to  fear  in  the  city  governments  of 
ecclesiastical  domination,  to  the  calm  attitude  of  most 
Remonstrants,  to  the  moderate  disposition  of  the  great 
majority  of  the  population.  The  seven  Remonstrant 
preachers  still  imprisoned  at  Loevestein  were  allowed  to 
escape,  removing  this  memory  of  the  persecutions  after 
1618.  Many  exiles,  with  the  connivance  of  the  authori- 
ties, returned  to  their  fatherland. 

De  Groot  and  Uyttenbogaert  had  also  hoped  for  this 
privilege.  Ten  years  De  Groot  had  spent  in  Paris  or  at  a 
castle  near  Senlis,  studying  and  writing,  living  often  in 
straitened  circumstances  upon  his  French  pension.1  There 
were  produced  some  of  the  works,  with  which  he  enriched 
science,  and  there  he  brought  out  new  editions  of  his 
earlier  writings.  Before  Maurice's  death  his  spirited  wife 
had  succeeded  in  getting  back  the  half  of  his  confiscated 
property  coming  to  her.  During  a  trip  to  Holland  she 
saw  signs  of  a  better  future,  and  flattered  herself  and  her 
husband  with  the  possibility  of  return  to  their  country, 
of  restoration  to  honour  and  office,  whenever  Frederick 
Henry  should  be  at  the  head  of  affairs.  And  this  seemed 
about  to  happen.  After  Maurice's  death,  De  Groot's  own 
brother-in-law  became  a  member  of  the  high  council.  But 
the  disturbances  of  the  following  years  soon  made  Fred- 
erick Henry  more  cautious,  and  the  author  of  the  formid- 

1  See  Fruin,  Hugo  de  Groot  en  Maria  van  Reigersbergh, 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  33 

able  Justificatio7i  learned  this  to  his  sorrow.  Episcopius 
and  Uyttenbogaert  ventured  in  1626,  Grevinchoven  in  the 
following  year,  to  return  secretly  to  Rotterdam,  still  the 
chief  seat  of  the  Remonstrants.  At  first  they  had  to  hide 
from  their  enemies,  but  circumstances  improved  a  few  years 
later.  The  exiles  showed  themselves  in  public,  preached 
to  their  fellow-believers,  wrote  pamphlets,  and  led  in  the 
struggle  for  freedom  of  conscience.  Their  work  was  the 
organisation  of  the  seminary  for  Remonstrant  preachers* 
which  was  finally  established  at  Amsterdam  in  1634. 
Episcopius  became  its  first  professor. 

For  De  Groot  there  was  no  place  in  his  fatherland  so  long 
as  he  proudly  demanded  to  be  rehabilitated  in  honour  and 
in  his  office  of  pensionary.  At  last  he  determined  to  go 
openly  to  Holland,  whence  his  wife  had  brought  him  en- 
couraging reports.  In  the  autumn  of  163 1  he  arrived  at 
Rotterdam  far  from  secretly,  making  indeed  some  display. 
This  indiscreet  attitude  had  evil  consequences.  His  ene- 
mies bestirred  themselves,  his  friends  supported  him  only 
lukewarmly,  and  the  majority  in  the  States  offered  a  re- 
ward of  2000  guilders  for  his  arrest.  He  concealed  him- 
self at  Amsterdam,  but  steadfastly  refused  to  sue  for 
pardon,  "  neither  the  half,  nor  the  fourth,  nor  the  eighth 
part  of  a  pardon ;  he  wanted  to  forgive  those  who  had 
done  him  harm."  Whatever  Hooft,  Vossius,  and  other 
friends  said  or  did,  he  declined  it  all,  and  in  April  of  1632 
he  angrily  quitted  his  country,  migrating  now  to  Ham- 
burg. Two  years  later  Oxenstierna,  chancellor  of  Sweden, 
took  him  into  Swedish  service.  While  Episcopius  quietly 
devoted  his  last  years  to  study,  while  Uyttenbogaert 
looked  after  the  interests  of  his  church  at  The  Hague 
until  his  death  in  1644,  De  Groot  as  Swedish  ambassador 
at  Paris  spent  ten  years  full  of  honours  and  political  busi- 
ness, a  life  not  suited  to  his  nature,  and  ending  with  an 
undesired  honourable  discharge.  His  demise  at  Rostock, 
in  1645,  during  a  journey  from  Sweden,  has  caused  discus- 

VOL.   IV. 3. 


34  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

sion  down  to  our  time  as  to  whether  he  died  a  Protestant 
or  a  Catholic,  a  question  occasioned  by  his  wavering 
ideals  of  a  church  that  should  combine  both  opinions  so 
far  as  possible,  but,  undoubtedly,  this  remarkable  man  is 
not  to  be  considered  a  Catholic,  not  even  as  a  secret 
Catholic.  His  "pious  and  good"  mind,  which,  under  the 
motto  hora  ruit,  was  always  seeking  truth  and  peace, 
could  never  forget  his  fatherland,  that  honoured  him  as 
one  of  her  most  talented  sons,  when  the  memory  of  the 
wicked  dissensions  ruining  his  life  had  grown  dim. 

Amid  turmoil  and  rumours  of  war  the  material  prosperity 
of  the  population  in  all  the  provinces  had  increased  greatly. 
The  two  companies,  pillars  of  Dutch  commerce  in  east 
and  west,  were  uncommonly  flourishing.  In  the  struggle 
with  the  English  for  supremacy  in  East  Indian  waters,  the 
victory  had  been  won  under  the  strong  guidance  of  Coen, 
who  in  1627  again  took  over  the  post  of  governor-general 
from  his  weaker  substitute  De  Carpentier.  The  league 
formed  in  1619  between  the  English  and  Dutch  East  In- 
dia Companies  had  given  rise  to  so  much  "  dispute  and 
question,"  as  "  with  a  shrewish  woman,"  '  that  both  par- 
ties regarded  its  disruption  as  a  relief.  The  English  were 
soon  settled  and  doing  business  on  their  separate  account 
in  Bantam,  and  they  removed  their  offices  from  Batavia, 
where  Coen  made  all  trade  impossible  for  them.  Co- 
operation with  the  English  company  was  at  an  end. 

De  Carpentier  had  prudently  managed  the  delicate 
Ambon  affair,  had  organised  education,  finance,  and  justice, 
and  had  endeavoured  to  settle  the  difficulties  with  the 
native  princes.  Relations  became  so  strained  with  the 
kingdom  of  Mataram  that  an  attack  upon  Batavia  was 
expected.  Before  a  year  Coen  had  to  oppose  a  great 
Javanese  fleet,  soon  supported  by  forces  on  the  land.  He 
beat  off  the  enemy,  but  in  August,  1629,  a  new  Javanese 
army  appeared  before  the   town,    in  which   the  greatest 

1  De  Jonge,  Opkotnst,  v.,  p.  xli. 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  35 

general,  statesman,  and  merchant  ever  known  in  the  In- 
dies died  unexpectedly  from  an  intestinal  malady  (  Sep- 
tember 21  ).  The  council  of  India  chose  for  his  successor 
Jacques  Specx,  and  he  repulsed  the  enemy  again.  Thus 
the  position  of  the  Netherlandersin  Java  was  permanently 
settled,  and  when  in  1632  Hendrik  Brouwer  was  sent  out 
as  a  new  governor-general,  under  whom  the  excellent  di- 
rector-general Anthony  van  Diemen  was  to  manage  affairs, 
attention  could  be  devoted  to  the  improvement  of  the 
government.  Much  needed  to  be  improved.  A  large 
number  of  "  useless  servants  "  did  the  company  more  hurt 
than  good  and  sought  in  every  way  to  make  their  fortunes. 
The  officials  were  more  assiduous  for  their  personal  profit 
than  for  that  of  the  company,  and  the  chambers  in  the 
fatherland  were  much  to  blame  for  this,  because  they  sent 
out  all  sorts  of  people  to  India,  either  to  get  rid  of  them 
or  to  give  them  a  chance  to  acquire  wealth.  The  connec- 
tion between  the  different  offices  left  considerable  to  be 
desired.  Brouwer's  instructions  directed  him  to  look  after 
these  matters,  but  the  company's  niggardliness  in  the  pay- 
ment of  its  officials,  the  eagerness  to  receive  the  richest 
possible  returns  with  the  least  possible  outlay,  and  the 
pressure  of  patria  upon  the  Indian  government  impeded 
the  reform  of  the  administration. 

The  dividends  paid  to  the  stockholders  were  extraordi- 
nary, and  one  readily  understands  that  complaints  of  too 
low  dividends  ceased  after  1625,  when  it  is  considered  that 
in  that  year  20^  was  paid,  in  the  following  \2\  %,  in  1628 
double,  in  1630  17%%,  in  1632  as  the  normal  dividend  for 
the  future  12^  %,  the  latter  figure  being  generally  ex- 
ceeded in  the  following  years,  and  sometimes  doubled.1 
The  shares  stood  far  above  300  per  cent,  and  were  specu- 
lated in  at  Amsterdam.  Great  wealth  was  thus  accumula- 
ted in  Holland  and  Zealand.     The  prize  money  also,  the 

1  See  list  of   dividends   in   Klerk  de  Reus,    Geschichtlicher    Uebcrblick, 
Beil.  vi. 


36  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

share  of  the  state  and  of  the  crews  of  the  ships  in  the  cap- 
tures, ran  up  to  large  amounts.  Some  idea  of  the  pros- 
perity diffused  by  the  great  commercial  corporation  may 
be  formed  by  recalling  the  huge  sums  acquired  by  direc- 
tors and  officials  of  the  company,  the  millions  spent  in 
fitting  out  about  40  large  East  Indiamen1  every  year,  the 
pay  of  thousands  of  sailors  and  soldiers  sent  out  by  the 
company. 

Less  important  were  the  results,  of  which  its  sister,  the 
West  India  Company,  could  boast,  yet  it  saw  prosperous 
days.  Its  first  fleets  sailed  under  Lhermite  and  Willekens 
in  1623  towards  South  America.  The  second  fleet,  26 
ships  with  500  cannon,  1600  sailors,  and  1700  soldiers, 
achieved  a  great  success  in  the  conquest  of  Bahia  or  San 
Salvador  in  Brazil,  the  seat  of  the  Portuguese  government, 
where  the  vice-admiral,  Pieter  Pieterszoon  Heyn,  dis- 
tinguished himself  uncommonly.3  Similar  expeditions 
went  out  annually  and  brought  great  profit  in  the  spoils 
of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  merchantmen  and  of  the 
African  and  American  coasts  and  in  the  money  expended 
in  the  harbours  of  the  fatherland  on  the  equipment  of  the 
fleets.  In  two  years  80  ships  with  1500  cannon  and  above 
9000  soldiers  and  sailors  were  sent  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean. 
Bahia  was  conquered  again  in  1625  by  a  Spanish-Portu- 
guese armada,  and  the  fleets  sailing  out  in  this  and  the 
following  year  did  not  succeed  in  recapturing  it  or  in 
gaining  permanent  possession  of  other  places,  although 
Pernambuco  and  Porto  Rico  were  occupied  for  a  time  and 
many  a  richly  laden  galleon  was  taken.  Sugar,  wine,  fine 
woods  were  thus  brought  to  the  fatherland  in  large  quan- 
tities. In  1627  alone  55  large  and  small  vessels  were 
captured  from  the  enemy,  and  in  the  next  year  three  great 
squadrons  steered  toward  the  west. 

One  of   them,    under    command    of    Piet    Heyn,  was 

1  See  Luzac,  Holl.    rijkdom,  i.,  p.  299. 

8  Netscher,  Les  hollandais  au  Br/sil,  p.  12. 


Frederick   Henry's  Beginning  37 

specially  destined  to  intercept  the  "  silver  fleet,"  sailing 
every  year  from  Cuba  to  Spain.  This  had  long  been  the 
dream  of  many  a  mariner,  excited  by  tales  of  the  fabulous 
wealth  conveyed  by  the  galleons  from  the  Spanish  pos- 
sessions of  America  and  Asia.  Piet  Heyn  had  31  ships 
with  700  cannon  and  nearly  4000  soldiers  and  sailors. 
Cruising  along  the  northern  coast  of  Cuba  he  met  on  Sep- 
tember 8th  the  coveted  fleet,  consisting  of  1 5  large  vessels, 
of  which  a  part  was  immediately  seized  by  his  shallops 
while  another  part,  fleeing  into  the  bay  of  Matanzas,  fell 
into  his  hands  with  slight  loss.  Fabulous  indeed  were  the 
captured  treasures  of  silver,  gold,  pearls,  indigo,  sugar, 
Campeachy  wood,  and  costly  furs,  which  sold  in  the  Neth- 
erlands for  no  less  than  fifteen  million  guilders.  The 
rejoicing  over  the  news  was  boundless,  and  Heyn  himself 
showed  some  vexation  at  the  excessive  praises  bestowed 
upon  him  for  this  easy  victory,  after  his  previous  and  more 
important  exploits  had  been  greeted  with  much  less  en- 
thusiasm. But  the  capture  of  the  "silver  fleet  "is  what 
keeps  his  name  alive  with  posterity.  The  company  was 
enabled  by  this  rich  booty  to  distribute  to  its  stockholders 
the  unprecedented  dividend  of  fifty  per  cent.,  double  what  it 
had  ever  before  paid.  Brazil  was  not  forgotten,  and  in  1630 
Admiral  Loncq  succeeeded  in  conquering  Olinda  and  the 
Recife  of  Pernambuco,  the  former  being  evacuated  after  a 
defeat. 

The  settlement  on  the  Hudson  River  in  North  America, 
taken  over  from  some  merchants  by  the  company,  began  to 
yield  considerable  profits,  especially  by  its  trade  in  timber 
beaver  and  otter  skins,  which  in  1630  brought  in  over  68,- 
000  guilders,1  not  a  very  important  figure  in  itself  but  grow- 
ing in  significance  when  it  is  remembered  how  small  an 
amount  of  money  had  to  be  invested  in  the  wilderness. 
The  management  of  the  colony  of  New  Netherland  by  the 

1  De  Laet,  Kort  verhaal  van  de  diensten  en  nutiigheden,  etc.,  p.  26  ;   Van 
Rees,    Staathuishoudkunde,  ii.,  p.  332. 


38  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Amsterdam  chamber  of  the  West  India  Company  had  this 
commerce  particularly  in  view.  A  small  colony  of  Wal- 
loons quickly  settled  near  the  factory,  which  after  the  pur- 
chase of  Manhattan  Island  in  1626  by  the  first  director, 
Peter  Minuit  or  Minnewit,  became  the  foundation  of  the 
little  town  of  New  Amsterdam.  Later  the  settlement  of 
other  colonists  was  allowed  there,  although  under  restric- 
tions with  regard  to  trade  in  their  own  products  even  and 
under  the  close  supervision  of  the  company,  so  that  in  the 
beginning  very  few  availed  themselves  of  the  permission. 

Small  trading  colonies  were  established  by  the  company 
on  the  "wild  coast"  of  Guiana,  first  in  Essequibo,  in  1627  on 
the  Wiapoco  and  the  Berbice.1  The  settlements  on  the 
coasts  of  Guinea  and  Sierra  Leone  were  limited  to  a  few 
little  factories  and  a  fort. 

The  chief  concern  of  the  company  remained  the  spoils  to 
be  taken  from  the  enemy  by  privateers  and  costly  expe- 
ditions. Colonisation  stood  quite  in  the  background,  since 
neither  stockholders  nor  directors  saw  so  much  immediate 
profit  in  it  as  in  privateering  or  military  expeditions  against 
the  enemy.  This  immediate  profit  was  converted  into  divi- 
dends without  the  formation  of  a  reserve.  Such  poor 
financial  management  had  fatal  consequences.  In  1630 
the  company  was  struggling  with  a  lack  of  money,  so  that 
it  had  to  resort  to  loans,  while  aid  from  the  States  consisted 
more  of  promises  than  of  actual  payments,  although  the 
company  had  advanced  large  sums  to  various  provinces  in 
the  difficult  situation  of  1629.  Notwithstanding  all  this 
the  dividends  and  great  expeditions  of  this  company  en- 
riched many  in  the  country. 

Less  considerable  were  the  profits  of  the  Northern 
Company.  At  first  the  prices  secured  for  its  wares  had 
brought  "golden   days"  to  the  shareholders,2  but  they 

1  Netscher,  Geschiedenis  van  de  kolonien  Essequebo,  Deinerary  en  Berbice- 
's  Gravenhage,  1888,  p.  61. 

8  Muller,  Geschiedenis  der  Noordsche  Compagnie,  p.  127. 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  39 

soon  dropped.  The  whale  fishery  was  a  lottery.  In  the 
long  run  the  failure  of  this  company  was  to  be  expected. 

The  student  of  conditions  in  the  Netherlands  about  1630 
should  give  attention  not  so  much  to  the  gains  of  the  great 
companies  as  to  the  progress  of  commerce  and  industry  in 
general.  The  chief  source  of  prosperity  lay  in  the  activity 
prevailing  everywhere,  in  the  rich  returns  from  commerce 
which  made  of  the  Netherlander  the  merchantmen  for  all 
Europe.  It  was  calculated  that  the  navigation  on  the  Bal- 
tic, on  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  and  the  great  fishery,  each 
in  itself,  brought  several  times  more  profit  than  the  com- 
merce of  the  East  Indies.  The  competition  of  neighbours, 
of  France,  England,  and  Hamburg,  was  already  felt,  but 
fortunately  the  trade  was  kept.  This  carrying  trade  in 
Dutch  ships  went  on  even  between  foreign  ports.  An 
effort  was  made  to  have  the  United  Netherlands  become 
more  and  more  a  "  free  warehouse  "  for  goods  imported 
from  abroad  and  to  be  sold  abroad,  a  sort  of  "  canal"  for  the 
transportation  of  merchandise.  So  it  was  necessary  to 
have  the  burdens  upon  commerce  as  light  as  possible. 
There  was  always  fear  of  the  rivalry  of  Antwerp  or  the 
Flemish  cities,  which  carried  on  a  trade  by  land  with  north- 
ern France,  of  such  neutral  places  as  Hamburg  and  Bremen, 
which  profited  by  the  exclusion  of  the  Dutch  from  Spain 
and  Portugal  and  traded  also  with  Calais,  Rouen,  and 
Muscovy.  Freedom  of  trade  was  the  watchword  of  most 
Dutch  merchants,  and  they  opposed  the  formation  of 
monopolistic  companies  for  commerce  with  Muscovy, 
Africa,  Australia,  and  the  Levant. 

It  is  almost  impracticable  to  give  reliable  statistics  of  the 
Netherlandish  commerce  of  those  days.  We  are  restricted 
to  general  accounts  of  the  prosperity  of  commercial  cities 
and  merchants  by  contemporaries,  sometimes  guilty  of  ex- 
aggeration. These  testimonies,  unanimous  from  native  and 
foreigner,  friend  and  foe,  leave  no  doubt  that  the  last  years 
of  the  long  war  mark  the  highest  point  in  the  development 


4o  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

of  commerce  and  industry,  wealth  and  prosperity.  A 
flourishing  state  of  affairs  is  shown  by  the  numerous  de- 
scriptions of  cities  put  forth  by  proud  citizens.  Thus 
Orlers  for  Leyden,  Ampzing  for  Haarlem,  Pontanus  for 
Amsterdam  and  Nimwegen,  Velius  for  Hoorn  are  all  un- 
wearied in  recounting  the  splendours  of  their  cities.  The 
rapidly  increasing  population  and  the  necessity  of  expand- 
ing the  walls  of  the  cities  were  further  proofs  of  this 
prosperity. 

Much  depended  upon  the  course  of  the  war.  The 
safety  of  the  sea  was  a  question  of  existence  for  com- 
merce and  the  fishery,  and  this  was  conditioned  not  only 
by  the  sea-power  of  the  Netherlands,  but  by  the  relations 
between  other  countries  where  the  Dutch  merchants 
traded,  between  France  and  England  as  became  manifest 
during  their  war  from  1627  to  1630,  and  between  Sweden 
and  Denmark,  watching  one  another  with  growing  jeal- 
ousy. Difficulties  with  England  and  France  in  their  war, 
concerning  the  search  of  Dutch  ships  for  contraband, 
furnished  all  sorts  of  grievances,  although  domestic 
and  foreign  dangers  prevented  the  English  government  in 
these  years  from  asserting  its  old  claim  to  the  Dominium 
Maris.1 

The  greatest  damage  was  inflicted  by  the  ships  of  Dun- 
kirk. After  the  end  of  the  Truce  the  Dunkirk  pirates  ap- 
peared in  the  North  Sea  with  new  strength,  zealously 
supported  by  Spinola.  War  ships  and  privateers  were  fitted 
out  in  the  Flemish  ports,  while  the  harbour  of  Dunkirk  was 
protected  by  Fort  Mardijkand  a  "  wooden  jacket,"  a  pali- 
sade in  the  sea.a  The  idea  speedily  arose  of  making  Dun- 
kirk a  centre  of  commerce  as  well  as  of  naval  action.  The 
"  twelve  apostles,"  as  the  twelve  large  war  vessels  fitted 
out  there  were  called,  had  to  form  the  nucleus  of  a  new 
navy.     Philip  IV.,  in  conjunction  with  the  infanta,  estab- 

1  Muller,  Mare  C/ausum,  p.  224. 

2  De  Jonge,  Zeervezen,  I.,  p.  234. 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  41 

lished  a  Company  of  Commerce  there  in  October,  1624, 
which  with  twenty-four  ships  was  to  revive  the  trade 
between  the  "obedient  provinces"  of  the  Netherlands 
and  the  Spanish  ports,  while  in  1625  all  intercourse  be- 
tween these  provinces  and  the  "  rebels  "  was  prohibited. 
The  States  took  measures  to  protect  commerce  and  fishery 
by  war  ships  and  privateers,  and  merchantmen  faring  to 
the  Mediterranean  were  commanded  to  go  only  in  regular 
fleets  of  from  thirty  to  forty  sail. 

In  the  following  years  both  sides  fought  bravely  on  the 
sea,  and  their  hostility  was  embittered  by  the  custom  of 
"  foot-washing,"  the  barbarous  cruelty  of  throwing  over- 
board the  beaten  enemy  without  any  form  of  trial.  The 
names  of  Mooi  Lambert  and  Houtebeen,  Swartenhondt 
and  Alteras,  Joost  de  Moor,  and  Marinus  de  Hollare  are 
enrolled  in  the  history  of  the  contest  against  the  men  of 
Dunkirk  and  the  Spaniards  in  these  years  of  the  appren- 
ticeship of  Tromp,  Van  Galen,  De  Ruyter,  Jan  and  Cor- 
nells Evertsen,  and  many  another  hero  of  the  sea,  who 
acquired  in  this  fierce  piratical  war  the  seamanship,  with 
which  they  later  astonished  the  world.  The  fast  ships 
of  Dunkirk  robbed  the  richly  laden  merchantmen,  plun- 
dered and  murdered  the  fishermen  on  the  Scottish  coasts, 
and  sailed  into  the  rivers  for  booty.  Their  spoils  were 
ten  times  as  great  as  those  of  the  Zealanders  and  Hol- 
landers. Even  war  ships  were  captured  by  them,  hundreds 
of  ordinary  merchant  vessels  fell  into  their  hands,  and 
Enkhuizen  lost  a  hundred  fishing  boats  in  one  year. 

The  reason  of  such  unfavourable  results  for  the  States 
lay  in  the  speed  of  the  Dunkirk  "  frigates  "  and  in  the 
much  greater  number  of  Dutch  merchantmen.  It  was 
not  to  be  denied  also  that  the  management  of  naval 
affairs  was  far  less  vigorous  with  the  States  than  with  the 
enemy.  Another  cause  of  the  decline  of  the  Dutch  sea- 
power  was  the  heavy  expenses  of  the  war  by  land,  to 
which  more  attention  was  given  in  Frederick  Henry's  first 


42  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

years  than  to  the  war  on  the  sea.  There  was  further 
ground  for  complaining  of  the  lack  of  good  captains,  of 
poor  discipline,  of  abuses  in  the  command  of  ships.  The 
conduct  of  the  highest  naval  authorities  left  much  to  be 
desired. 

At  last  it  began  to  be  understood  that  naval  matters 
needed  vigorous  direction.  After  some  advance  had  been 
made  in  the  standard  of  the  captains,  Piet  Heyn,  covered 
with  glory  in  the  service  of  the  West  India  Company,  was 
appointed  lieutenant-admiral  of  Holland  in  1629.  This 
was  starting  on  the  right  course.  The  new  commander 
of  the  Dutch  fleet  began  at  once  to  introduce  important 
improvements.  The  "  Delfshaven  terror  of  the  sea" 
unfortunately  did  not  long  rule  over  the  fleet.  Two 
months  after  his  promotion  he  perished  in  an  encounter 
with  Dunkirk  ships  on  the  Flemish  coast.  The  fearless 
mariner,  whose  reforms  laid  the  foundation  for  the  great 
sea-power  of  the  States,  was  entombed  with  honours  at 
Rotterdam.  His  death  was  a  severe  loss  to  the  father- 
land, and  in  that  same  year  the  Dunkirk  men  captured 
sixty  ships. 

All  sorts  of  plans  were  formed  for  increasing  the  naval 
strength.  In  163 1  Amsterdam,  Hoorn,  Enkhuizen,  Edam, 
Medemblik,  and  Harlingen  proposed  a  new  way  of  pro- 
tecting the  Baltic  commerce.  The  maintenance  of  safety 
on  the  sea  by  means  of  a  private  fleet  had  been  consid- 
ered in  1629.  Some  Amsterdam  merchants  had  devised 
a  great  insurance  company  which  was  to  fit  out  at  least 
sixty  war  ships  for  the  protection  of  commerce,  all  the 
merchantmen  having  to  pay  a  certain  insurance  premium. 
This  ingenious  plan  was  never  carried  out,  because  the 
merchants  objected  to  the  tax  it  would  impose  upon 
commerce.  The  cities  mentioned  now  offered  to  equip 
ships,  provided  a  portion  of  the  convoy  money  should  be 
granted  them.  These  vessels  were  really  of  great  service 
against  those  of  Dunkirk.    In  order  to  strengthen  the  unity 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  43 

of  the  fleet,  the  prince's  power  as  admiral-general  was  con- 
siderably  extended.  Though  this  all  brought  some  im- 
provement, the  damage  done  by  the  Dunkirk  privateers 
remained  very  great,  and  complaints  continued  of  the  in- 
sufficiency of  the  sea-power  despite  its  brave  deeds.  Maas- 
sluis  alone,  from  163 1  to  1637,  mourned  the  loss  of  two 
hundred  fishing  vessels,  and  hundreds  of  fishermen  and 
sailors  met  death  in  the  North  Sea  or  languished  in  Flemish 
prisons.  Not  a  village  by  the  sea  but  had  to  complain  of 
heavy  losses,  and  Dunkirk  flourished  by  its  millions  in 
spoils.  The  long-dreaded  attack  of  the  Spanish-Dunkirk 
fleet  on  Zealand,  in  September,  163 1,  when  this  province 
was  assailed  by  a  new  armada  of  about  one  hundred  ships 
and  a  large  army,  showed  plainly  how  much  the  enemy's 
strength  had  increased.  But  Hollare's  brilliant  victory 
over  this  fleet  proved  that  Zealand's  water-wolves  were 
still  able  to  defend  their  inheritance  against  a  superior 
force.  A  satisfactory  regulation  of  naval  matters  could 
not,  however,  be  indefinitely  postponed. 

Military  affairs  during  these  years  were  in  a  much  better 
condition.  That  Prince  Frederick  Henry  saw  his  first 
duty  in  carrying  on  the  war  by  land  was  not  surprising 
in  his  brother's  pupil  amid  the  great  dangers  still  threaten- 
ing the  United  Netherlands  from  the  Spanish  side.  Peo- 
ple living  forty  years  later  experienced  what  neglect  of 
defence  on  land  meant.  Spinola  at  first  had  charge  of 
matters  in  the  south,  but  at  the  end  of  1627  he  was  recalled 
to  Spain  on  account  of  the  loss  of  Grol,  as  was  thought,  and 
he  served  the  Spanish  cause  afterwards  in  the  war  against 
France  in  Italy,  where  in  1630  after  the  unsuccessful  siege 
of  Casale  he  died  insane.  The  great  general's  departure 
caused  uneasiness  in  the  southern  provinces,  because  no 
one  could  fill  his  place  there,  neither  the  brave  but  frivolous 
Count  Henry  van  den  Bergh,  his  successor  in  the  army,  nor 
the  unskilful  cardinal-diplomat,  Alfonso  de  la  Cueva,  mar- 
quis de  Bedmar,  Spanish  ambassador  at  the  Brussels  court, 


44  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

who  was  now  to  be  the  actual  head  of  the  government  un- 
der the  infanta. 

This  government  was  again  organised  in  the  Spanish 
fashion.  The  old  council  of  state  after  existing  a  hundred 
years  was  replaced  by  two  juntas,  one  composed  entirely  of 
Spaniards,  the  other  under  the  cardinal's  guidance,  and 
both  dependent  upon  the  council  of  Flanders  and  Bur- 
gundy at  Madrid,  which  consisted  almost  wholly  of  noble 
Spaniards.  The  able  Pieter  Roose,  later  president  of  the 
privy  council  of  Brussels,  now  first  councillor  of  Neth- 
erlandish affairs  at  Madrid,  formed  an  exception  to  the 
rule  of  governing  the  Netherlands  by  Spaniards,  but  he 
was  quite  ready  to  help  carry  out  the  king's  plans.  This 
Spanish  administration  aroused  discontent  in  the  Nether- 
lands, and  the  unpopular  Bedmar  was  succeeded  in  1629  by 
the  Marquis  d'  Aytona,  an  abler  man.  He  acquainted  the 
king  with  the  possibility  that  such  an  internal  policy, 
which  in  Granvelle's  time  had  been  one  of  the  chief  causes 
of  the  uprising,  might  again  make  the  faithful  provinces 
disloyal  and  inclined  to  side  with  the  "  rebels."  This  was 
not  inconceivable  in  the  wretched  material  condition  of 
these  provinces,  and  some  among  the  nobles  of  the  south 
might  have  been  willing  to  put  themselves  at  the  head  of 
the  malcontents  and,  while  apparently  faithful  to  the  king, 
to  remove  the  Spaniards  and  take  the  government  into 
their  own  hands.  Some  would  not  have  been  averse  to 
friendly  relations  with  the  insurgents  of  the  north.  A 
plan  for  the  general  defence  of  all  the  Spanish  lands  was 
not  favourably  received  at  Brussels  in  1627,  and  little  incli- 
nation was  shown  to  help  the  monarchy  so  long  as  it  did 
not  act  more  energetically  for  the  interests  of  the  Nether- 
lands. The  insignificant  attacks  upon  Bergen  op  Zoom  and 
South  Beveland  in  1628  could  scarcely  be  regarded  as 
serious  efforts. 

A  whole  year  passed  without  anything  being  done.  The 
armies  of  both  sides  did  not  take  the  field,  which  was  un- 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning         45 

doubtedly  due  to  the  prevailing  want  of  money.1  In  the 
spring  of  1629  Frederick  Henry  collected  a  large  force  for 
an  assault  on  Bois-le-Duc.  This  important  fortress,  strong 
by  its  situation  amidst  marshes,  had,  besides  about  5000 
citizens,  a  garrison  of  3000  foot  soldiers  and  some  hun- 
dreds of  horsemen  under  the  lord  of  Grobbendonck,  while 
the  Spanish  army  under  Van  den  Bergh  was  stationed  near 
Wesel  and  threatened  Gelderland.  The  prince's  army 
was  equal  to  the  task.  No  less  than  24,000  infantry  under 
Ernest  Casimir,  Wolfert  van  Brederode,  the  two  Veres,  the 
count  of  Chatillon,  Coligny  's  grandson,  and  others,  and  4000 
cavalry  under  Stakenbroek  and  the  young  duke  of  Bouil- 
lon, brother  of  the  later  famous  Turenne,  were  gathered  in 
April  upon  the  heath  of  Mook  and  started  before  the  end 
of  the  month  for  Bois-le-Duc*  Hundreds  of  peasants 
aided  the  soldiers  in  quickly  throwing  up  intrenchments. 
These  were  about  all  the  troops  at  the  prince's  disposal, 
and  the  eastern  frontier  lay  open  to  the  enemy's  attack. 
The  money  and  supplies  required  by  so  large  a  force  could 
only  be  procured  with  great  difficulty,  and  Holland  was 
above  all  importuned  for  advances. 

Soon  it  was  reported  that  preparations  must  be  made 
against  an  attack  by  the  enemy.  The  prince  raised  6000 
mercenaries  in  Holland,  who  with  a  few  thousand  newly 
arrived  Scotchmen  and  what  could  be  recruited  or  spared 
from  before  Bois-le-Duc  formed  an  army  of  observation 
numbering  perhaps  20,000  men.  The  enemy  made  desper- 
ate efforts  to  take  the  field,  but  week  after  week  went  by, 
while  the  prince  remained  before  Bois-le-Duc,  drawing  off 
the  rivers,  the  Dommel  and  the  Aa,  into  new  channels,  con- 
structing great  works  of  attack  and  defence,  and  ever  ap- 
proaching nearer  to  the  beleaguered  city.  By  the  end  of 
June  Van  den  Bergh  with  30,000  men  and  over  6000  cav- 
alry endeavoured  without  success  to  relieve  the  place.     His 

1  Memoir es  de  Fre'diric- Henri  (Amsterdam,  1733),  p.  50. 

*  De  Bordes,  De  verdediging  van  Nederland  in  i62g  (Utrecht,  1856). 


46  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

attacks  upon  the  prince's  positions  and  the  simultaneous 
sorties  of  the  garrison  were  repulsed.  News  came  in  July 
that  an  imperial  army,  disengaged  by  the  peace  between 
the  emperor  and  Denmark,  was  nearing  the  eastern  fron- 
tiers. Van  den  Bergh  moved  off  to  join  the  imperial 
forces,  hoping  by  a  vigorous  diversion  elsewhere  to  prevent 
the  fall  of  the  city. 

The  prince  had  to  detach  some  of  his  men  to  cover  Gel- 
derland.  First  Count  William  Frederick  of  Nassau  was 
sent  with  some  thousands  of  soldiers  to  the  Bommeler- 
waard,  then  Count  Van  Styrum  with  about  10,000  men  to- 
wards Nimwegen  and  Arnhem.  The  Spanish  governor 
of  Lingen,  Cairo,  crossed  the  Ysseland  fortified  himself  at 
Westervoort  after  repelling  the  Arnhem  militia  and  a  band 
of  Englishmen.  Van  Styrum's  attempt  to  dislodge  Cairo 
failed  completely  in  consequence  of  his  bad  management. 

A  panic  was  caused  by  this  news.  Gelderland  used 
Van  Styrum's  troops  to  reinforce  its  garrisons.  Utrecht 
opened  sluices  and  put  the  country  under  water  as  far  as 
Amersfoort.  Treason  was  mentioned  in  some  provinces. 
But  the  prince  and  the  States  did  not  lose  their  heads. 
The  former  remained  undisturbed  before  Bois-le-Duc,  and 
the  latter  would  not  hear  of  giving  up  the  siege.  Regi- 
ments were  taken  from  Denmark  and  Sweden ;  new 
English  and  Scotch  battalions  were  recruited  ;  money, 
stores,  and  troops  were  borrowed  from  the  companies, 
especially  from  the  West  India  Company ;  mercenaries 
and  militia  were  sent  from  Holland's  cities  to  threatened 
points ;  and  thousands  of  peasants  were  armed  for  the 
defence  of  Utrecht.  Soon  Count  Ernest  Casimir  was  near 
Arnhem  at  the  head  of  over  20,000  infantry  and  cavalry. 
The  defence  of  the  endangered  provinces  was  directed  by 
the  prince  and  the  deputies  of  the  States-General  in  his 
camp.  Meanwhile  the  enemy  ravaged  the  Veluwe,  but 
dared  not  quit  his  strong  position  on  the  Yssel  for  fear  of 
being  flanked  by  Ernest  Casimir's  army.     The  people  of 


Frederick  Henry's    Beginning  47 

Gelderland  fled  from  country  to  town ;  many  families 
departed  from  the  towns  to  Holland  ;  some  villages  were 
burned  by  the  Spaniards  ;  others  offered  the  enemy  sub- 
stantial contributions.  The  days  of  Parma  seemed  to 
have  returned. 

At  length,  early  in  August,  came  from  the  Rhine  the 
expected  imperial  army,  over  14,000  infantry  and  about 
3000  cavalry,  under  Count  Montecuculi ;  later  10,000 
men  more  under  Count  John  of  Nassau.1  Van  den 
Bergh  moved  over  the  Veluwe  towards  Amersfoort,  a 
weak  town  with  a  weak  government,  and  so  poorly 
garrisoned  that  it  could  not  or  would  not  offer  a  long 
resistance.  The  Estates  of  Utrecht,  like  those  of  Gelder- 
land intent  upon  their  own  salvation,  now  began  to  waver. 
Then  the  States-General,  with  the  council  of  state,  moved 
their  sittings  to  the  post  of  danger  and  settled  down  at 
Utrecht  on  August  1 5th.  But  the  prince  did  not  stir  from 
Bois-le-Duc,  even  when  Amersfoort  surrendered  on  the 
14th,  after  being  surrounded  for  one  day,  which  led  to 
the  arrest  of  the  commander  and  two  burgomasters  of  the 
town.  By  its  brave  attitude  the  town  of  Hattem  warded 
off  an  attack  of  the  enemy. 

Almost  all  Utrecht  was  inundated,  and  it  resembled  a 
lake,  where  "  salt  and  fresh  waves  foam  and  dash  over 
cattle  and  stable  "  ;  the  smaller  towns  were  provided  with 
earthworks ;  all  the  troops  obtainable  were  dispatched  to 
threatened  points.  Not  for  an  instant  did  the  States- 
General  and  the  Estates  of  Holland  lose  heart.  It  was 
otherwise  in  the  now  endangered  Utrecht,  where  Johan 
Wolfert  van  Brederode  had  command.  The  panic  there 
was  not  to  be  calmed  ;  people  took  to  flight,  concealed  or 
sent  away  their  money  and  valuables ;  and  the  measures 

1  This  was  a  grandson  of  Count  John,  Prince  William's  brother.  He 
had  formerly  been  in  the  service  of  the  States,  but,  fancying  himself 
wronged,  he  had  become  a  Catholic  on  his  marriage  with  a  princess  of 
Ligne  and  entered  the  emperor's  service.  Later  he  joined  the  Spanish 
army.     John  Maurice  (the  Brazilian)  was  his  brother. 


48  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

adopted  by  the  magistrates  showed  slight  wisdom.  In 
the  country  and  the  more  easterly  provinces  there  was 
fear  of  the  Catholic  peasants,  who  formed  the  great 
majority.  The  behaviour  of  some  noblemen  also  caused 
anxiety.  And  to  all  was  to  be  added  the  cramping  lack 
of  money.  Things  looked  worse,  when  Van  den  Bergh 
with  friendly  letters  sought  to  kindle  disloyal  feelings  in 
some  towns  of  Gelderland  and  Utrecht,  while  Monte- 
cuculi  awakened  terror  everywhere  by  his  devastations. 

Suddenly  came  the  rescue.  The  governor  of  Emme- 
rich, Otto  van  Gent,  lord  of  Dieden,  had  long  fixed  his 
eye  upon  Wesel,  the  important  fortress  on  the  lower 
Rhine,  supporting  the  enemy's  rear,  commanding  his 
communications  with  Brabant,  and  well  stocked  with 
supplies.  On  August  19th  Van  Gent,  with  some  of  Count 
Ernest's  troops  and  with  the  help  of  citizens  of  the  town, 
succeeded  in  surprising  it,  an  event  which  revived  the 
sinking  spirits  of  many  and  greatly  dismayed  the  enemy. 
The  chance  that  Holland  would  bow  its  proud  head  and 
consent  to  negotiate  now  disappeared  utterly.  This 
chance,  with  which  Van  den  Bergh  had  flattered  himself, 
had  been  very  slight,  for  Holland  was  determined  to 
resist  to  the  last  and,  if  needs  be,  to  put  the  whole 
province  under  water.  The  army  before  Bois-le-Duc  was 
furthermore  relied  upon,  since  in  case  of  extremity — only 
then  was  the  siege  to  be  raised — it  could  hasten  to  repulse 
the  enemy,  A  few  days  later  Montecuculi  evacuated 
Amersfoort,  and  before  the  end  of  the  month  retired  with 
Van  den  Bergh  behind  the  Yssel.  John  of  Nassau,  with 
twelve  to  thirteen  thousand  men,  remained  to  guard  the 
bridge  of  boats  over  the  Yssel  at  Dieren,  across  which 
the  poor  peasants  of  the  Veluwe  could  be  continually 
harassed  and  the  raiding  troops  could  retreat. 

Meanwhile  Count  Van  den  Bergh,  who  with  the  bulk 
of  his  army  had  withdrawn  into  Westphalia,  opened  nego- 
tiations in  the  name  of  the  infanta  for  a  new  truce,  mani- 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  49 

festly  the  best  expedient  for  the  southern  provinces  in 
the  impossibility  of  conquering  the  northern  provinces  or 
of  persuading  Spain  to  a  real  peace  based  upon  the  in- 
dependence of  the  north.  Relations  had  existed  since 
1628  between  the  States  and  the  Brussels  government 
concerning  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  and  the  prince 
was  free  to  use  the  services  of  the  well-known  Juffer 
Tserclaes.  Her  going  and  coming  excited  suspicion  in 
the  spring  of  1629.  The  fear  was  apparent  that  the 
prince  might  be  induced  by  personal  advantages  to  work 
for  a  truce.  Offers  were  then  actually  made  of  a  truce  for 
twenty-four  years.  They  were  repeated  in  September 
by  Van  Marquette,  who  was  negotiating  for  the  exchange 
at  Rozendaal  on  behalf  of  the  infanta.  The  States- 
General  resolved  to  hold  these  offers  until  the  fall  of 
Bois-le-Duc  should  be  decided. 

Cautiously  but  with  increasing  success  the  prince  had 
continued  the  arduous  work  of  the  siege,  by  means  of 
water  mills  draining  the  marshy  ground  for  his  trenches 
and  dikes.  When  the  moat  of  the  city  was  at  length 
reached  and  a  great  breach  had  been  made  in  the  wall  by 
the  explosion  of  the  mines  laid  by  the  prince,  Grobben- 
donck  began  to  negotiate.  At  this  joyful  news  the 
States-General  moved  from  Utrecht  to  Bommel  and  from 
there  to  the  camp  at  Vucht  in  order  to  deliberate  with 
the  prince  about  the  terms  of  the  capitulation  which  was 
signed  September  14th.  Stipulations  favourable  to  the 
clergy  were  due  to  the  prince,  who  sought  to  temper  the 
zeal  of  the  Calvinists,  and  thus  gave  another  proof  of  his 
moderation  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  even  with  regard  to 
the  Catholics. 

The  fall  of  Bois-le-Duc  and  the  surprise  of  Wesel, 
celebrated  in  a  day  of  thanksgiving  appointed  by  the 
States-General,  gave  a  breathing  time  after  the  anxiety  of 
the  summer.  Further  military  preparations  were  discon- 
tinued, and  only  a  watch  was  kept  on  the  enemy  in  the 
vol.  iv. — 4. 


50  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Veluwe.  Van  den  Bergh  had  quickly  moved  from  West- 
phalia to  the  Meuse  in  order  to  guard  against  an  inva- 
sion of  Brabant  by  Frederick  Henry,  but  John  of  Nassau 
remained  on  the  Yssel.  The  prince  seemed  inclined  to 
an  honourable  peace,  if  this  were  possible,  or  otherwise 
to  a  truce  for  a  long  period,  unless  support  could  be  given 
him  in  conquering  the  south,  which  now  appeared  not 
entirely  unattainable.1  He  answered  to  this  effect  an 
inquiry  of  the  States  as  to  his  views,  and  they  then 
determined  to  get  the  opinions  of  the  provinces  in  the 
matter,  and  to  do  something  more  in  the  spring  of  1630. 
In  October,  John  of  Nassau,  fearful  of  being  surrounded 
by  Ernest  Casimir,  withdrew  to  winter  quarters  in  Jiilich. 

The  danger  was  now  over,  and  the  army  of  the  States 
was  broken  up  before  the  end  of  the  month.  Great  and 
well  deserved  were  the  honours,  with  which  the  prince 
and  his  cousin,  the  leaders  of  the  brilliant  defence,  were 
received  on  November  3d  at  The  Hague  "seated  upon  the 
chariot  of  victory."  But  the  States-General,  the  Estates 
of  Holland,  and  a  considerable  portion  of  the  population 
had  helped  to  save  the  country  by  brave  conduct  amid 
the  greatest  dangers,  and  the  prince  gratefully  recognised 
this.2  The  rejoicing  was  universal,  and  Vondel  sang: 
"Here  is,  here  is  the  war's  end,"  because  "Frederick  has 
completed  the  work." 

This  year's  trials  made  it  impracticable  to  take  the 
field  during  the  next  year.  The  enemy  also  attempted 
little,  and  the  only  fact  of  importance  was  the  capture 
of  Count  John  of  Nassau  in  a  skirmish  before  Wesel. 
Negotiations  for  peace  resulted  in  nothing.  The  power- 
ful West  India  Company  desired  not  to  lose  its  profits 
from  the  spoils  of  the  enemy;  Amsterdam  sided  with  it; 
and  the  northern  provinces  and  Zealand  showed  slight 
inclination  to  consent  to  a  suspension  of  hostilities.     Old 

'Aitzema,  i.,  p.  goo. 

2  Mimoires  de  Frederic  Henri,  p.  90. 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  51 

objections  were  raised  again,  and  although  the  prince  was 
not  unfavourable  to  the  affair  '  and  thus  incurred  much 
suspicion,  it  became  manifest  that  the  States  did  not 
seriously  consider  it.  A  treaty  of  exchange  was  con- 
cluded in  April,  1630,  but  the  talk  of  a  truce  ceased.  War 
was  once  more  to  decide,  and  the  prince  insisted  that  it 
should  be  vigorously  and  offensively  waged.  He  re- 
mained true  to  his  old  principles:  a  lasting  peace,  if 
necessary  a  long  truce,  or  otherwise  war  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  enemy,  if  possible  with  the  help  of  France, 
which  seemed  ready  to  join  the  States  in  the  contest 
against  the  Hapsburg  monarchies. 

For  163 1  the  States  planned  something  great:  the  con- 
quest of  Dunkirk,  an  undertaking  similar  to  that  of 
Maurice  in  1600.  Frederick  Henry  was  aware  of  the 
difficulties  of  such  an  expedition,  but  resolved  to  venture 
upon  it.  The  army  was  brought  together  at  Emmerich 
from  the  eastern  garrisons,  and  10,000  infantry  and  3000 
cavalry  took  ship  for  Ijzendijke,  whence  they  moved 
towards  Ghent  and  Bruges.  The  approach  of  a  Spanish 
army  so  alarmed  the  deputies  of  the  States-General,  who 
were  with  the  prince,  that  they  represented  to  him  how 
dangerous  a  farther  advance  would  be,  and  begged  him 
to  give  up  the  expedition,  which  he  reluctantly  did.  The 
army  returned  to  Brabant. 

Scarcely  had  it  arrived  there  when  rumours  became  rife 
of  great  preparations  of  the  enemy  at  Antwerp.  A  fleet 
was  gathering  for  an  attack  upon  Zealand,  which  had 
seen  no  enemy  within  its  borders  for  more  than  half  a 
century.  Some  twelve  or  fifteen  war  ships  were  hastily 
collected  in  Zealand's  waters,  but  they  had  to  retreat  when 
the  hostile  armada  finally  appeared,  September  8th.  Great 
v/ere  the  expectations  of  the  Spaniards  and  Netherlanders 
of  the  south  from  this  last  effort.  There  were  35  large 
vessels  and  about  50  smaller  ones,  all  armed  and  carrying 

1  Wagenaar,  xi.,  p.  in  ;  Aitzema,  i.,  p.  899  ;  Res.  ffoll.,  Dec.  11,  1629. 


52  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

6000  troops  under  command  of  the  ransomed  Count 
John  of  Nassau  and  the  prince  of  Barbancon,  while  the 
marquis  of  Aytona  with  Admiral  Boy  of  Dunkirk  was  at 
the  head  of  the  fleet,  and  the  deserters  Stoutenburg  and 
Wissekerke  acted  as  guides.  The  armada  sailed  by 
Bergen  op  Zoom,  where  the  prince  was  stationed  with  a 
considerable  force,  towards  Tholen,  probably  with  the 
design  of  assailing  Briel.  The  ships  began  to  run 
aground,  just  as  the  fleet  of  Zealand,  under  Marinus  de 
Hollare,  came  upon  the  scene  with  the  flood  towards  the 
evening  of  September  12th,  reinforced  by  vessels  with 
soldiers  sent  out  from  Bergen  op  Zoom  after  the  foe.  A 
naval  battle  followed  on  the  Slaak,  continued  during  the 
night  by  the  light  of  the  moon,  until  an  autumnal  fog 
came  up — another  romantic  page  in  the  history  of 
Zealand.  The  enemy  was  totally  routed  ;  his  ships  were 
mostly  destroyed  or  run  ashore,  and  hundreds  of  his 
men  perished  miserably  in  the  dark  water,  while  4000 
prisoners,  including  many  officers  of  high  rank,  and  the 
entire  fleet  of  transports  were  captured.  This  was  the 
last  time  that  Spanish  troops  appeared  in  the  northern 
provinces. 

The  general  state  of  affairs  in  Europe  had  meanwhile 
changed  to  the  advantage  of  the  Netherlands.  King 
Gustavus  Adolphus  of  Sweden  took  up  the  task  of 
Denmark  in  Germany  and  landed  in  Pomerania  early  in 
1630.  Brilliantly  led  by  their  great  king,  the  Swedes 
advanced  ever  farther  into  Germany,  defeated  the 
imperial  army  at  Leipsic,  and  prepared  to  conquer  the 
Palatinate  and  Bavaria.  The  king  of  Bohemia  once  more 
cherished  hope  of  his  restoration,  at  least  as  elector  of 
the  Palatinate,  and  In  the  spring  of  1632  he  betook  himself 
to  the  Swedish  camp  with  a  subsidy  from  the  States  of 
150,000  guilders.  Under  these  circumstances  there  was 
no  fear  of  the  imperial  forces  on  the  eastern  borders. 

France,  in  consequence  of  the  victory  of  Bois-le-Duc, 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  53 

agreed,  in  the  summer  of  1630,  to  a  new  treaty  of 
subsidy,  promising  one  million  livres  annually,  provided 
the  States,  within  seven  years,  would  conclude  no  peace 
or  truce  with  Spain  without  asking  the  advice  of  the  king, 
quite  different  from  the  requirement  of  his  consent  as  a 
condition.  The  States  could  not  depend  so  much  upon 
England  as  upon  the  closer  relations  with  France.  Even 
the  failure  of  Richelieu's  secret  attempts  to  bring  the 
principality  of  Orange  under  French  influence  by  bribing 
the  prince's  governor  there,  the  lord  of  Valkenburg,  who 
was  killed  on  the  occasion  of  his  forcible  displacement  by 
Johan  de  Knuyt,  the  prince's  councillor, — even  this  very 
doubtful  attitude  of  the  French  government  could  not 
disturb  the  joint  opposition  to  Spain.  Together  France 
and  the  States  supported  the  Swedish  king  with  sub- 
sidies. The  interests  of  both  were  directed  against  the 
Spanish  Netherlands,  whence  Richelieu's  numerous  foes 
thwarted  his  plans  at  court,  and  where  his  greatest 
enemy,  the  queen-mother,  Marie  de  Medicis,  had  found 
a  refuge.  In  163 1  there  was  much  consultation  between 
the  French  ambassador  Beaugy,  the  prince,  and  the 
States-General. 

The  condition  of  the  Spanish  provinces  was  especially 
favourable  to  united  action  there.  The  loss  of  Bois-le-Duc 
had  augmented  the  misery  in  the  south,  and  the  longing 
for  a  cessation  of  hostilities  was  ardent  after  the  defeat  on 
the  Slaak.  In  December,  163 1,  the  artist  Rubens  visited 
The  Hague  on  a  secret  mission  from  the  infanta  without 
success.  Discontent  in  the  south  waxed  greater,  particu- 
larly among  the  nobility,  angered  by  the  Spanish 
influence,  by  the  preference  shown  the  government's 
favourites,  by  the  appointment  of  the  marquis  de  Santa 
Cruz  as  commander  of  the  army  instead  of  Count  Henry 
van  den  Bergh.  About  the  latter  were  grouped  many 
noblemen:  the  princes  of  Espinoy  and  Barbancon,  the 
duke  of  Bournonville,  the  count  of  Egmont,  and  others. 


54  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Most  of  them  were  inclined  to  cooperate  in  secret  with 
Spain's  deadly  enemies ' ;  others,  as  Philip  of  Aremberg, 
duke  of  Aerschot,  refused  to  participate  in  the  conspiracy 
against  the  Spanish  rule.  This  conspiracy  received  a 
large  development  in  the  course  of  163 1.  It  was  pro- 
posed, with  the  help  of  France  and  the  States,  to  throw 
off  the  Spanish  yoke.  Some  thought  of  renewing  the 
Pacification  of  Ghent,  others  of  the  establishment  of 
a  Catholic  republic,  corresponding  to  the  Protestant 
republic  of  the  north  and  allied  with  it  or  entirely 
independent. 

Richelieu  was  interested  in  these  plans  and  hoped 
for  some  profit  to  France.  He  had  the  old  claims 
of  France  to  Flanders  and  Artois  investigated,  and 
secretly  communicated  with  the  heads  of  the  con- 
spiracy through  Frangois  Carondelet,  dean  of  Cam- 
brai,  whom  he  had  bribed.  He  was  alarmed  by  the 
growth  of  the  flourishing  northern  republic,  which  was 
becoming  a  great  power  and  ranking  with  France  and 
England,  and  he  did  not  want  to  put  it  in  possession  of 
the  southern  provinces  or  have  them  too  closely  allied 
with  it.  About  England's  plans  he  was  also  uneasy, 
when  he  heard  that  Gerbier,  the  English  agent  at 
Brussels,  had  long  been  intimate  with  the  conspirators. 

In  February,  1632,  one  of  the  leading  conspirators, 
Rene  de  Renesse,  count  of  Warfusee,  who,  though 
president  of  the  council  of  finance,  was  often  embarrassed 
for  money,  and  now  sought  to  mend  his  fortune  by 
treason,  went  to  Bokhoven  near  Bois-le-Duc,  and  later 
visited  his  friend,  Count  Henry  van  den  Bergh,  at  Venloo. 
Afterwards  he  sojourned  at  Ryswick  in  Holland,  accom- 
panied perhaps  by  others,  some  say  by  Van  den  Bergh  him- 
self. These  mysterious  journeys  concerned  a  plan  for 
persuading  the  States  and  France  to  join  in  an  invasion 
of  the  Belgian  provinces,  which  would  be  regarded  by  the 

1  Waddington,  La  rtlpublique  des  Provinces -Unies,  etc.,  i,,  p.  147  et  seq. 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  55 

conspirators  as  the  signal  for  insurrection.  Warfus6e 
negotiated  at  Ryswick  and  The  Hague  with  the  prince, 
the  council  pensionary  Pauw,  and  the  French  ambassador 
Beaugy.  The  plan  was  for  Frederick  Henry  from  the 
north  and  a  French  army  from  the  south  to  make  a 
simultaneous  attack.  Operating  with  the  nobles,  the 
Spaniards  were  to  be  driven  out,  and  the  country  was  to 
be  divided.  The  two  noblemen  and  their  friends  were  to 
be  rewarded  with  money,  estates,  and  offices.  Richelieu 
was  hardly  prepared  to  proceed  so  far.  The  States- 
General  and  the  prince  were  more  eager  to  engage  in  the 
enterprise.  They  made  their  army  ready  to  march  in  the 
spring,  ostensibly  directing  it  against  Antwerp,  and  sent 
the  council  pensionary  with  100,000  guilders  for  each  of 
the  two  counts  to  Venloo,  where  he  delivered  the  money 
to  them.  Everything  had  been  done  so  secretly  that  the 
Brussels  government  had  no  suspicions.  The  chance  of 
conquering  the  southern  provinces  seemed  better  than 
ever  before. 

At  the  end  of  May  the  prince  assembled  his  army  at 
Nimwegen,1  from  where  he  moved  on  June  1st  along  the 
Meuse  towards  Venloo  with  over  20,000  men,  while  his 
cousin,  Count  William  of  Nassau,  with  a  small  division 
descended  the  Meuse  and  fell  upon  Flanders,  capturing 
some  forts  near  Antwerp.  A  manifesto  of  the  States- 
General  called  upon  the  people  of  the  south  to  expel  the 
Spaniards,  promising  help  and  maintenance  of  privileges 
and  of  the  old  religion.  Venloo,  deserted  by  Bergh  on 
the  prince's  approach,  capitulated  on  these  conditions 
after  two  days.  The  vanguard  under  Count  Ernest 
Casimir  pushed  on  to  Roermond  which  surrendered  on 
the  6th.     The  loss  of  Ernest  Casimir  was  here  mourned, 

'See  concerning  the  campaign  :  De  Boer,  Het  verraad van  Hendrik  van 
den  Bergh  en  de  veldtocht  langs  de  A/aas,  in  Tijdschrift  voor  Geschiedenis, 
xiii.,  pp.  17,  88,  145  ;  De  Boer,  Die  Friedensunterhandlungen  zwischen 
Spanien  und  den  JVieder/anden,  p.  21. 


56  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

for  he  was  killed  during  a  reconnoissance  of  the  place. 
Four  days  later  the  prince  laid  siege  to  Maestricht. 
Great  was  the  terror  of  Brussels  at  this  rapid  and  vic- 
torious march.  The  treason  of  Bergh  and  Warfusee  now 
became  evident.  The  former  went  to  Liege  and  issued  a 
number  of  manifestoes  justifying  his  conduct  and  inciting 
to  revolt  against  Spain.  The  Spanish  commanders  with- 
out an  army,  their  troops  having  been  mostly  sent  to  act 
against  Gustavus  Adolphus,  resolved  to  watch  the  course 
of  affairs.  There  was  yet  time  to  throw  some  reinforce- 
ments into  Maestricht. 

Little  or  nothing  came  of  the  insurrection  in  the 
southern  provinces.  Aerschot  refused  his  cooperation, 
and  the  others  dared  do  nothing  without  him.  Some  of 
the  conspirators,  including  Egmont  and  Carondelet,  fled 
to  France.  The  people  were  quiet  in  general,  although 
excitement  prevailed  here  and  there,  and  seditious  cries 
were  uttered.  Nothing  was  heard  from  France.  A  new 
rebellion  of  the  French  nobles  against  the  government, 
supported  by  Spanish  money  and  Spanish  troops,  made 
Richelieu  have  his  hands  full.  The  army  returned  from 
the  upper  Rhine  to  the  Netherlands,  and  the  Brussels 
administration  preserved  order,  threatening  and  promis- 
ing according  to  circumstances,  and  using  the  infanta's 
popularity. 

Meanwhile  the  siege  of  Maestricht  went  on,  although 
disappointment  was  felt  also  by  the  besiegers,  and  the 
efforts  of  Bergh  to  gather  an  army  at  Liege  completely 
failed,  so  that  in  fear  of  his  life  he  left  the  city  early  in 
July  and  withdrew  to  Aix-la-Chapelle.  Here,  too,  he 
found  no  support,  whereupon  he  moved  northwards  in 
search  of  troops,  but  his  career  was  over.  The  Spanish 
army  under  Santa  Cruz  appeared  for  the  relief  of  the 
place  at  the  end  of  the  month,  but  by  that  time  the 
prince  had  strengthened  his  camp  and  in  his  customary 
manner  was  drawing  nearer  with  trenches  and  mines  to 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  57 

the  beleaguered  fortress,  which  valiantly  defended  itself. 
Frederick  Henry  renewed  before  Maestricht  the  works 
by  which  he  had  captured  Bois-le-Duc.  The  labyrinth 
of  earthen  ramparts,  lines  and  sconces,  redoubts  and 
moats,  traverses  and  hornworks,  approaches  and  galleries 
of  mines  in  and  about  the  prince's  camp  awakened  the 
admiration  of  contemporaries.  He  succeeded  in  holding 
Santa  Cruz  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Meuse  and  thus  in 
separating  him  from  the  approaching  imperial  army  under 
the  celebrated  Pappenheim,  which  really  excited  great 
uneasiness  in  the  Dutch  camp,  where  there  was  fear  of 
being  cut  off  from  the  fatherland.  The  prince  continued 
his  works  calmly,  called  back  Count  William  from 
Flanders,  and  fortified  himself.  Early  in  August  Pap- 
penheim reached  the  neighbourhood  of  Maestricht  and 
soon  joined  Santa  Cruz,  so  that  the  enemy  had  40,000 
men,  and  on  the  18th  made  an  attack  in  force,  aided  by 
a  sortie  of  the  garrison  from  Maestricht.  Both  combats 
resulted  in  favour  of  the  Dutch,  though  they  suffered 
severe  losses,  Robert  de  Vere,  earl  of  Oxford,  being 
among  the  killed.  Two  days  later  the  prince  had  the 
city  stormed  through  the  breach  made  by  his  mines. 
Attack  followed  attack,  but  the  brave  garrison  held  its 
own  and  repulsed  the  Dutch.  The  citizens,  afraid  of 
being  conquered  and  plundered  by  storm,  now  insisted 
upon  surrender,  so  the  governor,  De  Lede,  consented  on 
the  22d  to  a  capitulation.  Honourable  withdrawal  for 
the  garrison,  freedom  for  the  Catholic  religion,  and 
retention  of  ecclesiastical  property  by  the  possessors, 
were  the  principal  conditions.  Some  days  later  Pappen- 
heim with  his  army  returned  to  Cologne,  Santa  Cruz  with 
his  to  Brabant.  The  Dutch  army  remained  for  a  time  in 
and  near  Maestricht,  smaller  forts  and  castles  being 
captured  without  much  trouble,  and  the  neighbouring 
rich  coal-mines  being  seized  by  the  prince  for  the  States- 
General. 


58  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Before  the  fall  of  the  city,  during  the  approach  of  the 
Dutch  army  along  the  Meuse,  the  discontent  in  the 
south  had  grown  so  great,  the  misery  in  all  the  provinces 
had  become  so  unbearable,  that  Isabella  no  longer  dared 
to  resist  the  universal  wish  for  a  calling  together  of  the 
States-General  as  had  occurred  in  1600  under  similar 
circumstances.1  The  Spanish  king  had  earnestly  warned 
her  against  this,  but  the  panic  was  so  intense  that  she 
listened  to  Aerschot's  counsels  and  resolved  to  apply  this 
most  heroic  remedy.  Early  in  September  the  States- 
General  assembled  at  Brussels  amid  the  immense  alarm 
caused  by  the  loss  of  Maestricht. 

All  sorts  of  efforts  were  in  the  meantime  made  to 
induce  the  prince  to  suspend  his  operations  and  enter 
into  new  negotiations  for  a  treaty.  The  intriguing 
Gerbier  had  come  to  Liege  and  Maestricht  to  offer  Eng- 
lish mediation;  Rubens  appeared  again  in  the  infanta's 
name,  and  later  Philip  Le  Roy.  But  the  prince  did  not 
seriously  consider  these  secret  advances  until  the  States- 
General  of  Brussels,  with  the  infanta's  consent,  sent 
three  representatives  to  discuss  the  terms  of  a  treaty  of 
peace.  These  negotiations  seemed  for  a  moment  to 
promise  some  results.  The  Brussels  States-General  were 
ready  to  renew  the  Truce  upon  the  basis  of  withdrawal 
of  the  Spanish  troops,  even  with  a  surrender  or  neutralisa- 
tion of  several  cities  near  the  borders  to  the  northern 
States,  which  would  have  the  Flemish  ports  under  their 
observation,  while  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  was 
to  be  concluded  for  upholding  this  truce  contre  tous  et 
chascun,  sans  exception  de  personne,  thus,  if  necessary, 
against  Spain. 

So  far  the  people  of  the  south  were  willing  to  go  from 
fear  of  the  army  at  Maestricht,  although  these  conditions 
were  deemed  very  hard ;  even  Isabella  agreed  to  negoti- 
ate, anxious  as  she  was  about  the  impending  rebellion. 

1  See  Gachard,  Actes  des  £tats  G/n/raux  de  1632. 


Frederick  Henry's  Beginning  59 

At  the  end  of  September  the  prince  communicated  in 
writing  to  the  States-General  at  The  Hague  the  terms 
discussed  with  the  southern  gentlemen.  The  matter  was 
referred  to  the  provincial  Estates  of  the  north,  and  thus 
several  precious  weeks  were  lost,  while  later  in  the 
general  deliberation  there  was  opposition  encountered 
from  Zealand,  Friesland,  and  Groningen,  and  from  the 
preachers  and  merchants  who  had  disapproved  also  of 
the  Truce  in  1609.  The  prince  waxed  impatient,  because 
peace  could  no  longer  be  compelled  under  terror  of  arms, 
now  that  his  army  had  suffered  much  from  sickness  and 
was  growing  weaker.  The  southern  deputies  urged 
patience  upon  him  and  concessions  upon  the  infanta. 
They  declared  to  the  latter  that  peace  was  necessary  at 
any  price  and  entreated  her  to  yield  to  the  demands 
of  the  northerners.  Finally  came  the  report  that  the 
general  body  by  a  majority  of  votes  had  determined  to 
take  up  the  negotiations,  but  it  was  desired  to  conduct 
them  not  at  Maestricht  but  in  The  Hague. 

This  decision  displeased  the  prince,  who  was  con- 
tinually incited  by  the  noble  conspirators  to  risk  an 
invasion  on  his  own  authority.  It  was  obviously  due  to 
the  antagonism  of  the  war  party,  backed  up  by  the 
French  and  Swedish  ambassadors,  and  partly  perhaps  to 
bribery.  The  opportunity  for  an  invasion  of  Brabant 
was  lost  by  all  this  postponement,  and  early  in  November 
the  prince  marched  northwards  with  his  army,  capturing 
Orsoy  on  the  way.  November  24th  he  reached  the 
Binnenhof,  greeted  on  his  victorious  return  with  great 
marks  of  respect  and  rejoicing,  with  ringing  of  bells  and 
booming  of  cannon — a  well-deserved  honour  after  the 
brilliant  campaign. 


CHAPTER   III 


THE   PRINCE   AT   THE   HEIGHT   OF   HIS   POWER 


THE  glorious  victories  of  the  Orange  prince  had  the 
greatest  influence  upon  his  position  in  the  country 
and  upon  his  authority  in  affairs  of  state  and  society. 
Frederick  Henry,  decorated  with  the  "municipal  crown" 
of  the  conquered  fortresses,  occupied  thenceforth  in  the 
United  Netherlands  the  place  of  the  prince,  whose  power, 
maintained  according  to  existing  political  forms,  all 
acknowledged,  whose  will  nobody  dared  oppose.  More 
and  more  his  high  dignity  acquired  a  monarchical,  even  a 
dvnastic  character,  far  more  so  than  had  been  the  case  in 
Maurice's  last  years.  His  son  at  three  years  of  age 
received  in  1630  the  honorary  appointment  of  general  of 
the  cavalry,  as  a  compliment  to  the  prince  who  had  held 
the  post  years  before  his  stadtholdership.  A  year  later 
the  "survivance"  was  bestowed  upon  young  "Prince' 
William,  the  right  of  succession  to  the  offices  of  his 
father.  The  prince  showed  great  satisfaction  at  this. 
"His  Excellency,"  already  often  addressed  as  "His 
Highness"  and  entitled  by  the  States  "Serene  Highborn 
Prince,"  had  for  a  New  Year's  present,  in  January,  1637. 
the  honour  from  the  French  king  of  being  thereafter 
called  Son  Altesse,  "His  Highness,"  after  the  manner  of 
the  lesser  sovereigns  and  of  the  princes  of  the  blood  at 
the  French  and  Spanish  courts.  The  States-General 
approved,  though  sensitive  at  this  foreign  interference  and 
affirming  that  the  title  used  by  them  signified  about  the 

60  ' 


At  the  Height  of  his  Power  61 

same,  and  in  1639  they  fixed  officially  their  own  designa- 
tion— "High  Mightinesses,"  previously  in  use.  The  title 
of  "Noble  and  Mighty  Lords"  was  reserved  for  the 
council  of  state  and  the  provincial  Estates;  inferior  titles 
were  devised  for  other  governing  boards.  The  nobility 
of  Holland  offered  the  prince  the  dignity  of  "First 
Nobleman,"  the  presidency  of  their  body,  which  gave 
him  great  influence  in  the  States,  where  he  had  a  seat 
since  1612  as  lord  of  Naaldwijk,  hereditary  marshal  of 
Holland,  and  where  he  won  further  consideration  by  the 
purchase  of  the  lordship  of 'sGravenzande.  The  same  year, 
in  which  the  prince  began  wearing  his  title  of  Highness, 
Prince  William,  aged  eleven,  was  solemnly  named  for 
captain  and  admiral-general  in  case  of  his  father's  death, 
and  shortly  afterwards  the  young  prince  was  granted  a 
seat  in  the  council  of  state. 

With  all  these  honours  the  princely  house  of  Orange 
rose  high  above  all  other  families  in  the  state,  above 
also  their  Nassau  relatives  in  Friesland.  Count  Ernest 
Casimir  had  obtained  the  survivance  there  for  his  son, 
Henry  Casimir,  who  succeeded  him  at  his  death  before 
Roermond.  Groningen  and  Drenthe  also  elected  the 
young  Nassau  count  their  stadtholder,  evidently  in  order 
"to  divide  the  authority  somewhat."  In  both  provinces 
Count  Henry  had  to  accept  restrictions,  because  Frederick 
Henry's  attitude  showed  his  willingness  to  receive  the 
stadtholderships  of  his  cousin  even  under  limitations. 
When  Count  Henry  Casimir  died  in  1640,  the  prince  again 
did  his  best  to  secure  the  succession  to  these  stadtholder- 
ships. The  rapidity,  with  which  Count  William  Frederick 
of  Nassau,  younger  brother  of  the  deceased,  went  to 
work  in  Friesland,  rescued  this  stadtholdership  at  least 
for  the  Frisian  branch.  In  Groningen  and  Drenthe  the 
prince  succeeded  better,  and  after  some  discussion  the 
succession  here  was  given  to  the  young  prince.  William 
Frederick  and  his  people  were  greatly  displeased,  and  the 


62  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

feeling  between  the  two  families  left  much  to  be  desired. 
There  was  a  better  understanding  when  William  Frederick 
with  the  Estates  of  his  province  bestowed  the  reversion 
in  Friesland  upon  his  young  cousin  of  Orange. 

Still  higher  rose  the  house  of  Orange  in  repute  when  a 
great  marriage  was  arranged  for  the  young  William  with 
the  oldest  daughter  of  the  king  of  England.  Marie  de 
M6dicis,  mother  of  the  English  queen,  helped  bring  this 
about  from  gratitude  for  the  honourable  treatment  which 
she,  an  exile  from  her  country,  had  received  in  1638  in 
the  United  Netherlands,  and  particularly  at  the  court  of 
The  Hague.  A  confidant  of  the  prince,  Johan  van  der 
Kerkhoven,  lord  of  Heenvliet,  prepared  the  affair,  and 
while  at  first  the  king's  second  daughter  was  considered, 
news  soon  came  that  the  proud  but  financially  and 
politically  involved  Stuart  did  not  account  his  eldest 
daughter  too  high  for  the  young  prince,  the  heir  of  the 
wealth  and  power  of  the  Oranges.  An  embassy  from 
the  States-General  came  to  ask  officially  for  the  hand  of 
the  princess  and  to  fix  the  conditions  of  the  marriage. 
Shortly  afterwards  the  young  prince,  escorted  by  a  fleet 
of  twenty  Dutch  war  ships,  appeared  in  England  on  a  visit 
to  his  betrothed  who  was  scarcely  ten  years  old ;  two  years 
later  she  arrived  for  good  in  Holland.  This  brilliant 
marriage,  which  put  the  house  of  Orange  on  an  equality 
with  the  royal  families  of  Europe,  was  in  part  a  con- 
sequence of  the  English  crown's  difficulties,  making  it 
desire  the  support  of  the  States  and  the  prince,  but  it 
could  also  be  regarded  as  a  recognition  of  the  height 
attained  by  the  house  of  Orange. 

A  proposed  marriage  of  the  prince's  youngest  daughter 
to  the  young  count  of  East  Friesland  did  not  take  place; 
the  princess  married  later  the  prince  of  Anhalt.  The 
eldest  daughter,  Louise  Henrietta,  married  in  1646  the 
elector  of  Brandenburg,  the  most  powerful  of  the  German 
princes  after  the  electoral  house  of  the  Palatinate,  which 


At  the  Height  of  his  Power  63 

was  already  related  to  the  Orange  family.  This  house 
of  Orange,  springing  from  a  German  countship,  now 
ranked  with  the  electoral  families;  the  English  marriage 
gave  it  even  higher  claims ;  and  the  splendour  of  the  state, 
at  whose  head  it  stood,  placed  it  with  the  most  power- 
ful princely  houses  of  Europe.  The  taste  displayed  in 
adorning  the  princely  palaces  at  the  Binnenhof  and  else- 
where enhanced  the  brilliancy  of  the  prince's  environ- 
ment. The  literary  taste  there  was  of  a  lower  standard. 
None  of  the  geniuses  of  the  time  saw  themselves 
particularly  distinguished  at  court,  although  Frederick 
Henry  was  pleased  to  have  literary  men  do  him  honour. 
The  sometimes  witty,  always  clever  verses,  with  which 
the  prince's  secretary,  Constantijn  Huygens,  amused  the 
court,  and  the  erotic,  moralising  effusions  of  the  council 
pensionary  Cats,  which  found  access  there,  were  un- 
questionably not  the  noblest  Dutch  poetry  of  those 
days. 

The  princely  court  of  The  Hague  was,  about  1640,  one 
of  the  most  brilliant  in  Europe,  a  school  for  courtiers  and 
young  princes,  as  the  army  of  the  States  had  been  from 
the  commencement  of  the  century  a  school  for  generals 
and  officers  of  high  and  low  rank.  German,  French, 
English,  Swedish,  and  Danish  noblemen  sent  their  sons 
here  to  learn  what  a  nobleman  ought  to  know.  The 
number  of  officers  frequenting  the  court  en  equipage 
gnerrier  was  once  estimated  at  no  less  than  two 
thousand.  Despite  the  etiquette  maintained  by  Amalia 
of  Solms,  the  tone  amid  such  military  surroundings  was 
freer  and  rougher  than  at  the  French  or  English  court. 
The  soldatesque  airs  of  the  officers,  the  frivolity  of  the 
young  nobles  and  aristocratic  dames,  the  lavish  display, 
the  sumptuous  banquets,  gave  to  everything  a  dazzling 
but  not  always  spotless  splendour.  Well  known  are 
the  brilliant  festivals,  theatrical  performances,  con- 
certs, masquerades,  tournaments,  balls,  hunts,  games,  and 


64  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

races  that  entertained  the  court  circles.  This  joyous  and 
stirring  life  differed  not  a  little  from  the  simplicity  of 
former  times,  from  the  sober  gravity  of  the  Dutch  people 
who  often  viewed  these  things  with  anger.  Sometimes 
their  anger  mounted  so  high  that  the  ministers  and 
churches  meddled  in  the  matter.  This  happened  in 
1642,  when  a  magnificent  ball  was  to  be  given  in  the 
great  hall  of  the  Binnenhof  in  honour  of  the  queen  of 
England.  The  church-council  of  The  Hague  went  to  the 
prince  to  complain  and  to  prevent  it,  but  was  dismissed 
by  him  with  the  observation  "that  one  could  not  forbid 
all  honest  recreations;  that  even  clergymen  attended 
banquets;  that  dancing  was  an  affair  of  no  consequence, 
against  which  there  was  no  ecclesiastical  prohibition." 
The  prince  and  his  wife  and  daughters  kept  their  good 
name  unstained  in  the  midst  of  all  this  festivity,  but  the 
same  cannot  be  said  of  the  young  heir  to  his  power. 

The  Hague  had  two  other  courts  besides  that  of  the 
prince.  One  was  the  court  of  the  States-General,  where 
could  be  met  Dutch  respectability  "clad  in  black  velvet 
with  the  broad  ruff  and  the  square  beard,  marching 
gravely  in  public  places,"  the  world  of  deputies  and  high 
officials  assembled  around  the  most  influential  members 
of  the  States.  The  other  was  the  court  of  the  queen  of 
Bohemia  in  the  Voorhout,  where  the  four  daughters 
formed  a  cour  des  Graces,  doing  honour  to  literature  and 
science.  But  both  these  circles  only  served  to  heighten 
the  glory  of  the  prince's  surroundings. 

His  power  was  constantly  increasing  after  1632.  In 
war  affairs  the  prince  exercised  the  functions  of  captain 
and  admiral-general  without  the  intervention  of  the 
States-General.  The  deputies  from  the  States  accom- 
panying him  in  the  field  were  little  more  than  advisers. 
So  it  was  also  in  diplomacy.  He  had,  in  fact,  the 
conduct  of  foreign  relations  in  his  own  hands  and  could 
carry  through  his  project  of  cooperation  with  France. 


At  the  Height  of  his  Power  65 

This  was  effected  by  making  the  council  pensionary  in 
charge  of  foreign  affairs  dependent  upon  him.  The  old 
and  friendly  Duyck  and  after  him  submissive  and  care- 
less Jacob  Cats  were  easily  won.  It  was  not  so  with  the 
able  and  independent  Adriaan  Pauw,  in  whom  some 
feared  a  new  Oldenbarnevelt.  So  troublesome  was  he  to 
the  prince  that  the  latter  temporarily  took  him  from  his 
important  post  in  1634  by  sending  him  in  the  embassy  to 
France  for  the  conclusion  of  a  close  alliance.  Only  after 
his  resignation  (March,  1636)  could  he  return,  when  his 
successor,  Jacob  Cats,  was  fully  established  as  council 
pensionary.  Cats  was  a  conscientious  man,  a  not  un- 
deserving poet,  a  sober,  practical,  and  moderate  character, 
but  not  very  independent;  furthermore  timid  and  far 
from  disinterested,  a  willing  tool  in  the  hand  of  the 
prince,  whom  he  greatly  admired.  A  more  dangerous 
intriguer  was  his  son-in-law,  Cornelis  Musch,  from  1628 
successor  of  the  elder  Aerssens  as  clerk  of  the  States- 
General  and  consequently  one  of  the  most  influential 
statesmen  in  the  United  Provinces.  He,  too,  was  the 
prince's  willing  servant,  and  he  was  much  attached  to  his 
office  on  account  of  the  financial  advantages  it  brought 
him.  Musch  was  undoubtedly  one  of  the  most  avaricious 
officials  of  the  States  at  this  time,  when  it  was  the 
custom  to  accept  presents  for  favours.  Opposition  to 
him  became  general  at  the  end  of  the  prince's  rule,  as  his 
actions  drew  attention  too  openly.  The  two  other 
"ministers"  of  state,  the  treasurer-general,  Johan  van 
Goch,  later  Govert  Brasser,  and  the  secretary  of  the 
council  of  state,  Maurits  Huygens,  brother  of  the  prince's 
secretary,  were  known  as  faithful  and  able  functionaries 
who  would  throw  no  serious  obstacles  in  the  prince's  way. 
Foreign  affairs  came  still  more  into  the  prince's  hands 
through  the  institution  of  the  "Secret  Work."  After 
Oldenbarnevelt's  death  they  were  managed  by  Maurice 
in  conjunction  with  influential  members  of  the  States- 

VOL.    IV. — 5. 


66  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

General.  This  committee  of  advisers  was  called  the 
cabinet.  About  1630  the  custom  arose  of  allowing 
Frederick  Henry  by  resolution  to  choose  some  members  of 
the  States-General  as  deputies  to  consult  with  him  about 
certain  negotiations  requiring  secrecy,  and  to  make  de- 
cisions in  the  name  of  the  full  States-General.  Notes 
of  these  private  deliberations  were  soon  kept  by  the  clerk 
and  entered  in  the  "secret  register"  of  the  States-General 
existing  since  1593.  The  prince  thus  secured  the  direc- 
tion of  foreign  relations,  as  the  members  of  the  "Secret 
Work "  were  naturally  among  his  most  intimate  con- 
fidants. In  each  province  the  prince  always  had  influen- 
tial friends  who  took  care  that  affairs  were  managed 
according  to  his  wishes.  Johan  de  Knuyt  of  Zealand 
occupied  a  prominent  place  among  them.  The  council 
of  state  also,  in  which  Sommelsdijk  still  had  a  seat, 
showed  itself  submissive  to  the  prince's  proposals. 

The  "quasi  monarchical"  government  of  the  United 
Provinces,  of  which  Aitzema  and  others  repeatedly  speak, 
was  more  than  appearance  about  1640.  There  was  talk 
also  of  the  secret  desire  of  the  prince  and  of  his  ambitious 
son  to  see  a  royal  title  conferred  upon  them.  In  1644 
a  plan  was  broached  of  making  the  prince  duke  of 
Guelders.  Spain  often  sought  to  induce  the  prince  to 
conclude  a  peace  or  truce  by  offering  help  in  procuring 
the  dignity  of  sovereign  in  the  northern  provinces,  but 
there  is  not  a  shadow  of  proof  that  he  yielded  to 
temptation.  He  understood  the  great  opposition  that 
would  have  to  be  overcome  in  bringing  the  States  to 
convert  their  servant  legally  into  their  master,  although 
they  practically  acquiesced  in  his  predominant  influence. 
So  he  contented  himself,  like  his  brother,  with  the  supreme 
power  in  fact,  the  splendour  of  which  was  great  enough  to 
place  him  and  his  in  the  circle  of  the  sovereign  princes  of 
Europe. 

There  could  be  no  thought  of  any  extensive  change  in 


At  the  Height  of  his  Power  67 

the  form  of  government  so  long  as  the  war  lasted.  When 
that  was  ended,  it  might  seem  desirable  to  make  some 
alteration,  if  not  in  the  position  of  the  prince  of  Orange, 
at  least  in  the  mutual  relations  of  the  provinces  politically 
and  financially,  and  perhaps  in  their  governments.  In 
these  years  the  prince  and  the  States  had  to  contend  with 
many  a  domestic  difficulty,  like  those  of  former  days, 
the  consequence  of  unsatisfactory  relations  between  the 
various  political  powers.  Financial  troubles  were  numer- 
ous. The  finances  of  Holland  were  in  the  best  condition, 
for  in  1632,  after  years  of  investigation,  it  had  revised  its 
antiquated  land  tax  and  adopted  a  new  assessment  pro- 
portioned to  the  rental  of  houses  and  lands.  Now  it 
could  justly  demand  that  the  other  provinces  should  do 
their  duty,  so  that  the  receiver-general,  Doubleth,  on 
account  of  arrears,  would  not  always  be  compelled  to  ask 
Holland  for  money,  or  to  make  the  purveyors  of  the 
army  and  fortifications  wait  for  their  pay.  Millions  were 
appropriated  annually  from  1626  for  the  ordinary  expenses 
of  the  war,  but  Holland  alone  duly  met  its  obligations, 
paying  most  of  the  interest  on  the  general  debt  as  well  as 
for  the  army.  The  other  provinces  could  only  be  brought 
with  great  difficulty  to  tax  their  inhabitants  as  heavily  as 
were  those  of  Holland.  They  remained  always  slow  in 
paying  the  sums  agreed  upon,  so  that  the  council  of  state 
more  than  once  declared  it  saw  no  way  of  avoiding  the 
total  ruin  of  the  finances  and  of  the  country  but  to 
decree  "execution"  of  the  recalcitrant  provinces,  either 
by  arrest  of  the  inhabitants,  or  by  quartering  of  troops, 
because  "extreme  disorders  and  confusion  can  only  be 
remedied  by  extreme  and  hard  means." 

The  disputes  between  Groningen  and  the  Ommelands 
were  repeatedly  submitted  to  the  States-General,  but  no 
matter  how  fair  their  decision  might  be,  both  parties 
would  not  accept  it.  Gelderland  was  also  menaced  with 
differences  between  the  quarters  of  the  province  concern- 


68  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

ing  the  payment  of  the  taxes.  But  Friesland  especially 
suffered  from  dissensions  in  these  years.  During  the 
stadtholdership  of  Count  Ernest  the  three  rural  quarters 
and  the  cities  had  trouble  about  the  distribution  of  the 
war  taxes  and  the  oligarchic  abuses  by  the  nobility  in  the 
country.  The  great  power  of  the  lords  of  the  manor 
awakened  indignation,  because  all  the  provincial  and 
municipal  offices  and  unrestricted  control  of  the  finances 
threatened  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  a  few  eminent 
families.  In  1634  there  was  an  uprising  against  the 
farmers  of  the  revenue  and  some  hated  magistrates.  The 
States-General  sent  soldiers  to  Friesland  to  support  the 
government.  It  was  demanded  that  the  cities  should  be 
allowed  to  appoint  their  own  officials.  This  reform  was 
carried  through,  and  Friesland  now  obtained  town 
councils.  Not  until  1637  did  a  deputation  of  six 
members  of  the  council  of  state  succeed  in  restoring  order 
in  Friesland,  and  the  provincial  finances  were  also 
regulated.  In  1640,  a  new  system  of  election  was  intro- 
duced in  the  country  districts,  but  abuses  could  not  be 
abolished,  as  the  lords  continued  powerful  and  their  union 
made  a  dead  letter  of  the  best  arrangements.  Municipal 
patriciate  and  rural  nobility  aided  one  another  more  and 
more  in  defending  their  authority  against  the  efforts  of 
the  common  people  to  secure  the  old  influence  on  the 
government,  and  to  throw  off  the  selfish  dominion  of  the 
united  city  and  country  aristocracy.  The  limited  power 
of  the  provincial  stadtholder  could  not  serve  as  a  counter- 
poise. Nowhere  was  the  aristocracy  stronger  than  here 
and  in  Groningen,  burgher  and  peasant  being  subject  to 
the  arbitrary  will  of  the  great  mercantile  families  in  the 
cities  and  of  the  ancient  Frisian  and  Groningen  nobility. 
The  intervention  of  the  council  of  state  at  the  instance 
of  the  prince  of  Orange  showed  that  Frederick  Henry's 
strong  arm  could  reach  out  to  the  provinces  where  he 
was  not  stadtholder.     His  authority    even  in    Friesland 


At  the  Height  of  his  Power  69 

appeared  sufficient  to  bring  order.  This  action  of  the 
council  of  state,  upon  whose  members  the  prince  could 
rely,  allowed  him  to  do  what  he  pleased,  and  was  not 
agreeable  to  the  States-General.  The  relation  between 
the  States-General  and  the  council  of  state  became  some- 
what strained  at  times.  Holland,  in  1643,  insisted  that 
the  provinces  should  give  sharper  instructions  to  their 
representatives  in  the  States-General.  This  was  evidently 
directed  against  the  prince,  who  managed  usually  to 
gain  great  influence  over  the  gentlemen  long  resident  at 
The  Hague  and  active  in  various  governing  bodies.  The 
prince  opposed  this  move  successfully  in  several 
provinces. 

Restrictions  proved  of  slight  avail  so  long  as  the  prince 
kept  a  vigorous  hold  upon  the  reins  of  government.  As 
he  grew  older  and  became  more  of  a  sufferer  from  the 
gout  superinduced  by  years  of  service  in  the  field,  his 
influence  declined.  About  1643  it  was  apparent  that  he 
was  no  longer  as  strong  as  formerly.  Holland,  under 
Pauw's  lead,  raised  its  proud  head  higher  and  struggled 
free  from  the  grasp  of  the  powerful  stadtholder.  Fearful 
of  the  rapidly  approaching  future,  when  the  old  prince 
should  have  passed  away,  and  the  young  one  should  rule 
in  his  stead,  it  resolved  upon  measures  for  supporting  the 
authority  of  the  States  against  the  tendency  to  monarchy. 
The  movement  of  1643  for  fixing  the  instructions  was  a 
notable  sign  of  the  times.  And  this  sign  stood  not  alone. 
Holland,  and  in  Holland  Amsterdam,  had  long  watched 
the  dangerous  increase  of  the  prince's  power  and  looked 
with  suspicion  upon  every  step  that  seemed  to  bring  the 
state  nearer  to  the  dreaded  monarchical  government, 
which  would  deprive  the  States  of  authority  and  its 
advantages.  Moreover,  a  monarchical  government  meant 
a  foreign  policy  devoted  not  so  much  to  the  promotion  of 
commerce  as  to  dynastic  interests  and  to  the  whims  of 
princes;  it  was  risking  a  repetition  of  what  had  caused 


70  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  great  revolt  against  Spain.  In  France  and  England 
the  troubles  of  monarchy  were  to  be  seen.  Fear  of 
encroachment  upon  existing  liberties,  of  loss  of  influence, 
of  personal  injury,  of  general  material  decline,  all  com- 
bined to  form  a  party  becoming  bolder  as  the  prince 
grew  older  and  weaker,  and  as  the  time  neared  for  a 
younger  and  more  ambitious  ruler  to  take  his  place. 

The  supreme  authority  of  the  prince  appeared  especially 
in  the  power  he  exercised  over  war  matters  on  land  and 
sea.  He  had  long  kept  the  army  in  good  condition  and 
usually  had  at  his  disposal  a  force  of  about  25,000  men, 
nearly  twice  as  large  as  that  of  Maurice  around  1600. 
Mercenaries  were  often  enlisted  to  garrison  the  frontier 
towns.  The  fortresses  were  not  so  well  provided  as  the 
army  in  the  field,  notwithstanding  the  urgency  of  the 
prince  and  the  council  of  state,  but  the  enemy  was 
fortunately  not  in  a  condition  to  make  serious  efforts  for 
the  conquest  of  fortified  places  within  the  borders  of  the 
United  Provinces. 

Vigorous  measures  were  at  last  taken  to  improve 
affairs  on  the  sea.  Premiums  for  the  capture  of  Dunkirk 
ships  had  contributed  somewhat  to  the  safety  of 
commerce.  The  "new  beggars"  of  Zealand,  privateers 
fitted  out  chiefly  at  Flushing  by  the  Lampsins  brothers, 
were  for  some  years  the  terror  of  the  Dunkirk  mariners. 
The  power  so  liberally  bestowed  upon  the  prince  and  his 
"cabinet"  in  maritime  matters  had  not  yet  produced  the 
expected  effect.  The  prince  lamented  the  "miserable 
condition"  of  the  admiral  and  captains,  whose  "reputa- 
tion depends  on  the  lowest  fishwife"  who  complains  of 
her  husband's  captivity.  Hundreds  of  sailors  and  fisher- 
men became  victims  of  the  Dunkirk  pirates,  and  although 
the  barbarous  custom  of  "foot-washing"  was  gradually 
renounced  by  both  sides,  imprisonment  in  the  dungeons 
of  Dunkirk  was  a  grievous  trial  to  many.  The  establish- 
ment of  an  insurance  company  was  again  considered  in 


At  the  Height  of  his  Power  71 

1634,  but  the  merchants  opposed  it  tooth  and  nail  on 
account  of  the  expense,  and  the  project  was  postponed 
from  year  to  year  and  given  up  in  1640.  General 
dissatisfaction  forced  Admiral  van  Dorp  and  Vice- 
admiral  Liefhebber  to  resign.  The  prince  now  deter- 
mined to  put  no  noblemen  but  experienced  "tars"  at 
the  head  of  the  fleet  and  appointed  Marten  Harpertszoon 
Tromp  as  lieutenant-admiral  and  Witte  Corneliszoon  de 
With  as  vice-admiral.  Complaints,  however,  did  not 
cease.  Whenever  Tromp  took  his  fleet  into  port  for  re- 
pairs or  provisions,  thirty  or  forty  Dunkirk  ships  appeared 
on  the  coasts  of  Holland  and  Zealand.  The  prince  and 
his  deputies  were  constantly  reminded  of  the  sad  state  of 
affairs  on  the  sea.  Holland  threatened  to  withhold  its 
payments  for  troops,  if  maritime  matters  were  not  better 
managed.  The  great  companies  had  to  provide  strong 
convoys,  and  the  rates  of  marine  insurance  rose. 

At  last  recourse  was  had  again  to  the  promise  of  pre- 
miums for  privateers  from  a  fund  of  200,000  guilders  a 
year.  Private  parties  in  Amsterdam,  Rotterdam,  the 
small  cities  of  North  Holland  and  Zealand  undertook 
with  a  government  subsidy  to  send  out  privateers,  but 
they  were  too  few  to  suppress  altogether  the  pirates. 
Despite  Tromp's  alertness  and  bravery,  displayed  year 
after  year  on  the  Flemish  coast  and  in  the  English 
Channel,  many  a  ship  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  men  of 
Dunkirk,  and  many  were  the  fights  with  the  bold  enemy. 
The  new  resources,  with  which  the  equipment  of  priva- 
teers was  encouraged  in  1645,  made  them  increase  in 
number,  so  that  safety  upon  the  sea  could  be  attained  to 
some  extent.  But  the  circumstance,  that  private  enter- 
prise accomplished  what  the  fleet  of  the  state  could  not 
do,  caused  serious  complaints  of  the  prince's  conduct  of 
naval  affairs  and  corroborated  the  assertion  that  the  war 
on  the  land  was  and  remained  the  chief  concern  of  the 
prince. 


72  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

About  1640  no  real  antistadtholder  party  existed  in  the 
United  Netherlands,  but  the  elements  of  such  a  party- 
were  present  among  those  who  were  dissatisfied  with  the 
course  of  affairs  and  feared  worse  things  in  the  future, 
when  young  Prince  William,  known  to  be  ardently 
military  and  attached  to  the  French  alliance,  should  have 
succeeded  to  his  father's  dignities.  These  elements 
stood  towards  the  Prince  of  Orange  in  the  attitude  char, 
acterised  by  Aitzema  in  the  words,  "that  people  could 
not  do  without  him  but  would  rather  not  have  had 
him."  They  joined  hands  with  the  survivors  of  the 
old  party  of  the  States  of  Oldenbarnevelt's  days,  who 
of  late  years  had  come  again  into  the  government 
here  and  there,  and  in  whom  bitterness  over  the 
events  of  161 8  and  1619  was  far  from  extinguished. 
Limitation  of  the  power  of  the  princes  of  Orange  was 
the  main  purpose  of  these  statesmen.  There  was  slight 
chance  of  this  so  long  as  the  war  on  land  lasted, 
because  the  power  of  the  princes  of  Orange  was  never 
greater,  their  presence  was  never  more  indispensable 
than  in  a  time  of  war.  As  soon  as  Spain  should  give  an 
opportunity  for  the  conclusion  of  an  honourable  peace, 
it  would  find  support  in  these  desires  of  some  very  in- 
fluential leaders  of  Holland.  There  was  also  hope  of 
advantage  for  Spain  in  the  unmistakable  striving  of  the 
house  of  Orange  for  the  actual  supremacy  in  the  United 
Provinces,  and  Spain  used  the  allurement  of  this  su- 
premacy in  endeavouring  to  persuade  the  Oranges  to 
conclude  an  acceptable  treaty. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  possibility  of  an  honour- 
able peace  gradually  dawned  upon  many  people.  Spain's 
evident  exhaustion  caused  the  expectation  that  it  would 
make  efforts  to  bring  about  this  peace.  The  only 
question  was  which  of  the  two  parties  was  to  get  the 
upper  hand  :  that  which  desired  in  alliance  with  France  to 
wage  vigorous  war  in  order  to  force  Spain  to  a  general 


At  the  Height  of  his  Power 


73 


peace  as  advantageous  as  possible  to  both  allies ;  or  that 
which  sought  to  use  Spain's  discouragement  in  winning 
it  over  to  a  separate  peace,  which  in  any  case  would  secure 
the  independence  of  the  northern  provinces,  actually 
existing  for  a  long  time,  with  the  possession  of  the  con- 
quests thus  far  made  in  Europe,  Asia,  and  America. 


CHAPTER  IV 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS   IN    1640 


TESTIMONY  as  to  the  condition  of  the  United 
Netherlands  about  1640  is  universally  favourable, 
and  in  the  history  of  the  Dutch  people  this  time  is  called 
' '  the  golden  age. ' '  A  petition  of  the  council  of  state  said 
the  country  had  become  so  flourishing  that  "the  report 
of  it  had  gone  over  the  entire  world. ' '  Commerce  was  the 
chief  source  of  the  prosperity  of  these  provinces,  ever 
flowing  more  abundantly  both  in  Europe  and  in  the  three 
other  parts  of  the  world  then  known,  to  which  the  famous 
voyages  of  Abel  Tasman  in  1642  and  1644  added  the 
"South  Land,"  as  a  newly  discovered  part,  with  a  great 
continent  and  a  number  of  large  and  small  islands 
hitherto  unknown.  The  names  of  New  Holland,  New 
Zealand,  Van  Diemen's  Land,  and  others  recall  the  brave 
enterprises  of  this  celebrated  native  of  Groningen,  whose 
simple  journal  is  among  the  most  fascinating  stories  of 
travel  at  this  period.  Like  Tasman  in  warm  Australia, 
the  Dutch  whalers  penetrated  the  barren  north  and 
diffused  more  knowledge  concerning  Spitzbergen  and 
thereabouts,  while  other  merchants  visited  the  remote 
coasts  of  North  and  South  America. 

The  chief  purpose  of  these  expeditions  was  the  search 
of  new  routes  for  commerce,  while  the  old  ones  were 
followed  with  increasing  energy,  and  the  competition  of 
other  seafaring  nations,  especially  of  England,  was  vic- 
toriously  overcome.      Fear   of    rivals   caused    the  new 

74 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640  75 

discoveries  to  be  held  back,  so  that  the  finds  in  Australia 
remained  for  years  the  secret  of  the  company.  Com- 
merce with  Japan,  established  by  Jacob  Specx  and 
Francois  Caron  and  about  1634  successfully  carried  on 
at  the  factory  of  Hirado,  was  in  1641  confined  by  the 
disaffected  Japanese  to  the  small  island  of  Deshima  and 
surrounded  with  humiliating  restrictions,  but  with  the 
complete  exclusion  of  the  Portuguese,  the  last  European 
competitors,  the  coveted  monopoly  of  Japanese  trade 
was  secured  for  the  East  India  Company.  In  1635  the 
profit  of  this  trade,  silver  being  the  chief  article  of 
export,  amounted  to  over  one  million  guilders,1  but  the 
year  1640  showed  no  profit.  Commerce  with  China  and 
Farther  India  also  did  not  furnish  the  expected  gains. 
The  company  settled  down  upon  Formosa,  where  a  Dutch 
colony  was  planted  about  1640.  This  became  an  impor- 
tant point  for  trade  with  China  in  silk,  lacquer  work, 
precious  metals,  carpets,  etc.,  just  as  Ceylon  did  for 
Indian  wares.  The  latter  large  and  rich  island,  still 
under  Portuguese  rule  and  so  valuable  for  commerce 
with  Hither  India,  received  more  attention  under  the 
governor-general,  Anthony  van  Diemen.  From  1636 
the  company's  fleets  often  called  there,  and  the  Dutch 
factories  increased  in  number,  until  two  years  later  a 
small  fleet  commanded  by  the  energetic  Westerwolt  with 
the  co-operation  of  Rajah  Singha,  the  ruler  of  Kandy, 
attacked  the  Portuguese  and  after  a  struggle  of  two  years 
got  possession  of  their  principal  settlements.  The  most 
consideration  was  bestowed  upon  the  Indian  Archipelago. 
After  the  short  administration  of  Jacques  Specx,  arrived 
Hendrik  Brouwer  at  Batavia  in  September,  1632,  as 
governor-general  of  the  company.  Brouwer  endeav- 
oured to  please  the  directors  by  reducing  expenditures  in 
India  and  by  furnishing  as  rich  a  revenue  as  possible  to  the 

1  See  Nachod ,    Die  Beziehungen  der  Niederl.    Ostind.   Kompagnie  zu 
Japan  (Berlin,  1897),  p.  226. 


76  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

fatherland.  His  weak  rule  was  followed  in  1636  by  the 
government  of  Anthony  van  Diemen,  who  extended 
the  company's  possessions  very  much  and  may  be  com- 
pared with  the  great  Coen.  In  the  Moluccas  the  com- 
pany's authority  was  firmly  established  and  strictly 
maintained  by  him,  especially  by  favouring  the  terrible 
annual  hongi-expeditions  for  the  systematic  destruction 
of  the  superfluous  clove-trees  and  for  wreaking  vengeance 
on  rebellious  natives.  His  power  was  chiefly  directed 
against  Malacca,  the  Portuguese  capital,  for  centuries  the 
centre  of  East  Asiatic  commerce,  where  Arabs,  Persians, 
Indians,  Siamese,  Chinese  brought  their  wares  to  market. 
Since  Matelief's  attack  in  1606  repeated  attempts  had 
been  made  to  conquer  or  at  least  to  blockade  the  city,  until 
in  the  spring  of  1640  a  regular  siege  was  undertaken, 
which  resulted  in  its  fall  after  a  valiant  defence  on  January 
14,  1641.  This  brilliant  victory  expelled  the  Portuguese 
from  the  Archipelago  and  enhanced  the  prestige  of  the 
company.  The  Netherlanders  were  now  indisputably  the 
rulers  of  India. 

Van  Diemen,  who  desired,  like  Coen,  that  the  affairs  of 
India  should  be  intrusted  to  the  governor-general  and 
his  council,  and  who  objected  to  the  interference  of  the 
directors  in  Indian  politics,  demanding  vigorous  action 
and  dwelling  upon  the  necessity  that  "whoever  will 
mow,  must  first  sow,"  was  no  such  cheap  governor  as  his 
predecessor.  His  vigorous  administration  brought  un- 
common advantages  to  the  company,  although  the  ten 
years'  truce  concluded  in  June,  1641,  with  Portugal, 
which  had  thrown  off  the  Spanish  yoke  after  sixty  years 
of  slavery,  put  an  end  to  the  contest  with  that  power. 
Van  Diemen,  under  whom  the  able  Johan  Maetsuycker 
managed  affairs  in  Ceylon,  died  in  April,  1645,  the 
illustrious  head  of  a  grand  commerce  reaching  all  over 
the  southern  and  eastern  coasts  of  Asia  and  to  the  newly 
discovered  Australia.     Batavia  was   the  centre   of  this 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640  77 

commercial  realm,  and  its  splendour  attracted  all  eyes, 
thanks  to  the  two  great  governors  who  had  resided  there 
and  established  an  impressive  tradition  of  power.  The 
circumstances  of  Van  Diemen's  rule  were  less  favourable 
than  those  Coen  had  contended  with,  but  he  had 
vanquished  them  as  fortunately.  Batavia  was  better 
fortified  and  built,  and  with  every  year  it  resembled  more 
a  European  city  transported  to  the  tropics.  But  the 
population,  chiefly  Javanese  and  Chinese,  with  some 
European  officials  and  soldiers  and  a  small  number  of 
freemen,  was  still  of  the  same  character.  The  freemen 
had  come  out  for  the  sole  purpose  of  making  their 
fortune,  to  earn  much  money  in  a  short  time  and  then 
to  return  with  their  wealth  to  Europe.  There  was  a  lack 
of  good  European  colonists,  and  so  long  as  the  condition 
of  the  motherland  remained  so  flourishing,  little  improve- 
ment could  be  expected.  No  inclination  to  permanent 
emigration  was  shown  in  the  United  Netherlands.  Free 
emigrants  could  not  sustain  the  competition  of  the  com- 
pany and  the  Chinese.  The  slender  pay  of  the  officials 
did  not  better  the  European  population  in  India,  a 
mixture  of  rough  and  energetic  or  physically  and  morally 
degenerate  elements,  which  could  hardly  inspire  respect 
for  the  name  of  the  Netherlanders,  although  it  might 
make  that  name  feared. 

Rich  revenues  and  large  dividends  with  small  expendi- 
tures in  India  and  Europe — that  was  and  continued  to  be 
the  watchword  of  the  directors.  They  could  well  be  satis- 
fied with  Van  Diemen  in  this  respect.  The  anxiously 
awaited  return  of  the  richly  freighted  East  Indiamen 
seldom  occasioned  disappointment  in  his  days.  He  sent 
back  millions.  The  dividends  amounted  generally  to  25, 
in  1642  even  to  50  per  cent.,  the  latter  being  paid  with  an 
eye  to  the  approaching  expiration,  for  the  second  time,  of 
the  company's  charter.  Prosperity  was  manifested  by  the 
rise  of  the  shares  to  500  per  cent.     It  was  desired  to  make 


78  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

new  terms  for  the  charter,  allowing  more  people  to  profit 
by  this  gold  mine.  During  years  the  subject  was  de- 
bated in  a  flood  of  pamphlets  concerning  free  trade  and 
monopoly,  abuses  and  reforms.  Meanwhile  the  charter 
was  prolonged  for  a  year  at  a  time,  once  for  only  six 
weeks,  until  in  the  summer  of  1647  a  new  charter  for 
twenty-five  years  was  agreed  upon.  It  gave  the  directors 
a  fixed  salary  and  granted  to  the  stockholders  some 
supervision  of  the  administration  with  the  promise  of  an 
accounting  every  four  years  to  the  States-General.  For 
this  the  company  paid  1^  million  guilders  for  the  benefit 
of  the  West  India  Company. 

Far  less  favourable  was  the  condition  of  the  West  India 
Company,  which  saw  its  prosperity  speedily  end  in  the 
sharp  contest  with  the  Portuguese  for  Brazil.  The 
conquest  of  Olinda  by  Loncq  in  1630,  later  of  other 
sections  of  the  Brazilian  coast,  with  the  fortified  Recife 
and  Pernambuco  as  the  chief  points,  had  cost  much 
money  and  trouble,  especially  under  the  management  of 
Colonel  Artischowsky,  a  Pole  in  the  service  of  the  States 
and  the  real  founder  of  the  Dutch  possessions  in  Brazil. 
Count  John  Maurice  of  Nassau,  one  of  John  of  Nassau's 
many  grandsons,  and  covered  with  laurels  as  a  military 
commander,  was  appointed  head  of  the  new  colony  in 
1637  for  five  years.1  He  went  out  with  a  small  force  of 
nearly  3000  men  and  12  ships  and  began  to  establish  the 
government  upon  a  firm  foundation,  showing  himself  in 
all  respects  an  excellent  governor.  The  conquest  in  1637 
of  St.  George  del  Mina  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  the 
fortification  of  Curacao  taken  three  years  earlier,  and  the 
seizing  of  Angola  and  St.  Thomas  in  1641  were  his  work. 
Africa  was  to  furnish  negroes  for  the  cultivation  of  the 
Brazilian  plantations.  A  new  India  seemed  to  rise  up 
here  under  the  Dutch  flag. 

At  first  the  work  of  civilising  natives  and  immigrants 

1  Netscher,  Les  hollandais  au  Bre'sil,  p.  83. 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640         79 

progressed  along  with  the  extension  of  the  company's 
authority,  so  that  the  governor  ventured  to  undertake  the 
siege  of  San  Salvador,  the  Portuguese  capital.  By  his 
advice  free  trade  was  allowed  between  Brazil  and  the 
United  Netherlands,  while  the  company  kept  its  monop- 
oly only  for  slaves,  munitions  of  war,  and  Brazil  wood. 
The  intolerance  of  the  Calvinistic  ministers  towards  the 
Catholic  and  Jewish  inhabitants  of  Portuguese  descent 
excited  among  them  great  dissatisfaction  with  the  Dutch 
rule.  The  company  supported  feebly  the  governor's 
plans,  and  the  Portuguese  strained  every  nerve  to  defend 
the  last  of  their  possessions.  The  failure  of  the  siege  of 
San  Salvador,  the  dissensions  between  John  Maurice 
and  the  Nineteen  and  between  the  governor  and  his 
lieutenant  Artischowsky,  the  lax  way  in  which  the 
financially  embarrassed  company  carried  on  the  war 
against  the  enemy's  large  fleets,  all  made  this  new  colony 
totter  and  finally  fall.  Bravely  did  the  governor  fight 
against  fate.  In  January,  1640,  his  little  fleet  won  a 
brilliant  victory  over  twice  as  large  an  armada  before  the 
Rio  Grande,  and  this  was  followed  by  another  attack 
upon  San  Salvador. 

Portugal's  rising  against  Spain  at  the  end  of  1640 
influenced  greatly  affairs  in  Brazil,  but  not  in  favour  of 
the  authority  of  the  West  India  Company.  The  libera- 
tion of  the  motherland  inspired  the  Brazilian  Portuguese 
with  hope.  Negotiations  with  free  Portugal  led  in  June, 
164 1,  to  peace.  A  truce  of  ten  years  was  agreed  upon 
for  the  colonies,  each  party  retaining  the  possessions  then 
held  by  it,  and  in  Europe  joint  war  was  to  be  waged 
against  Spain.  The  company's  stock  dropped  immedi- 
ately from  128  to  114  per  cent,  and  could  not  long  be 
maintained  at  that  height.  Hostilities  in  Brazil  between 
Portuguese  and  Dutch  ceased  for  a  time,  but  the  uneasi- 
ness among  the  Portuguese  population  of  territory 
possessed  by  the  Dutch  so  increased  that  the  5000  men 


80  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

and  the  few  ships  at  the  governor's  disposal  were  insuffi- 
cient to  keep  order.  He  repeatedly  threatened  to  resign, 
if  he  were  not  better  supported;  but  the  company,  eager 
to  retrench  expenses,  heeded  little  his  warnings,  and 
even  cut  down  the  number  of  his  troops  and  left  him  to 
his  fate  amid  a  mutinous  and  faithless  population.  The 
company  plainly  showed  that  it  wished  to  be  rid  of  this 
"dear"  governor,  hoping  to  bring  up  again  its  depreciat- 
ing shares  by  resorting  to  its  former  privateering  opera- 
tions against  the  Spanish  fleets  from  America.  John 
Maurice  would  not  cooperate  in  this.  With  the  con- 
sent of  the  States-General  he  returned  in  July,  1644, 
bitterly  complaining  of  the  opposition  encountered,  to 
the  fatherland  with  a  rich  fleet — the  last  from  these 
regions. 

His  departure  from  Brazil,  mourned  by  Dutch, 
Portuguese,  and  Indians,  was  the  beginning  of  a  period 
of  confusion,  soon  leading  to  open  insurrection  against 
the  company,  by  which  from  1645  considerable  territory 
reverted  to  the  Portuguese  sway.  The  long  discussion 
of  a  consolidation  of  the  two  great  companies  was  not 
conducive  to  progress,  and  the  state's  help  finally 
appeared  indispensable  to  the  company  which,  in  1647,  saw 
its  charter  renewed  for  twenty-five  years.  The  States- 
General  assisted  the  company  with  a  fleet  of  12  war  ships 
and  6000  men  under  Witte  Corneliszoon  de  With,  seeking 
to  rescue  everything  possible  of  the  Brazilian  possessions, 
now  reduced  to  Recife  with  three  forts  on  the  coast. 
De  With  arrived  before  Recife  in  March,  1648,  but  it  was 
too  late  to  recover  what  was  lost,  and  the  Dutch  troops 
suffered  defeat  after  defeat.  The  time  was  coming  when 
the  Dutch  flag  would  disappear  from  all  Brazil. 

The  company's  lack  of  money  prevented  its  doing  any- 
thing for  its  other  colonies  and  possessions.  Berbice 
advanced  little  under  the  management  of  Abraham  van 
Pere.  to  whom  it  was  really  given  in  fief,  and  Essequibo 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640         81 

was  not  much  better  off.  The  trade  there  in  salt, 
tobacco,  cotton,  sugar,  and  logwood  afforded  some 
profit,  but  this  was  of  no  more  importance  than  that  in 
New  Netherland,  where  the  number  of  colonists  grad- 
ually increased,  partly  by  immigration  from  neighbouring 
English  colonies,  but  where  the  colony's  development 
was  impeded  by  outbreaks  of  war  with  the  Indians. 
Success  attended  at  first  the  introduction  here  of  the 
patroon  system  (1629),  providing  an  opportunity  for 
wealthy  patroons  to  improve  some  regions  as  fiefs  of  the 
company,  but  dissensions  between  the  patroons  and  the 
company  and  Indian  wars  interfered  with  these  enter- 
prises.1 The  opening  of  free  trade  with  New  Netherland 
in  1639,  which  greatly  promoted  the  settlement  of 
emigrants  there,  and  the  succession  in  1646  of  the 
vigorous  governor,  Peter  Stuyvesant,  brought  better 
times.  There  was  slight  profit  from  the  African  con- 
quests, now  that  the  company  was  losing  Brazil  and  its 
slave-market.  The  decline  of  Spanish  commerce  with 
the  Antilles  almost  put  an  end  to  the  privateering  which 
had  been  in  former  years  the  company's  greatest  source 
of  revenue.  So  this  commercial  corporation  could  only 
prolong  its  existence  with  difficulty.  The  dividends  and 
stock  of  the  company  dropped,  the  former  to  about  5  per 
cent.,  the  latter  to  far  below  par — an  eloquent  proof  of 
its  decline,  a  sure  omen  of  its  fall. 

The  Northern  Company  was  no  more  profitable  than 
the  West  India  Company.  Convulsively  it  held  fast  to 
its  monopoly  of  the  whale  fishery,  and  in  1633  secured 
its  renewal  for  eight  years  to  the  end  of  1642.  But 
heavy  expenses,  the  uncertainty  of  the  catch,  foreign 
and  domestic  competition,  and  disputes  within  the  com- 
pany itself  did  it  great  injury.     The  Estates  of  Holland 

!  See  O'Callaghan,  History  of  New  Netherland  (New  York,  1846);  de 
Roever,  Kiliaan  van  Rensselaer  en  zijne  kolonie  Rensselaer sivijk,  in  Olid- 
Holland,  viii.,  p.  32  it  seq. 

vol.  iv.-6. 


82  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

could  not  ogree  about  the  renewal  of  the  charter,  and  the 
States-General  without  discussion  abolished  it.  The 
whale  fishery  was  thenceforth  free,  but  it  was  still  too 
hazardous  t  j  be  enumerated  among  the  causes  of  the 
great  prosperity  of  the  United  Netherlands  about  1640, 
although  this  excellent  school  of  seamen,  forming  them 
amid  ice  and  snow  in  the  north,  continued  to  be  of  great 
importance  to  Dutch  navigation  in  general. 

The  Baltic  trade  was  more  flourishing  than  ever  before. 
The  hundreds  of  Dutch  ships,  which  three  or  four  times 
in  the  year  passed  through  the  Sound  to  sell  or  take  on 
cargo  in  the  Baltic  ports,  numbered  in  1645  twenty  times 
as  many  as  the  vessels  of  other  nations  traversing  the 
Sound.1  Enterprising  merchants,  like  Lodewijk  de  Geer, 
Gabriel  Marcelis,  Elias  Trip,  exploited  upon  a  large  scale 
the  mines  of  Sweden  and  the  Danish  grazing  lands, 
furnished  the  Swedish  and  Danish  governments  with  sup- 
plies of  all  kinds,  and  became  their  importers  and 
exporters,  bankers,  and  agents.  Thus  the  two  northern 
powers  were  quite  dependent  on  the  Netherlanders. 
Favourable  results  for  the  Dutch  merchant  proceeded 
from  the  close  political  alliance  between  the  States  and 
Sweden  in  the  time  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  and,  after  his 
death  in  1632,  during  the  minority  of  his  daughter 
Christina  under  the  chancellor  Oxenstierna.  Relations 
with  Denmark,  which  possessed  in  the  Sound  dues  the 
means  of  annoying  the  Dutch,  were  often  strained,  partly 
on  account  of  the  evasion  of  the  toll  by  Nether- 
landish captains,  partly  on  account  of  the  extortions  of  the 
Danish  officials  and  the  unnecessary  delay  caused  by 
them.  Denmark  must  be  kept  as  a  friend,  or  it  might 
side  with  Spain  and  expose  Dutch  commerce  to  even 
greater  dangers.  A  treaty  made  with  Sweden  in  1640  to 
assure  freedom  of  commerce  in  the  Baltic  and  North 
Seas,  if  necessary   by  a  joint  recourse  to    arms,  proved 

1  Kernkamp,  De  sleutels  van  de  Sont,  pp.  3,  5 . 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640         83 

that  the  Dutch  were  ready  to  show  their  teeth  to  the 
Danes.  Negotiations  at  Copenhagen,  The  Hague,  and 
elsewhere,  a  prominent  part  in  them  being  taken  by  the 
representative  of  the  States  at  Elsinore,  Vbn  Cracauw, 
could  not  end  the  threatening  complications,  when  Sweden 
in  1644  entered  upon  the  long-prepared  war  against 
Denmark. 

The  government  of  the  States  tried  to  mediate  between 
the  two  powers,  while  Frederick  Henry  felt  slight  inclina- 
tion for  Sweden's  sake  to  go  to  war  with  Denmark,  whose 
king,  Christian  IV.,  was  the  relative  and  ally  of  Charles 
of  England,  young  Prince  William's  father-in-law.  In 
accordance  with  the  treaty  of  1640  Sweden  desired  the 
help  of  the  States  against  the  proud  Dane,  who  on  his 
side  used  all  means  to  convince  the  States  of  the  impor- 
tance of  a  free  passage  through  the  Sound  and  con- 
sequently of  a  friendly  attitude  towards  Denmark.  The 
spring  of  1644  was  spent  in  negotiations.  Not  until  July 
could  the  Baltic  fleet  of  700  vessels  leave  the  Vlie  under 
the  protection  of  40  war  ships  commanded  by  Admiral 
Witte  de  With.  The  merchants  complained  that  the 
year  was  advancing,  their  cargoes  were  spoiling,  and 
estimated  their  loss  at  100,000  guilders  a  day,  while  now 
on  account  of  the  lateness  of  the  season  they  could  only 
make  two  voyages  out  and  back.  These  figures  show 
how  important  the  Baltic  trade  was  and  how  necessary 
to  Dutch  commerce  was  the  restoration  of  peace  in  the 
north. 

At  first  more  sympathy  towards  Sweden  was  shown  by 
the  people  of  the  Netherlands,  who  had  long  regarded  the 
Danes  as  enemies.  Both  parties  provided  themselves  in 
the  Dutch  ports  with  ships,  troops,  and  munitions  of 
war,  the  Danes  with  the  help  of  Marcelis,  the  Swedes 
with  the  cooperation  of  De  Geer  and  Trip,  who  sent  out 
to  the  Danish  coast  a  whole  fleet  of  30  ships  manned  by 
Dutch  sailors  under  the  Dutch  admiral,  Maarten  Thijssen. 


84  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

This  "Swedish  Dutch  fleet"  was  twice  defeated  on  the 
Schleswig  coast  by  the  stronger  Danish  fleet  under 
Christian  IV.  himself  and  had  to  return  to  the  Vlie  in 
June,  but  the  Danes  suffered  severe  losses  on  land. 
Holstein  and  Jutland  were  conquered  by  the  Swedes 
under  Torstenson,  the  greatest  general  of  the  school  of 
Gustavus  Adolphus,  and  so  also  was  Schonen  by  Horn 
only  a  little  less  celebrated.  Menaced  by  imperial  troops, 
Torstenson  had  to  evacuate  Jutland,  but  Thijssen  sailed 
again  out  of  the  Vlie  at  the  end  of  July  with  22  large 
ships,  passed  through  the  Sound  in  the  face  of  the 
Danish  fleet,  united  with  the  naval  force  of  Sweden,  and 
under  command  of  the  Swedish  admiral,  Wrangel,  won  a 
victory  over  the  Danes  near  the  island  of  Femern. 
Thijssen  was  raised  to  the  Swedish  nobility  under  the 
name  of  Anckarhjelm,  entered  the  service  of  Sweden, 
and  did  much  to  reform  the  Swedish  navy.  The  convoy 
fleet  of  the  States  under  De  With  was  meanwhile  cruis- 
ing in  the  Skager-Rack,  while  their  ambassadors  were 
endeavouring  to  mediate  in  Sweden  and  Denmark.  The 
Danes  in  their  distress  were  ready  to  accept  mediation, 
but  the  Swedes  demanded  joint  action  against  Denmark, 
as  provided  by  treaty,  and  threatened  otherwise  to  settle 
the  matter  alone. 

Now  thecommercial  interests  of  Holland,  of  Amsterdam, 
came  into  conflict  with  Frederick  Henry's  policy.  Hol- 
land saw  a  chance  of  doing  away  with  the  injury  to  its 
commerce  from  the  Sound  toll.  The  prince  was  unwill- 
ing by  a  new  war  in  the  north  to  divert  the  impaired 
financial  resources  of  the  state  from  the  great  national 
undertaking  of  the  struggle  with  Spain.  While  he 
sought  his  leading  motive  in  alliance  with  France  against 
Spain,  Holland,  and  in  Holland  Amsterdam,  desired 
nothing  more  ardently  than  vigorous  action  in  the  north 
in  behalf  of  commerce.  Holland  wished  to  aid  Sweden 
with  the  fleet  in  bringing  Denmark  to  reason ;  the  prince 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640         85 

proposed  to  let  the  fleet  cruise  in  the  Sound  only  as  a 
threat.  The  contest  between  the  two  views  lasted  in  the 
provincial  assemblies  and  in  the  States-General  until 
the  spring  of  1645.  Finally  a  sort  of  compromise  was 
concluded,  by  which  Holland  promised  to  keep  the 
engagements  with  France,  while  the  prince  no  longer 
opposed  a  strong  naval  demonstration  in  the  Baltic. 
On  April  19,  1645,  the  States-General  resolved  in  com- 
pliance with  Sweden's  request  to  send  a  fleet  of  50 
ships  with  5,000  men  to  the  Baltic  "for  the  protection  of 
commerce."  Even  in  Holland  actual  war  with  Denmark 
was  not  desired,  but  it  was  hoped  that  this  demonstra- 
tion would  force  it  to  yield  before  the  country  was  too 
deeply  committed  with  Sweden. 

At  the  head  of  the  "armada"  the  fight-loving  De  With 
sailed  in  the  middle  of  June,  1645,  towards  the  Sound, 
escorting  300  merchantmen  and  intending,  in  case  of  war, 
to  unite  with  the  Swedish  fleet  against  the  Danes.  The 
weaker  Danish  naval  force  at  Copenhagen  did  not  pre- 
vent his  entrance  into  the  Baltic,  and  amid  the  salutes  of 
the  rejoicing  Swedes  the  entire  fleet  of  350  vessels  sailed 
majestically  in  order  of  battle  through  the  Sound,  while 
there  was  no  thought  of  paying  toll,  and  the  Danes 
looked  on  from  their  forts,  armed  to  the  teeth  and 
enraged  at  this  unprecedented  violation  of  Danish  rights, 
but  not  daring  to  attack  the  powerful  enemy.  On  reach- 
ing the  Baltic  De  With  allowed  the  merchantmen  to 
go  their  way.  He  remained  in  the  Sound  and  cruised 
threateningly  before  Copenhagen,  possessing  "the  keys" 
of  the  strait.  Under  his  protection  the  Dutch  ships 
sailed  unmolested  to  and  fro  through  the  Sound  during 
the  whole  season. 

The  aggressive  but  cautious  action  of  De  With  and  the 
Dutch  envoys  accomplished  their  purpose.  Soon  the 
Danes  showed  themselves  ready  to  yield,  and  concluded 
on  August  23d  with  the  ambassadors  of  the  States  the 


86  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

treaty  of  Christianopel  (not  far  from  Kalmar),  which 
did  not  put  the  Sound  toll  at  the  low  figure  of  the  Speyer 
treaty  of  1544,  but  fixed  the  toll  lists  at  a  moderate  height 
for  a  period  of  forty  years.  After  those  forty  years  the 
Speyer  provisions  were  again  to  come  into  effect. 
Supplementary  tolls  were  abolished  ;  the  time-consuming 
visitation  in  the  Sound  was  restricted;  Dutch  goods  in 
the  Danish  kingdom  were  not  to  pay  a  higher  duty  than 
domestic  wares;  the  passage  through  the  Sound  was  not 
to  be  obstructed;  and  Dutch  goods  in  foreign  ships  were 
to  be  taxed  as  if  in  Dutch  ships.  The  purpose  of  Amster- 
dam and  Holland  was  in  large  part,  but  not  wholly, 
attained.  That  complete  freedom  of  navigation  could 
not  be  secured  was  due  to  differences  in  the  States,  to 
fear  of  the  growing  pretensions  of  Sweden,  to  the 
venality  of  some  officials  of  the  States,  who  were  in- 
duced by  money  to  inform  the  Danish  government  how 
far  the  Netherlands  would  go,  so  that  in  negotiating  the 
Danes  were  accurately  acquainted  with  the  instructions  of 
the  ambassadors  of  the  States. 

Peace  in  the  north  was  restored  by  the  treaty  of 
Bromsebro  concluded  on  the  same  23d  of  August  between 
Sweden  and  Denmark  through  the  mediation  of  the 
emissaries  of  the  States.  Denmark  was  able  to  rescue  a 
large  part  of  its  Swedish  possessions  with  the  support  of 
the  States.  It  had  to  cede  only  Halland  with  Gothland 
and  Oesel  to  its  adversary,  but  both  shores  of  the  Sound 
remained  Danish.  The  Swedes  attributed  this  less  fa- 
vourable result  of  the  war  to  the  States  which,  by  more 
vigorous  aid,  might  have  procured  better  terms  for  their 
ally.  It  was  not  desired  to  make  Sweden  too  powerful, 
and  there  was  satisfaction  with  the  fact  that  the  "wooden 
keys  of  the  Sound"  could  really  be  considered  as  lying 
"before  the  piles  of  Amsterdam."  In  this  feeling  of  and 
against  Sweden  was  the  germ  of  later  difficulties  with  this 
power,  hitherto  the  ally  of  the  States  in  the    Baltic,  as 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640         87 

Denmark  had  been  their  enemy.  De  With  did  not 
return  to  the  fatherland  until  the  Baltic  merchantmen 
had  finished  their  voyages  for  the  year.  Thus  he  pre- 
vented all  imposition  of  the  toll  to  the  vexation  of  the 
Danes,  to  whom  he  did  not  make  his  presence  especially 
agreeable,  annoying  them  by  his  sarcasm  and  referring  in 
his  letter  of  farewell  to  "the  services"  which  he  had 
rendered  the  Danes  "in  this  season,"  although  they  had 
been  "very  uneasy  over  his  sojourn."  His  tone  showed 
what  the  United  Netherlands  might  do  in  the  Baltic  and 
how  their  "steel  blade"  could  dominate  everything  there. 
The  commercial  interests  in  the  Baltic  were  out  of 
danger,  and  the  Dutch  merchants  could  contemplate 
with  pride  the  results  obtained. 

The  Levant  commerce  about  1640  was  less  important 
than  the  "mother  commerce"  on  the  Baltic,  but  it  was 
growing,  thanks  to  the  efforts  of  the  able  "orator"  at  the 
Turkish  court,  Cornelis  Haga,  who  defended  Dutch  in- 
terests there  with  great  talent  during  28  years,  until 
1639.  No  ambassador  stood  in  such  high  estimation 
with  the  Porte  as  Haga.1  He  procured  all  sorts  of  privi- 
leges in  the  east  for  Christians  in  general  and  for  the  Prot- 
estants in  particular,  and  even  persuaded  the  sultan  to 
grant  his  Greek  subjects  a  certain  liberty  of  worship. 
The  studies  in  the  oriental  languages  of  Erpenius,  Golius, 
Warner,  and  others  were  favoured  by  the  Turks.  This 
good  understanding  between  the  States  and  Turkey  was 
of  more  help  to  commerce  than  that  with  declining  Venice 
which  could  not  hold  the  Barbary  pirates  in  check  and 
paid  badly  the  subsidies  for  the  war  against  Spain  stipu- 
lated by  the  treaty  of  1619  with  the  States.  There  were 
relations  with  Morocco,  and  a  Moroccan  agent  resided  at 
The  Hague.  Occasionally  negotiations  took  place  with 
Algiers  and  Tunis,  usually  concerning  the  release  of 
captured  seamen  and  sometimes  under  the  influence  of 

1  Vreede,    Geschied,  der  tied.  Diplomatie,  ii.,  I.,  p.  401. 


88  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

one  or  more  war  ships  sent  thither.  The  great  develop- 
ment of  the  Levant  commerce  dates  from  Haga's  time, 
and  he  laid  the  foundation  for  it  in  the  "capitulation"  of 
1612  with  Turkey.  He  established  Dutch  consulates  in 
the  chief  ports  of  Italy,  Dalmatia,  Greece,  Turkey,  Asia 
Minor,  Syria,  Egypt,  Algiers,  and  Tunis.  The  opera- 
tions of  individual  merchants  were  strengthened  through 
the  formation  by  Amsterdam  (1625)  of  a  "Board  of 
Directors  of  the  Levant  commerce  and  navigation  in  the 
Mediterranean  Sea,"  followed  by  similar  "chambers"  in 
other  Dutch  cities.  Never  was  there  a  Levant  Company 
equipped  with  a  monopoly,  for  it  was  not  desired  to 
shackle  private  commerce,  now  that  the  East  and  West 
Indies  were  really  closed  to  it.  The  States-General  al- 
lowed the  salaried  directors  to  have  a  supervision  over 
commerce,  to  pay  the  ambassador  at  Constantinople  and 
the  consuls  and  agents,  to  judge  commercial  disputes,  etc. 
So  the  Levant  commerce  was  not  left  entirely  to  private 
enterprise,  but  was  subject  to  fixed  rules.  The  "strait 
navigation  "  increased  in  these  years.  From  Hoorn 
alone  we  are  told  that  in  1627  from  fifty  to  seventy  ships 
sailed  regularly  past  Gibraltar.  Piracy  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean between  1641  and  1650  inflicted  damages  every 
year  to  the  amount  of  nearly  one  million  guilders,  and 
important  must  have  been  the  commerce  that  could 
endure  such  losses. 

With  this  commerce  extending  over  Europe  and  Asia 
the  carrying  trade  to  neighbouring  coasts,  to  England, 
Scotland,  France,  Germany,  Denmark,  Norway,  was  ever 
being  developed.  In  1625  half  of  the  ships  hailing  from 
Hamburg  sailed  to  the  Netherlands.  The  number  of 
vessels  in  1642  plying  between  Hamburg  and  the  Nether- 
lands was  estimated  at  3000,  without  allowing  probably 
for  the  many  ships  making  the  voyage  three  or  four 
times.  From  161 3  there  was  a  weekly  service  between 
Hamburg   and   Amsterdam,    and    similar    service    with 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640         89 

Bremen  was  established  in  1647.  The  once  important 
commerce  with  Spain  and  Portugal  and  the  southern 
Netherlands  gradually  declined.  The  liberation  of 
Portugal  from  1641  allowed  this  country  again  to  be  in- 
cluded in  the  Dutch  carrying  trade.  The  river  commerce 
along  the  Meuse,  Rhine,  and  Scheldt,  likewise  transacted 
with  licenses,  brought  great  profits  and  employed  hun- 
dreds of  small  vessels. 

It  is  difficult  to  determine  how  much  advantage  the  in- 
habitants derived  from  all  this  commerce,  equipment 
and  sailing  of  ships.  Among  the  few  figures  extant  those 
concerning  the  increase  of  revenue  from  the  convoys  and 
licenses  attract  our  attention.  In  1628  this  revenue 
amounted  to  over  lyi,  in  1642  to  over  2^  million 
guilders,  while  in  Amsterdam  alone  the  amount  rose 
from  800,000  to  1,200,000  guilders.1  As  the  convoys  and 
licenses  produced  usually  2  per  cent,  of  the  value  of  the 
goods,  this  would  bring  the  imports  and  exports  around 
1640  to  about  100  millions,  which  assuredly  is  much  too 
little.  When  we  learn  that  at  Hoorn  in  the  winter  of 
1618  no  less  than  200  ships  were  lying  in  the  harbour, 
mostly  belonging  to  the  town  and  employed  only  for 
foreign  commerce,  while  100  ships  of  Hoorn  were  win- 
tering elsewhere,  we  do  not  wonder  at  hearing  com- 
merce praised  as  the  chief  source  of  prosperity  in  the 
Netherlands. 

That  industry  was  likewise  flourishing  needs  no  demon- 
stration. The  fisheries,  however,  experienced  hard  times 
on  account  of  the  depredations  of  the  Dunkirk  rovers  in 
the  North  Sea.  For  weeks  in  succession  the  fishermen 
dared  not  leave  the  coasts  of  Holland  and  Zealand,  or,  if 
they  did,  they  were  exposed  to  severe  losses,  to  imprison- 
ment in  the  dungeons  of  Dunkirk,  or  to  heavy  ransoms. 
The   herring   and  haberdine  fishery,  estimated    to    feed 

1  Pringsheim,  Bcitrdge  zur  wirtsch.  Entwickelungsgeschichte  (Leipzig, 
1890),  p.  12  et  seq. 


90  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

100,000  families,  the  cod  and  haddock  fishery,  employ- 
ing thousands  of  others,  suffered  exceedingly,  and  the 
greatest  misery  often  prevailed  in  the  villages  by  the  sea. 
Not  until  after  1645  could  this  branch  of  industry  attain 
its  former  height,  when  security  became  greater,  and  fear 
of  the  Dunkirk  pirates  less. 

The  cloth,  linen,  and  other  textile  industries,  flourish- 
ing from  about  1580  in  various  towns  of  Holland  through 
the  settlement  of  many  exiled  families  of  artisans  from 
Flanders,  Artois,  Hainaut,  and  Brabant,  were  long 
maintained  at  the  high  point  reached  with  the  aid  also  of 
the  municipal  governments.  Some  branches  gave  place 
to  others,  and  the  cloths  and  serges  of  Leyden  and  the 
linens  of  Haarlem  temporarily  eclipsed  other  industries. 
Competition  caused  recourse  to  doubtful  expedients,  as 
when  goods  were  manufactured  in  other  places  and  sent 
to  Holland  to  be  dyed  and  sold  as  Holland  fabrics.  The 
guilds  with  their  strict  regulations  sometimes  did  much 
harm  by  shackling  freedom,  and  the  supremacy  of 
commerce  often  made  the  interests  of  industry  subor- 
dinate. In  general  it  may  be  said  that  the  cloth, 
woollen,  and  linen  industry  was  very  prosperous  about 
1640,  though  not  yet  carried  on  in  large  factories.  The 
vigorous  development  of  industry  is  shown  by  the  increase 
of  population  in  the  industrial  centres  of  Holland  despite 
the  pestilences  that  swept  away  thousands  of  inhabitants. 
One  of  the  most  important  sources  of  information  on  the 
textile  industry  of  these  days  is  the  Deduction  (of  1647)  of 
all  the  Dutch  "cloth-drapers,"  who  asserted  that  their 
business  was  the  most  considerable  of  manufactures 
with  respect  to  the  workers  necessary  in  it,  the  washers, 
weavers,  pickers,  spinners,  carders,  fullers,  dyers,  etc., 
as  well  as  with  respect  to  the  taxes  imposed  on  it 
by  the  state,  and  who  asked  for  protection  by  the 
enactment  of  a  duty  on  exportations  of  Baltic  and 
Spanish  wool,  or  by  prevention  of   the   importation  of 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640  91 

foreign  fabrics,  which  was  opposed  by  Amsterdam  as 
harmful  to  the  cloth  and  woollen  commerce — a  proof  of 
the  favour  always  shown  in  the  United  Netherlands  to 
commerce  above  industry. 

About  1630  it  was  especially  the  fine  cloth  and  woollen 
industries,  the  passementerie,  and  Gobelin  work  that 
began  to  develop  with  the  general  increase  of  wealth  and 
luxury.  The  same  cause  helped  the  progress  of  the 
diamond  industry  in  Amsterdam,  of  the  goldsmith's  and 
silversmith's  art  in  many  cities,  and  of  the  manufacture 
of  tiles  at  Delft  and  other  places.  The  memory  of  the 
great  Amsterdam  jewellers,  the  Rensselaers,  the  Van 
Welys,  and  others,  who  furnished  the  courts,  the  richest 
noblemen  and  merchants  of  Europe  with  jewelry,  pearls, 
diamonds,  and  other  precious  stones,  the  description  of 
the  brilliant  productions  of  the  Amsterdam  diamond-pol- 
ishers of  this  period  may  testify  to  the  perfection  of  these 
branches  of  industry,  as  the  beautiful  gold  and  silver 
plate  preserved  from  the  melting  pot  in  some  old  families 
and  museums  offers  striking  proof  of  former  artistic  skill. 
Best  known  are  the  tiles  from  this  flourishing  epoch  of 
pottery,  made  chiefly  at  Delft,  but  speedily  imitated  in 
other  cities.1  Thus  industry  collaborated  with  commerce 
in  throwing  great  wealth  into  the  lap  of  the  Netherlanders. 

This  wealth  gave  occasion  to  terrible  abuses.  The 
success  of  the  great  companies  brought  out  many  a  com- 
mercial undertaking  which  resulted  in  heavy  losses  to  the 
shareholders.  The  impulse  to  risk  much  in  order  to  gain 
much,  the  pernicious  spirit  of  speculation,  claimed  many 
victims  in  these  times.  After  long  dealing  with  the  com- 
merce in  grain,  oil  and  whalebone,  Indian  spices,  and 
other  articles  subject  to  great  fluctuations  in  price,  specula- 
tion in  Holland  found  in  the  autumn  of  1636  a  new  field 
in  the  tulip  trade.  It  took  advantage  of  the  fashion  of 
raising  bulbs  and  blossoms  for  the  gardens  of  town  and 

1  See  Havard,  Les  faiences  de  Delft. 


92  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

country,  where  in  some  regions  almost  no  more  fruit 
trees  and  shrubs  were  to  be  seen,  everything  having  been 
rooted  up  so  that  coloured  flowers,  tulips  especially, 
could  be  grown.  The  meetings  of  the  florists,  where 
they  came  together  in  the  cities  of  Holland  to  dispose  of 
their  bulbs,  were  soon  centres  of  the  rage  for  speculation, 
at  first  among  the  florists  themselves,  then  among  other 
citizens.  These  "chambers"  were  besieged  by  rich  and 
poor,  hoping  rapidly  to  become  wealthy  from  the  colossal 
prices  attained  by  the  bulbs,  sold  for  delivery  in  the 
following  summer  but  hardly  yet  standing  in  the  field. 
Hundreds,  thousands  of  guilders  were  paid  for  some 
growing  bulbs,  plants  of  the  future  In  a  single  city 
transactions  amounted  to  over  ten  millions.  Large  sums 
of  money  were  made  upon  paper,  and,  when  there 
suddenly  came  a  decline  early  in  February,  1637,  lost  by 
people  of  all  ranks,  men  and  women,  magistrates  and 
citizens,  peasants  and  tradesmen,  seamen  and  carters, 
who  had  deserted  their  work  to  get  rich  quickly  by  the 
traffic  in  bulbs.  At  Leyden,  Haarlem,  Alkmaar,  Hoorn, 
Enkhuizen,  and  Amsterdam  much  was  won  and  lost,  and 
finally  many  a  household  was  broken  up,  and  many  a  life 
was  ruined,  more  than  figures  can  tell  us.  On  the 
sudden  fall  an  effort  was  made  to  save  matters  by  provid- 
ing that  upon  delivery  only  10  per  cent,  of  all  prices 
agreed  upon  after  November  should  actually  be  paid. 
But  this  afforded  no  relief,  since  many  had  bought  for 
large  amounts  and  were  without  sufficient  means.  All 
had  counted  upon  great  profits,  and  many  men  of  prop- 
erty saw  themselves  robbed  of  everything — a  "brainless 
business "  that  reduced  thousands  to  beggary.  The 
Estates  of  Holland  and  various  town-councils  did  all 
possible  by  the  suspension  of  payments  to  avert  the 
severest  injury,  but  they  could  not  prevent  countless 
financial  failures,  as  sale  and  purchase  had  taken  place 
in  the  customary  form  and  with   written    engagements. 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640         93 

Thus  ended  miserably  in  April,  1637,  the  tulipomania 
amid  the  curses  of  hundreds  who  were  bitterly  disap. 
pointed  or  had  anticipated  their  great  expectations  of 
wealth  after  the  manner  of  the  milkmaid  in  La  Fontaine's 
fable. 

This  excrescence  on  Dutch  commercial  genius  was  not 
the  only  bad  result  of  the  great  development  of  com- 
merce and  industry  in  the  "golden  age"  of  the  United 
Netherlands.  The  evils  of  a  society  so  eager  for  money, 
of  such  a  mercantile  state  as  the  United  Netherlands, 
became  manifest  in  the  predominant  influence  of  material 
over  spiritual  interests,  in  bribery  among  the  rulers  and 
the  ruled,  in  shameless  smuggling,  in  the  close  limitation 
of  the  circle  of  governing  families  with  an  eye  to  the 
advantages  to  be  obtained  from  the  administration.  The 
mercator  sapiens  was  not  particular  as  to  how  he  accumu- 
lated wealth,  did  not  scruple  to  sell  ships  to  the  enemy, 
and  would  have  ventured  "into  hell"  until  "his  sails 
caught  fire,"  if  any  money  was  to  be  made  there.  The 
venality  of  the  Dutch  diplomatists  was  proverbial  abroad, 
and  people  at  home  knew  the  best  way  of  securing  atten- 
tion to  their  interests,  so  that  fraud  and  thievery  were 
the  order  of  the  day.  Shameful  irregularities  in  the 
management  of  naval  affairs  could  not  be  averted  by  the 
punishment  of  the  most  prominent  offenders;  many 
captains  of  war  ships  were  no  less  guilty  of  financial 
abuses  than  many  captains  and  higher  officers  in  the 
army.  As  to  their  illegal  gains,  the  directors  of  the  com- 
panies were  in  as  bad  odour  as  the  officers  of  justice  in  city 
and  country  charged  with  the  enforcement  of  the  laws. 
Indifference  under  the  mantle  of  toleration  coined  money 
from  the  lax  execution  of  the  placards  against  the  Roman 
Catholics. 

With  the  increasing  prosperity  of  the  richer  citizens 
there  is  to  be  noted  a  relatively  great  poverty  among  the 
tradesmen,  more  inequality  in  the  distribution  of  wealth 


94  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

than  before  the  Truce.  Drenthe  in  1621  had  a  famine, 
so  that  men  died  of  starvation  and  the  thatch  from  the 
roofs  of  houses  was  used  as  fodder  for  the  cattle,  while  the 
cattle  plague  swept  away  2500  horses,  10,000  cattle, 
and  50,000  sheep.  Pestilences  raged  repeatedly  in  the 
cities  of  Holland,  especially  about  1625  and  1635,  and 
carried  off  thousands  of  the  inhabitants.  The  difficulty  of 
aiding  the  poor  made  "heavy  subventions"  necessary. 
There  were  complaints  of  the  growing  mendicancy  in  the 
country.  The  treasuries  of  the  guilds  paid  out  large 
sums  for  the  benefit  of  their  numerous  poor  brethren.  It 
is  estimated  that  charity  was  bestowed  upon  about  one- 
seventh  of  Amsterdam's  population,  one-third  of  that  of 
Leyden.  Facts  like  these  show  that  by  the  side  of  the 
great  wealth  of  many  the  abject  poverty  of  a  far  larger 
number  was  characteristic  of  the  time. 

Although  the  material  life  in  this  portion  of  Holland's 
"golden  age"  thus  left  something  to  be  desired,  in  art 
and  science  it  was  a  period  of  the  highest  development. 
Painting  was  undoubtedly  foremost  among  the  arts  in  the 
days  of  the  great  "prince  of  painters,"  whose  equal  the 
world  has  not  yet  seen,  whose  fame  eclipses  that  of  all  other 
Dutch  geniuses.  About  1648  Rembrandt  reached  the 
zenith  of  his  talent,  and  posterity  looks  with  admiration 
upon  the  radiant  light  of  the  "Night  Watch,"  upon  the 
charming  picture  of  beautiful  Saskia,  upon  the  proud 
faces  of  the  "Syndics  of  the  Cloth  Guild,"  upon  the 
masterly  group  of  the  "Anatomy  Lesson,"  upon  many 
a  striking  portrait  and  artistic  creation  worthy  of  the 
master.  With  this  greatest  of  the  great,  this  wizard  of 
light,  the  history  of  the  time  mentions  a  series,  more  con- 
siderable than  any  other  nation  can  show,  of  other  great 
painters,  all  excellent  in  one  or  more  directions,  all 
characterised  by  the  union  of  strong  reality  in  representa- 
tion with  almost  perfect  technical  skill.  Who  can  number 
the  masterpieces   produced  by   these  remarkable  artists 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640         95 

and  giving  utterance  to  the  thoughts  that  haunted  the 
souls  of  simple  burghers,  struck  by  the  beauty  in  their 
environment  or  drawing  from  the  fulness  of  their 
fancy? 

In  what  a  small  territory  they  flourished !  A  circle,  of 
which  Dordrecht,  Delft,  Haarlem,  Amsterdam,  and 
Utrecht  are  the  chief  points,  embraces  the  region  where 
most  of  them  lived.  They  were  not  divided  into  local 
schools,  although  now  and  then  the  influence  of  a  great 
genius  made  itself  felt  in  one  place.  Jan  Lievens  and 
Gerard  Dou,  Rembrandt's  contemporaries  and  under  his 
influence  the  founders  of  the  celebrated  guild  of  St.  Luke 
at  Leyden,  settled  in  Rembrandt's  native  city  which  had 
not  entirely  lost  the  tradition  of  its  Lucas  van  Leyden. 
The  elder  Frans  Hals,  next  to  Rembrandt  the  first  of  the 
portrait  painters,  formed  at  Haarlem  an  Adriaan  van 
Ostade  and  an  Adriaan  Brouwer,  the  inimitable  depicters 
of  Holland's  joyous  peasant  life.  Men  of  independent 
talent  like  Bartholomeus  van  der  Heist,  the  famous 
painter  of  regent-pieces,  worked  at  Amsterdam  besides  the 
great  master  and  the  numerous  pupils,  whom  he  devel- 
oped there  from  163 1  and  who  continued  his  renown  and 
tradition  until  the  end  of  the  century.  At  Haarlem  lived 
the  excellent  landscape  painters,  Jan  van  Goyen  and 
Salomon  van  Ruysdael,  experts  in  the  colours  and 
shadows  of  Holland's  dunes  and  fields.  Aelbert  Cuyp 
settled  in  Dordrecht  and  immortalised  the  broad  river, 
the  canals  and  houses  of  the  picturesque  town  as 
Cornelis  Saftleven  of  Rotterdam  did  the  pastures  of 
South  Holland  abounding  in  cattle.  The  skilful  portrait 
painter,  Michiel  van  Mierevelt,  resided  in  Delft ; 
Johannes  van  Ravesteyn  was  active  in  the  same  branch 
at  The  Hague;  Utrecht  had  Abraham  Bloemaert,  the 
landscape  and  historical  painter  under  Italian  influence, 
the  head  of  a  large  school  of  imitators  of  Caravaggio. 
There    were,     in    addition,    painters    of    still    life    like 


96  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Abraham  van  Beyeren  and  David  de  Heem,  painters  of 
churches  like  Gerard  Houckgeest,  animal  painters  like 
Paulus  Potter.  Many  other  names  might  be  mentioned, 
often  little  less  notable,  some  of  them  forgotten  until 
the  present,  when  pride  in  the  past  glory  of  art  has 
caused  them  to  be  exhumed  from  the  archives  and  cellars 
of  museums  to  testify  to  the  feeling  for  art  that  then 
pervaded  Holland's  cities  and  made  its  influence  strongly 
felt  as  far  as  Groningen  and  Leeuwarden,  Deventer  and 
Middelburg. 

Many  of  these  painters  were  also  draughtsmen,  etchers, 
and  engravers,  and  their  work  belongs  to  the  best  of  its 
kind.  The  medallic  art,  the  art  of  the  goldsmith  and 
silversmith,  was  approaching  its  best  days.  Architecture 
found  in  Jacob  van  Campen,  Pieter  de  Keyser,  Daniel 
Stalpert,  Pieter  Post,  worthy  successors  to  the  great 
architects  of  about  1600.  Sculpture  had  at  Amsterdam 
besides  Artus  Quellinus,  the  younger,  an  eminent  repre- 
sentative in  Pieter  de  Keyser. 

The  love  of  art  existed  in  the  whole  people.  The 
handsome  gables  and  carpentry  of  the  houses  of 
magistrates  and  merchants,  the  beautiful  towers  and  gates 
of  cities,  numberless  drawings,  sculptures  in  churches, 
elegant  patterns  for  silversmiths  and  goldsmiths,  for 
weavers  and  embroiderers,  and  for  tasteful  tapestries  give 
evidence  even  now  of  the  ripe  development  of  the  Dutch 
Renaissance.  Art  had  penetrated  deep  into  the  popular 
life  and  formed  an  indispensable  element  of  society  more 
than  was  the  case  in  any  other  country.  In  the  massive 
furniture  of  the  simply  arranged  dwelling  of  the  mer- 
chant with  its  marble  steps  and  handsome  railings,  in  the 
ornamented  bindings  of  books,  in  the  song  of  young 
women  in  the  household,  art  showed  itself  in  its  every- 
day dress,  living  and  flourishing  amid  a  living  and 
flourishing  society.  No  difference  of  faith  or  ancestry 
prevailed  in  it:  the  Catholic  priest  Ban,  the  Protestant 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640         97 

Sweelinck,  were  alike  distinguished  in  music,  many  artists 
belonged  to  the  old  church  or  rose  from  the  lowest  ranks 
of  the  people. 

There  was  also  vigorous  life  in  literature  at  this  time. 
Vondel  reigned  as  first  of  the  poets  and  enriched  Dutch 
literature  with  the  mature  works  of  his  powerful  genius. 
Besides  the  strictly  classical  drama  and  epic  he  cultivated 
the  lyric  art  of  daily  life,  the  elegy,  the  cutting  satire;  he 
used  historical  motives  from  his  own  time  and  did  not 
disdain  occasional  poems  for  weddings  or  family  feasts. 
Successful  in  all  branches  of  literature,  he  was  a  sorcerer 
of  language  as  Rembrandt  was  with  the  brush.  After  his 
conversion  to  Catholicism  in  1641,  "wearied  with  vain 
wandering,"  and  some  years  earlier,  in  the  days  of  doubt 
and  hesitation,  he  delighted  in  biblical  and  theological 
subjects  and  drew  inspiration  from  them  for  new 
masterpieces.  His  change  of  religion  estranged  him 
temporarily  from  many  of  his  earlier  friends  and  hurt  his 
popularity.  Hooft,  Cats,  and  Huygens,  all  three  higher 
in  rank  than  the  dealer  in  hosiery,  but  his  inferiors  in 
talent,  appealed  better  to  the  Protestant  majority. 
Hooft,  the  learned  bailiff  of  Muiden,  whose  later  life  did 
not  fulfil  the  poetical  promise  of  his  youth,  was  not 
generally  successful  in  hitting  the  popular  taste,  although 
the  prose  of  his  Historien  proves  him  an  artist  in  words. 
More  popular  was  Huygens  who,  even  in  jest,  handled 
the  language  like  a  perfect  virtuoso,  but  his  many-sided 
mind  and  extensive  learning,  his  keen  reason  and  merry 
satire  could  not,  as  a  rule,  atone  for  his  poverty  in 
genuine  poetic  feeling.  Cats,  the  erotic-moralising  coun- 
cil pensionary,  the  popular  poet  of  the  fatherland,  was 
the  most  successful,  and  he  put  into  rhyme  the  happen- 
ings of  daily  life,  the  lyrics,  epics,  and  dramas  of  the 
domestic  hearth,  of  rural  life,  of  the  coach  of  matrimony, 
being  a  poet  only  in  form,  without  elevation  or  passion, 
abounding  in  commonplace  morality  and  didactic  respect- 

VOL.  IV. 7. 


98  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

ability.  Around  these  men  were  a  number  of  ' '  planets, ' '  * 
small  copies  of  Vondel,  Cats,  Huygens,  looking  up  to 
them  with  admiration  and  equalling  them  only  in  the 
mania  for  making  books.  There  were  the  Fleming  Van 
Zevecote,  poet  of  the  "Siege"  and  "Relief  of  Leyden" ; 
Westerbaen  of  The  Hague,  reminding  one  of  Huygens; 
the  Amsterdam  grocer,  Jeremias  de  Decker,  whose 
"elegant  neatness"  was  praised  by  Vondel;  Jan  Her- 
manszoon  Crul,  a  follower  of  Cats;  the  young  poets  of 
Vondel's  school — Anslo,  Brandt,  and  Oudaen ;  the  class, 
ical  Jonctys  and  Broekhuizen.  Among  the  more  inde- 
pendent minds,  with  Coster  and  Rodenburgh,  must  be 
reckoned  Pels  and  the  young  glass-maker,  Jan  Vos,  who 
in  opposition  to  the  classical  tendency  of  the  drama  gave 
the  impulse  to  a  new  romantic  school  by  his  Aran  en 
Titus  in  1641. 

In  1622  Coster  had  been  obliged  to  sell  his  Academy 
building  and  seemed  to  yield  to  the  hostility  of  the 
orthodox  preachers,  while  the  Brabanters  had  to  give  up 
their  separate  Chamber  and  the  Old  Chamber  languished. 
Coster  survived  for  many  years  the  triumph  of  the  rhetori- 
cians over  their  bitter  enemies.  After  the  arduous  time  of 
Smout  and  Trigland  the  rhetoricians  went  on  undisturbed 
in  the  performance  of  their  dramas  until  in  1634  they 
united  in  one  "Amsterdam  Chamber."  The  erection  in 
1637  of  a  great  "temple  of  art"  by  the  city  government 
itself  was  very  important  to  the  drama  which  found  a 
centre  in  the  "city  theatre"  dedicated  on  January  3, 
1638,  with  Vondel's  Gijsbrecht  van  Aemstel.  This  was 
really  the  end  of  the  old  rhetoricians,  because  profes- 
sional actors  now  took  more  the  place  of  the  amateurs  of 
the  rhetorical  chambers,  and  this  was  promoted  by  the 
performances  of  English  and  French  companies,  visiting 
the  United   Netherlands  and  giving    the  example  of  a 

1  Jonckbloet,    Geschiedenis  der  Nederlandsche  Letterkunde ,  ii.,  p.  107  et 
seg. 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640        99 

more  modern  conception  of  art  than  could  be  developed 
in  the  chambers  of  the  rhetoricians  so  attached  to  ancient 

forms. 

Prose,  hitherto  cultivated  solely  as  a  means  of  edifica- 
tion or  pastime,  now  began  to  develop  into  an  artistic 
form  upon  the  foundation  laid  by  Marnix  and  Coornhert.1 
Such  popular  books  as  Amadis  de  Gauwele,  the  Vier 
Heemskinderen,  and  the  old  collections  of  anecdotes  were 
now  superseded  by  romances  patterned  after  those  of  for- 
eign lands,  like  the  Batavische  Arcadia  of  1637,  the  work 
of  Johan  van  Heemskerk.  Greater,  more  original,  and 
more  national  was  Hooft's  work,  Nederlandsche  Historien, 
the  production  of  his  maturity  inspired  by  the  glory  of 
the  fatherland  and  by  Tacitus's  classical  writings,  whose 
concise  style  was  imitated  after  long  years  of  study  and 
preparation,  to  which  the  Life  of  Henry  the  Great  and 
the  translation  of  the  whole  of  Tacitus  give  evidence. 
Until  Hooft's  death  in  1647,  the  centre  of  literary  life  was 
his  castle  of  Muiden,  where  the  bailiff  received  with 
courtly  hospitality  his  numerous  visitors  of  all  ranks, 
where  first  Roemer  Visscher  and  his  friends,  representa- 
tives of  the  old  Holland,  later  the  finest  Dutch  intellects 
of  the  newer  time  showed  themselves :  the  learned  Casper 
van  Baerle,  the  cultivated  Laurens  Reael,  clever  Gerard 
Vossius,  many-sided  Van  der  Burgh,  the  even  more 
versatile  Constantijn  Huygens,  the  prince's  adviser  in 
artistic  and  literary  affairs,  his  brother-in-law  De  Wil- 
helm,  the  daughters  of  the  "round  Roemer,"  their 
song-loving  friend  Francisca  Duarte,  De  Groot's  brother- 
in-law  Nicolaas  van  Reigersbergen,  the  Doubleths, 
Plemp,  Daniel  Mostert,  Brosterhuyzen,  Hooft's  brother- 
in-law  Joost  Baeck,  Vondel,  Cats,  Coster,  Sweelinck,  all 
welcome  guests  in  this  circle.  Even  the  princes  of 
Orange  visited  there  the  bailiff.  Like  Hooft's  residence 
to   the   neighbouring   Amsterdam,   Huygens's  beautiful 

1  Kalff,  Litter atuur  en  tonee I  te  Amsterdam,  p.  14. 


ioo  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

dwelling  at  The  Hague  was  a  place  of  meeting  for  Hol- 
land's lovers  of  literature,  although  the"  Muiden  circle" 
remained  unequalled.  Thus  reigned  in  the  Holland  of 
this  period  a  vigorous  intellectual  life  among  the  higher 
ranks,  where  art  and  science  went  hand  in  hand. 

In  science  Leyden  unquestionably  was  foremost  in  "the 
new  Attica,"  as  the  Netherlands  were  sometimes  called. 
There  flourished  the  celebrated  family  of  Vossius, 
whose  most  brilliant  representative,  Gerard  Vossius,  the 
father  of  Dionysius,  Matthaeus,  Isaac,  and  Cornelia,  all 
renowned  in  the  republic  of  letters,  moved  to  Amster- 
dam in  163 1  to  increase  the  reputation  with  Barlaeus 
and  Episcopius  of  the  newly  established  "illustrious 
school."  Salmasius,  coming  from  France  and  continu- 
ing the  traditions  of  his  countryman  Scaliger,  took  his 
place  at  Leyden  with  the  friend  of  De  Groot's  youth,  the 
famous  philologist,  Daniel  Heinsius,  who  made  good  in 
part  the  absence  of  the  most  celebrated  of  the  Dutch 
scholars,  an  exile  from  his  fatherland.  Scriverius  and 
Boxhornius  with  the  German  Hornius  represented  there 
the  study  of  history;  Jan  de  Laet  that  of  geography; 
F  Empereur  and  Golius  developed  the  study  of  oriental 
languages;  the  many-sided  Frederik  Spanheim  from 
Germany,  the  mathematician  Van  Schooten,  the  naturalist 
Burgersdijck,  the  theologian  Trigland,  the  philosopher 
Heereboort,  and  many  other  distinguished  professors 
attracted  there  numerous  students.  The  Elzevirs  pub- 
lished works  there  which  carried  their  name  over  the 
entire  learned  world;  their  Leyden  house  was  a  centre 
for  the  erudition  of  all  nations;  branches  of  this  noted 
firm  flourished  in  Amsterdam,  Rotterdam,  and  The 
Hague.  In  Groningen  also,  where  lived  the  historian 
Emmius,  the  philosopher  Schoockius,  the  jurist  Mat- 
thaeus; in  Utrecht,  where  a  university  was  established  in 
1636  and  with  the  Cartesian  Regius  the  famous  orthodox 
theologian     Gisbertus     Voetius  lectured ;    in  Deventer, 


The  United  Netherlands  in  1640      101 

where  Gronovius  taught ;  in  Harderwijk,  in  Franeker  at 
the  Frisian  university  celebrated  for  its  excellent  jurists, 
learned  studies  flourished,  and  hundreds  of  foreigners — 
French,  English,  Scotch,  Germans,  Swedes — sat  with  the 
sons  of  the  land  at  the  feet  of  the  Dutch  scholars  in  all 
these  institutions  of  higher  education.  Outside  of  them 
men  like  the  rector  Beeckman  and  the  philosopher  Van 
Beverwijck  at  Dordrecht,  like  the  versatile  Catholic  priest 
Marius  and  the  rabbi  Menasseh  ben  Israel  at  Amsterdam 
augmented  the  reputation  of  the  country. 

A  great  influence  upon  scientific  life  in  Holland  pro- 
ceeded from  the  sojourn  of  Rene  Descartes,  who  from 
1629  to  1649  sought  refuge  there  from  the  persecutions  of 
his  orthodox  Catholic  enemies  in  France  and  rest  for  his 
philosophical  work.  Soon  he  became  the  centre  of  a 
philosophical  and  scientific  movement  which  was  widely 
extended  among  the  leading  Dutch  circles.  The  erudite 
Palatine  Princess  Elizabeth,  eldest  daughter  of  the 
"winter-king,"  the  learned  and  artistic  Anna  Maria 
Schuerman,  Constantijn  Huygens,  and  the  prince's  coun- 
cillor De  Wilhem,  both  very  potent  at  court,  numbers  of 
scholarly  men  at  the  universities  of  the  Netherlands, 
theologians,  physicians,  mathematicians,  naturalists,  were 
subject  to  the  powerful  influence  of  the  famous  works 
which  he  wrote  here,  the  most  notable  being  the  Discours 
de  la  me'thode.  He  wandered  from  Amsterdam  to 
Utrecht,  from  Franeker  to  Leyden,  from  Deventer  to 
the  little  Egmont,  diffusing  his  ideas.  Here  also  he  had 
to  wage  a  sharp  war  on  the  orthodox  who  feared  his  philo- 
sophical propositions,  his  doctrines  concerning  the  rela- 
tion between  soul  and  body,  concerning  God  and  the  world, 
and  who  contended  against  him  as  a  Romanist  Vorstius 
or  Arminius,  his  ideas  in  their  eyes  being  pernicious  to 
religious  life.  Voetius  and  Schoockius  were  vehement 
opponents  of  Descartes,  of  the  mendax  Gallus,  whose 
studies   in   mathematics  and  natural  history  meanwhile 


102  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

gave  new  life  to  science  in  Holland,  not  the  least  by  the 
communications  which  he  and  his  Dutch  friends  main- 
tained with  Gassendi  and  Mersenne,  celebrated  French 
mathematicians  and  naturalists  of  the  epoch. 

Frederick  Henry's  time,  if  not  in  all  respects  a  "golden 
age,"  was  yet  a  period  of  great  material  and  intellectual 
development,  and  merits  consideration  as  the  brilliant 
beginning  of  a  flourishing  state  which  assured  to  the 
people  of  the  United  Netherlands  a  large  share  in  deter- 
mining the  fate  of  the  world  and  the  evolution  of  political 
and  social  conditions.  The  United  Netherlands  about 
1640  were  not  only  admired  by  all  Europe  but  had 
become  in  many  ways  a  model  for  imitation.  "What 
other  place,"  writes  Descartes  from  Amsterdam  in  one  of 
his  letters  to  Balzac,  "could  one  choose  in  the  world 
where  all  the  comforts  of  life  and  all  the  curiosities  to  be 
desired  may  be  so  easily  found  as  here?  What  other 
country  where  one  may  enjoy  such  perfect  liberty,  where 
one  may  sleep  with  less  uneasiness,  where  there  are 
always  armies  commissioned  expressly  to  guard  us,  where 
poisoners,  treasons,  calumnies,  are  less  known,  and  where 
more  of  the  innocence  of  our  forefathers  still  abides?  ' 

Besides  the  prosperity  it  was  ever  this  liberty  which 
astonished  the  foreigner,  this  personal  liberty  of  thinking, 
under  certain  conditions  of  writing  and  doing  also  what- 
ever one  pleased.  The  unprecedented  prosperity,  the 
brilliant  results  of  warlike  and  commercial  enterprise,  the 
splendour  of  learning  and  art,  the  power  developed  by 
this  little,  somewhat  rude  and  awkward  but  in  its  very 
simplicity  original  and  freedom-loving  nation  upon  its 
small  territory,  made  other  peoples  look  up  to  it  with  a 
sense  of  inferiority,  which  awakened  perhaps  jealousy 
but  indubitably  respect.  With  interest  men  waited  to 
see  what  part  this  little  nation  would  play  in  the  political 
circumstances  that  then  threatened  to  bring  Europe  to 
the  verge  of  ruin  or  at  least  to  lead  to  great  changes. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE   FRENCH   ALLIANCE 

THE  prince's  campaign  along  the  Meuse  was  inti- 
mately connected  with  the  movement  among  the 
nobility  in  the  southern  provinces  and  indicated  the 
importance  of  a  closer  alliance  with  France.  If  France 
could  be  persuaded  to  join  in  vigorous  action,  Spanish  au- 
thority in  the  southern  provinces  would  be  seriously  men- 
aced. If  these  provinces  themselves  actively  cooperated, 
independence  might  be  given  them.  In  the  contrary  case 
a  joint  conquest  and  proportional  division  would  be  con- 
sidered. Richelieu,  embarrassed  by  his  difficulties  with 
the  seditious  French  nobles  and  the  party  of  the  queen- 
mother  now  in  Brussels,  continued  secret  relations  with 
some  of  the  southern  leaders,  even  aided  them  privately 
with  money,  and  had  his  ambassador  at  The  Hague,  de 
Beaugy,  attentively  watch  the  doings  of  the  States  in  the 
matter.  But  he  was  not  yet  ready  to  gather  in  "the 
harvest  which  was  offered  in  Flanders"1  and  endeavoured 
to  gain  time  in  order  to  strike  his  blow  under  more 
favourable  circumstances.  He  was  unwilling  to  leave  to 
the  Dutch  their  opportunity  of  acquiring  all  the  spoils 
expected.  His  plans  were  assisted  by  the  fear  of  the 
Belgian  clergy  for  the  Catholic  religion  in  case  of  union 
with  or  dependence  upon  the  northern  States.  The 
position  of  the  southern  malcontents  was  weakened  by 
the  slight  eagerness  manifested  in  the  north  for  strong 
action  in  the  southern  provinces.     People  were  afraid  of 

1  Waddington,  i.,  pp.  161,  171. 
103 


104  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

a  reenforcement  of  the  Catholic  elements,  of  the  rivalry 
of  Antwerp  with  Amsterdam,  of  the  growing  power  of 
the  house  of  Orange.  The  States-General  by  their  new 
proclamation  of  August  II,  1633,  inciting  the  south  to 
rebellion,  showed  they  had  by  no  means  given  up  the  idea 
of  resuming  the  plans  of  1632. 

The  conspirators,  thus  left  to  themselves,  without 
energy,  money,  troops,  or  real  influence  upon  the  people, 
and  surrounded  by  traitors,  were  greatly  embarrassed  by 
the  attitude  of  France  and  the  States.  The  Brussels 
government  ventured  to  arrest  Carondelet  and  to  surprise 
the  governor  of  Bouchain  who  wished  to  deliver  this  place 
to  France.  Warfus£e  was  condemned  in  the  spring, 
and  his  property  was  declared  confiscated.  The  shame- 
ful treason  of  the  English  agent  Gerbier  did  the 
rest,  acquainted  as  he  was  with  everything.  The 
Brussels  government  was  thoroughly  informed  in  Novem- 
ber, 1633,  consulted  with  that  of  Madrid,  and  directed 
its  attention  chiefly  to  the  weak  duke  of  Aerschot  com- 
missioned to  go  to  Spain  by  the  States-General  still 
sitting  in  Brussels.  He  was  made  a  prisoner  in  Spain  in 
April,  1634.  His  confessions  showed  that  he  had 
remained  outside  of  the  affair,  but  he  was  kept  under  a 
sharp  supervision  in  Madrid  and  died  there  in  1640. 

The  death  of  Archduchess  Isabella  on  December  1, 
1633,  delivered  the  compromised  noblemen  to  Spain's  ven- 
geance, and  Aytona's  vigorous  action  at  the  head  of  the 
Brussels  government  prevented  all  thought  of  actual 
revolt.  The  count  van  den  Bergh  on  account  of  treason 
was  condemned  in  default  to  death  by  the  court  of 
Mechlin;  the  prince  of  Barbancon  was  arrested  at 
Antwerp;  Epinoy  and  Bournonville  escaped  the  same 
fate  by  a  hasty  flight  to  France,  where  Egmont  was 
already.  Barbancon  long  remained  a  prisoner;  the  three 
others  were  later  sentenced  to  death  by  default.  A  general 
amnesty  wisely  threw  a  veil  over  what  had  occurred  in 


The  French  Alliance  105 

order  not  to  bring  discredit  to  the  recently  restored 
Spanish  sovereignty  by  too  great  severity. 

Meanwhile  the  negotiations1  concerning  peace  between 
the  States-General  of  the  south  and  those  of  the  north 
resulted  in  nothing.  Aytona  and  his  faithful  helper, 
Roose,  the  president  of  the  privy  council,  tried  to 
thwart  the  "in  all  times  and  for  all  monarchies  perni- 
cious" States-General  and  wanted  no  peace  concluded  by 
them.  But  the  Brussels  States  laboured  under  illusions 
for  a  long  time.  From  the  end  of  September,  1632, 
their  deputies  negotiated  in  the  camp  before  Maestricht 
with  the  prince  of  Orange  for  a  new  Truce  with  an  alliance 
of  the  two  Netherlands,  an  arrangement  not  advantageous 
to  Spain's  interests  and  made  more  unacceptable  when 
the  north  proudly  appointed  The  Hague  for  the  scene  of 
further  deliberations.  The  negotiations  at  The  Hague 
from  early  December  seemed  in  good  faith,  and  the 
powers  interested  were  officially  informed  of  them.  The 
Dutch  were  represented  by  sixteen  delegates,  prominent 
among  them  being  Adriaan  Pauw  and  Johan  de  Knuyt 
with  some  influential  members  of  the  States-General; 
from  the  other  side  came  Jacob  Boonen,  archbishop  of 
Mechlin,  seven  others,  and  Aerschot. 

It  had  cost  much  trouble  to  overcome  the  opposition  to 
negotiating  of  Zealand  prospering  by  privateering,  and  of 
Friesland  and  Groningen  jealous  of  Holland  and  suspi- 
cious of  Spain.  But  there  was  a  strong  peace  party  in  Hol- 
land, led  by  the  council  pensionary  Pauw  himself,  aiming 
at  the  renewal  of  the  Truce  and  following  the  policy  of 
Oldenbarnevelt.  This  party  pushed  matters  energetically 
and  was  helped  by  the  land  provinces  in  fear  of  the 
enemy's  invasions  and  by  the  peaceful  disposition  of  the 

'See  Gachard,  Actes  des  £tats  G/n/raux  de  1632,  passim  ;  De  Boer,  Die 
Friedensunterhandlungen  zwischen  Spanien  und  den  Niederlanden  ;  Wad- 
dington,  La  Re"publique  des  Provinces-  Unies,  la  France  &  les  Pays-Bas 
espagnols    i.,  p.   18b. 


106  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

prince  who  held  fast  to  his  old  alternative — an  acceptable 
peace  or  a  war  waged  vigorously  in  alliance  with 
France. 

Difficulties  seemed  to  grow  greater.  Prospects  were 
not  improved  by  Spain's  unwillingness,  now  that  the 
dreaded  king  of  Sweden  had  fallen  at  Lutzen  in  Novem- 
ber, 1632,  to  consent  to  an  unfavourable  peace  proceed- 
ing not  from  the  Spanish  government  but  from  the 
States-General  of  all  the  provinces,  as  in  the  Pacification 
of  Ghent.  It  soon  appeared  that  the  southern  deputies 
had  really  no  authority  to  negotiate  in  the  name  of  their 
States-General  or  of  Spain,  but  that  they  came  only  in 
the  name  of  their  provincial  Estates.  They  objected  to 
continuing  on  the  basis  discussed  at  Maestricht  and  to 
binding  themselves  to  maintain  a  treaty  against  their 
sovereign.  This  attitude  nearly  caused  a  rupture.  The 
prince  managed  to  calm  the  perturbed  minds  and  had  the 
demands  of  the  north  incorporated  in  twenty  articles. 
Five  of  the  deputies,  including  Aerschot  and  Boonen, 
took  these  articles  to  Brussels.  Although  the  States- 
General  of  Brussels  declared  themselves  ready  for  conces- 
sions, the  infanta's  Spanish  advisers  would  not  go  so  far, 
and  the  new  instructions  of  the  southern  deputies  con- 
sequently gave  slight  hope  of  a  happy  ending  of  the 
negotiations,  while  the  plan  of  sending  Rubens,  the 
former  secret  emissary,  as  a  check  upon  the  other 
deputies  was  not  pleasing  to  Aerschot  and  his  friends. 
Direct  authority  from  the  king  could  not  be  shown  at 
The  Hague  on  the  return  of  the  deputies  in  February, 
1633,  unless  that  of  1629  given  to  the  infanta  and  by  her 
transferred  to  the  deputies  might  be  so  regarded.  The 
prince  and  the  States  were  angered  because  this  was  not 
in  proper  form  and  by  the  rumoured  attempts  of  the 
southern  gentlemen  to  bribe  members  of  the  peace  com- 
mission. As  the  negotiations  made  little  progress,  Hol- 
land urged  a  reduction  of  the  demands.     By  a  vote  of 


The  French  Alliance  107 

four  to  three  the  States-General  of  The  Hague  determined 
early  in  March  not  to  end  the  parleying,  and  this  result 
was  due  to  the  prince's  intervention.  Zealand,  Friesland, 
and  Groningen  formed  the  minority.  Zealand  was 
especially  vehement,  and  Friesland  and  Groningen  pre- 
sented a  strong  remonstrance  against  all  negotiation  with 
these  "masked  Spaniards,"  as  they  called  the  States  of 
the  south. 

The  continuation  of  the  negotiations  began  to  make 
Richelieu  uneasy  about  the  result.  Peace  or  truce  in 
the  Netherlands  would  not  at  all  suit  his  policy.  In 
February,  1633,  therefore,  he  sent  to  the  aid  of  the  old 
and  not  very  vigorous  Beaugy  at  The  Hague  the  able 
Hercule  de  Charnace,  who  was  to  offer  the  prince  larger 
subsidies,  even  a  corps  of  auxiliary  troops  under  a  French 
marshal,  or,  provided  the  war  was  actively  prosecuted,  a 
treaty  of  cooperation  for  the  conquest  of  the  south,  thus 
preventing  any  peace  unless  France  were  included  in  it. 
This  attitude  of  France  and  similar  pressure  from  Sweden 
naturally  influenced  the  war  party  and  the  prince.  Char- 
nace held  back  his  offers  cleverly  as  long  as  possible  in  order 
not  unnecessarily  to  bind  France.  So  the  States  at  The 
Hague  early  in  April  offered  an  ultimatum  of  eighteen 
articles  somewhat  milder  than  thepreceding.  One  addition 
was  that  the  war  in  the  East  and  West  Indies  should  be 
continued  unless  Spain  granted  free  trade  in  its  colonies 
to  the  Dutch.  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  Spain 
would  consent  to  this.  Furthermore,  the  States  de- 
manded a  reply  within  fourteen  days,  impossible  to  obtain 
on  account  of  the  distance  from  Spain,  which  of  course 
had  to  be  consulted.  To  avoid  a  prolongation  of  the 
negotiations  the  States  declared  their  purpose  to  open  a 
campaign  towards  the  end  of  the  month. 

The  southern  delegates  again  asked  for  instructions  in 
Brussels,  but  the  deliberations  there  lasted  so  long  that 
the  prince  took  the  field  before  they  returned  from  the 


108  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

south,  and  encamped  before  Rijnberk,  which  fell  into  his 
hands  early  in  June.  Not  until  the  middle  of  May  could 
negotiations  be  resumed  at  The  Hague,  but  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  southern  gentlemen  once  more  appeared 
unsatisfactory.  Judging  the  time  ripe,  Charnac6  now 
came  out  with  more  liberal  offers  than  he  had  previously 
made.  In  private  interviews  with  the  prince  and  influen- 
tial members  of  the  States-General  he  had  already  inti- 
mated that  France  would  be  found  ready  to  engage  in  a 
joint  war  against  Spain,  provided  negotiations  were 
immediately  ended.  These  general  declarations  were 
incorporated  in  the  draft  of  a  treaty  proposing  a  division 
of  the  southern  provinces  to  be  conquered.  France 
demanded  for  its  share  Luxemburg,  French  Flanders, 
Artois,  Namur,  Hainaut,  Tournay,  and  Cambrai  with 
surrounding  territory,  while  the  Catholic  religion  must 
be  allowed  in  the  other  provinces  and  they  were  to  go  to 
the  north — a  proposal  that  had  a  great  effect  upon  the 
representatives  of  the  States.  The  ultimatum  of  June 
5th  consequently  adhered  to  these  conditions:  continua- 
tion of  the  war  outside  of  Europe,  full  power  from  Spain 
to  conclude  peace  in  Europe  on  the  terms  proposed, 
closing  of  the  Scheldt,  cession  of  Breda  and  Gelder  and 
one  other  city. 

This  ultimatum  was  not  promising.  Even  the  most 
zealous  partisans  of  peace  cherished  few  illusions  more, 
and  Charnace  did  not  regard  the  actual  offer  of  auxiliary 
troops  as  necessary  in  order  to  attain  his  end — the  break- 
ing off  of  negotiations,  although  he  feared  the  intrigues 
of  those  favouring  a  truce  and  sought  to  strengthen  the 
war  party  by  giving  lavish  presents  in  money  to  De 
Knuyt  and  others.  Thus  little  more  was  done  at  The 
Hague  than  to  beat  about  the  bush.  In  August  the 
prince  of  Orange,  now  determined  upon  war,  moved 
across  the  Rhine  into  Brabant  and  menaced  Breda  and 
the   heart   of   the   hostile    provinces.     The  measures  of 


The  French  Alliance  109 

Aytona,  who  had  assembled  a  considerable  army,  pre- 
vented his  further  advance,  and  the  attitude  of  the  south- 
ern nobility,  already  betrayed  by  Gerbier,  roused  the 
infanta's  suspicion.  The  disposition  of  the  people  also 
in  the  south  was  untrustworthy,  to  judge  from  the  deep 
impression  made  by  the  pamphlet  of  Puteanus,  the 
Louvain  professor,  Statera  Belli  ac  Pads,  the  Scales  of 
War  and  Peace,  favouring  peace  and  the  States.  The 
Anti-Puteanus  of  Barlaeus,  on  the  contrary,  did  not  meet 
the  popular  taste. 

The  southern  deputies  still  remained  at  The  Hague, 
but  negotiations  were  at  a  stand  for  want  of  the  neces- 
sary powers  from  Spain.  Meanwhile  the  uneasiness  was 
increasing  in  the  south,  though  the  prince  of  Orange's 
campaign  ended  in  a  retreat  to  the  Meuse.  The  admoni- 
tions and  promises  of  the  adroit  Charnac6  now  secured 
their  immediate  purpose.  The  prince  himself,  Charnac£ 
constantly  offering  him  French  aid,  saw  the  uselessness 
of  further  negotiation,  while  the  king's  authority  was 
waited  for,  and  Aerschot,  going  to  Spain  for  it,  did  not 
set  out  until  the  middle  of  November.  A  fortnight  later 
the  conspiracy  in  the  south  was  completely  discovered  and 
the  infanta  died,  the  authorisation  of  1629  thus  lapsing. 
Although  the  peace-loving  provinces  of  Holland  and 
Overyssel  were  unwilling  to  stop  negotiations  at  once, 
the  States-General,  at  the  instance  of  Charnace,  resolved, 
by  a  majority  of  the  five  other  provinces  to  these  two, 
upon  the  dismissal  of  the  representatives  of  the  south. 
On  December  16th  this  resolution  was  made  known  to 
them,  and  they  received  permission  to  remain  ten  days 
longer  to  put  their  affairs  in  order.  Before  the  end  of 
the  year  they  had  left  the  territory  of  the  United  Nether- 
lands and  all  negotiations  ceased. 

The  States-General  of  Brussels  now  lost  their  impor- 
tance. They  continued  in  session  for  a  time  after  the 
infanta's  death,  still  hoping    for  the  king's  warrant  and 


no  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

for  peace.  When  this  appeared  unattainable,  they  dis- 
solved at  the  king's  command  July  10,  1634,  to  the  relief 
of  their  own  government.  Thus  failed  the  last  serious 
attempt  of  the  south  to  restore  peace  by  negotiation 
between  the  two  separated  divisions  of  the  old  Burgundian 
lands.  Spain  could  not  possibly  consent  to  a  treaty 
which  would  have  placed  all  the  Netherlands  outside  of 
its  influence  and  would  have  caused  the  loss  of  rich  Brazil. 
Aytona  was  now  alone  at  the  head  of  the  Netherlandish 
provinces,  awaiting  the  new  Spanish  governor  of  the 
blood  royal,  the  cardinal  infante  Ferdinand  of  Austria, 
the  king's  brother,  who  was  still  carrying  on  war  in 
southern  Germany.  From  both  Aytona  and  Ferdinand 
a  government  in  Brussels  might  be  expected  that  would 
continue  the  traditions  of  ancient  Spanish  policy,  and 
with  Roose's  help  all  remembrance  speedily  disappeared 
of  the  apparent  independence  which  the  south  had 
possessed  in  Isabella's  last  years.  The  failure  of  the 
negotiations  at  The  Hague  and  of  the  conspiracy  of  the 
nobility  rendered  the  Spanish  authority  stronger  than 
ever,  and  "reliable"  Spanish  and  Italian  officers  again 
saw  themselves  intrusted  with  the  highest  positions. 
The  provinces  under  Spanish  rule  came  back  once  more 
to  the  sceptre,  from  which  thirty-five  years  earlier  they  had 
hoped  to  withdraw.  The  south's  destiny  was  accomplished 
further,  and  the  unhappy  country  sank  ever  deeper  in  the 
slough  of  social  and  political  misery. 

A  closer  alliance  between  France  and  the  United 
Netherlands  was  now  at  hand,  though  Charnace's  offers 
shrank  as  the  chance  of  peace  diminished.  An  anti- 
French  party,  still  existing  in  the  Netherlands  and  draw- 
ing strength  from  the  ambiguity  of  the  French  policy, 
opposed  a  new  treaty  with  this  power.  Fear  of  secret 
favour  to  the  Catholic  population  was  repeatedly  ex- 
pressed in  the  ensuing  negotiations.  Thanks  to  Char- 
nace's ability,   the  French    money,   the  support   of  the 


The  French  Alliance  1 1 1 

prince  and  of  the  war  party,  they  led  in  April  to  a  treaty 
of  subsidy  notwithstanding  the  antagonism  of  Amster- 
dam. By  it  the  States  promised  not  to  negotiate  during 
eight  months  for  peace  or  truce  and  not  to  conclude  it 
within  a  year,  while  France  in  this  time  was  not  to  make 
any  agreement  with  Spain.  France,  unless  it  began  a 
war  itself  with  Spain,  was  to  give,  besides  the  customary 
subsidy  of  a  million,  another  million  and  300,000  livres 
for  a  regiment  of  French  troops  in  the  service  of  the 
States.  Both  parties  were  satisfied  with  this  result. 
France  was  assured  of  the  continuation  of  the  war  in  the 
Netherlands  without  directly  taking  part  in  it,  and  the 
States  secured  considerable  money.  Most  pleased  was 
the  war  party  in  the  United  Provinces,  which  had  van- 
quished Amsterdam's  opposition.  Highly  honoured  by 
the  States  and  by  his  own  government,  Charnace  re- 
turned to  France,  not  without  making  liberal  presents  to 
his  friends  in  the  administration  of  the  States,  especially 
to  Musch  and  De  Knuyt. 

The  war  meanwhile  brought  slight  advantage  in  this 
year.  Aytona  laid  siege  to  Maestricht,  the  prince  to 
Breda,  but  neither  gained  possession  of  the  beleaguered 
fortress,  and  when  Aytona  came  to  the  relief  of  Breda, 
Frederick  Henry  drew  back  to  the  Meuse  country  and 
from  there  went  into  winter  quarters.  After  his  victory 
over  the  Swedes  at  Nordlingen  the  new  governor  pro- 
ceeded along  the  Rhine  to  the  Netherlands  and  made 
his  entrance  into  Brussels  early  in  November.  Don  Fer- 
dinand was  an  intelligent  nobleman  of  twenty-five  years, 
energetic,  valiant,  remotely  resembling  Archduke  Albert, 
but  more  of  a  fighter,  one  of  the  best  of  the  Hapsburg 
princes.  His  aim  was  not  a  truce  or  peace,  but  vigor- 
ous war.  Richelieu  also  had  become  convinced  that  war 
was  for  France  the  only  means  of  settling  Netherlandish 
affairs.  He  believed  that  a  division,  between  France  and 
the  States,  of  the  country  to  be  conquered  could  not  be 


ii2  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

effected  without  great  dangers.  "It  might  happen  soon 
afterwards  that,  there  being  no  barrier  between  us  and  the 
Dutch,  we  should  enter  upon  the  same  war,  in  which  they 
and  the  Spaniards  now  are,"  said  he  with  the  statesman's 
far-seeing  vision.  Better  for  both  parties  would  be  the 
formation  of  an  intermediary  Catholic  state.  These  views 
were  held  when  an  embassy  from  the  States  came  to 
France — the  envoy  Langerak  having  died — to  bring  the 
ratification  of  the  treaty  and  to  settle  the  cooperation 
proposed  by  Charnace.  The  ambassadors,  Pauw,  or 
Heemstede,  as  he  was  called  from  his  lordship,  and  De 
Knuyt,  representatives  of  both  parties,  received  besides 
an  ordinary  instruction  a  secret  one,  both  determined  in 
consultation  with  the  prince  and  his  cabinet  "in  the 
chamber"  of  His  Excellency  and  not  in  the  assembly  of 
the  States-General.  They  were  to  persuade  Louis 
XIII.,  if  possible,  to  engage  in  actual  war  against  Spain 
and  to  propose  an  eventual  division  of  the  south  accord- 
ing to  the  linguistic  frontier,  so  that  France  would 
obtain  the  regions  where  French  was  spoken,  and  the 
remainder  would  go  to  the  States,  making  them  the 
"neighbour  and  firm  bulwark'  of  France.  Thus  the 
prince  had  the  entire  conduct  of  this  important  affair  in 
his  own  hands  and  deliberated  only  with  a  few  trusted 
members  of  the  States-General — a  new  proof  of  his  great 
power  in  these  days. 

At  the  end  of  June  the  ambassadors  arrived  in  Paris 
and  began  immediately  negotiations  which  led  some  days 
later  to  the  draft  of  a  treaty.  By  it  France  promised 
with  8000  men  to  conquer  Dunkirk  and  Grevelingen, 
afterwards  with  the  prince  Breda,  Hulst,  and  Gelder,  to 
help  drive  out  the  Spaniards,  and  not  to  divide  the  south 
but  to  make  it  into  a  "free  and  sovereign  country."  De 
Knuyt  took  this  project  home  in  August,  and  Pauw 
remained  in  Paris,  where  a  readiness  was  soon  manifest 
for  anything,  even  for  a  partition,  so  great  was  the  im- 


The  French  Alliance  113 

pression  produced  by  the  battle  of  Nordlingen.  De 
Knuyt  returned  to  Paris  in  September,  but  in  November 
he  had  to  go  home  again  for  new  instructions  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  Catholic  religion  in  the  provinces  to  be  con- 
quered, which  was  disputed  over  for  a  long  time  until 
the  States  yielded.  To  the  vexation  of  Richelieu  and 
Pauw  the  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  was  not 
actually  concluded  before  February  8,  1635.  Each 
party  furnishing  30,000  men,  a  joint  war  was  to  be  waged 
for  the  liberation  of  the  southern  provinces,  if  they 
manifested  a  willingness  to  cooperate  within  three 
months,  otherwise  they  were  to  be  divided  up  following 
a  line  from  Blankenberghe  between  Damme  and  Bruges 
along  the  southern  border  of  Brabant  and  Limburg. 
The  Catholic  religion  was  to  be  maintained  as  it  existed 
in  the  territory  to  be  divided,  and  negotiations  with 
Spain  were  to  be  only  "conjointly  and  with  common 
consent." 

It  was  a  question  whether  this  alliance  might  be  called 
an  advantage  to  fhe  United  Netherlands.  The  danger 
of  having  France  for  a  neighbour  was  great,  but  the 
Dutch  rightly  thought  that  it  had  not  yet  gone  so  far. 
It  was  evident  that  a  reasonable  peace  could  not  be 
secured.  What  could  then  be  more  desirable  than 
France's  powerful  help  against  Spain,  which  had  been 
urged  ever  since  the  days  of  Prince  William?  The  treaty 
embodying  Richelieu's  idea  of  forming  a  Catholic  state 
in  the  south — the  old  plan  of  Jeannin  and  Olden- 
barnevelt — was  to  a  certain  extent  a  victory  for  the 
policy  of  the  States,  since  France  was  drawn  into  the 
war.  Even  Holland  had  to  give  way  to  this  argument. 
Much  seamanship  was  still  necessary  to  bring  the 
Calvinistic  statesmen  to  an  approval  of  the  provision, 
abominable  in  their  eyes  and  contrary  to  the  "old 
maxims,"  concerning  the  maintenance  of  the  Romish 
faith  in  conquered  districts.     In  May,  France  formally 

VOL.   IV. 8 


ii4  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

declared  war  and  sent  its  troops  under  de  Br£ze  and 
Chatillon  to  the  frontier  to  act  in  concert  with  the 
prince.  In  case  of  cooperation  the  prince  was  to  have 
supreme  command  over  all  the  troops,  unless  the  duke  of 
Orleans  or  the  cardinal  de  Richelieu  joined  the  French 
army. 

This  league  between  the  cardinal-diplomatist  and 
the  diplomatist-general  endured  eight  years.  It  was 
aided  by  Richelieu's  trusted  agents  in  the  prince's  army, 
by  Charnace"  succeeding  Beaugy  as  ambassador,  by 
d'Estrades  and  other  French  officers  in  the  Dutch  service, 
and  was  characterised  by  friendly  letters  and  mutual  gifts 
and  courtesies,  in  which  the  most  influential  statesmen 
had  no  small  share.1  The  prince  looked  after  the  mutual 
interests  more  in  his  camp  than  did  the  newly  appointed 
ambassador  in  Paris,  Willem  van  Lier,  lord  of  Ooster- 
wijk,  who  merely  performed  the  functions  of  a  consul. 

The  united  power  was  great  enough.  In  May,  1635, 
a  French  army  of  20,000  men  was  already  in  Luxemburg 
to  join  the  prince's  equally  large  force.  But  Spain  had 
able  and  energetic  defenders  in  Don  Ferdinand  and 
Aytona,  while  the  French  generals  were  far  from  able 
and  energetic.  The  allies  succeeded  in  uniting  their 
troops  at  Maestricht  and  moved  into  Brabant,  but  the 
expected  uprising  of  the  south  did  not  occur.  Robbing 
and  plundering,  the  combined  force  advanced  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Brussels  and  sacked  Tirlemont,  but 
Don  Ferdinand  adopted  Alva's  old  strategy,  avoided 
battle,  provided  the  cities  with  strong  garrisons,  and 
thus  obliged  the  hostile  army,  after  an  unsuccessful  siege 
of    Louvain,  to    fall    back    in    disorder   to    the    Meuse. 

1  Thousands  of  francs  were  repeatedly  paid  to  them.  Musch,  Cats, 
Ploos,  Haersolte,  De  Knuyt,  Noordwijk,  and  others  are  mentioned  by 
name  among  those  who  did  not  hesitate  to  accept  payment  for  services 
rendered  or  to  be  rendered  to  France  in  the  negotiation  of  agreements  and 
treaties  (Waddington,  i. ,  p.  283). 


The  French  Alliance  115 

Disease  and  famine  ravaged  the  French-Dutch  army  which 
in  July  lay  at  Roermond.  At  the  end  of  the  month  a 
Spanish  force  surprised  Schenkenschans  on  the  Rhine,  so 
that  the  Betuwe  was  endangered,  all  the  more  so  when 
Don  Ferdinand  occupied  Goch,  Cleves,  and  Gennep.  The 
governor  returned  gloriously  to  Brussels  in  the  fall;  the 
most  serious  harm  he  had  suffered  was  the  loss  of  Aytona, 
who  had  died  of  fever. 

The  recapture  of  Schenkenschans  now  became  the 
chief  purpose,  and  it  was  only  accomplished  after 
incredible  exertion  in  April,  1636.  Great  was  the 
disappointment  over  this  first  campaign.  The  French 
complained  bitterly  of  the  neglect  and  misery  that 
brought  a  pestilence  upon  them.  It  raged  also  in  the 
Dutch  cities,  while  the  French  troops,  badly  organised, 
commanded,  paid,  and  provisioned,  died  by  hundreds  in 
the  Veluwe  and  the  garrisons.  Each  tried  to  throw  the 
blame  on  the  other,  but  even  French  writers  admit  the 
bad  condition  of  the  French  army  in  those  days  before 
Turenne  and  Cond6,  not  to  be  compared  with  the 
Dutch  army  under  Frederick  Henry,  whose  talent  shone 
less  in  the  open  field  than  in  war  on  fortifications. 

The  following  year  was  no  more  profitable  for  the 
allies.  A  Spanish  army  invaded  Picardy,  frightening 
Paris  itself,  and  was  repulsed  with  difficulty.  An 
attempt  of  the  prince  to  take  Breda  failed  owing  to  the 
approach  of  the  Spaniards  under  Feria.  In  Holland 
people  complained  of  financial  distress,  demanded  a 
reduction  of  the  troops  to  22,000  men,  and  were  inclined 
to  participate  in  the  negotiations  preparing  at  Cologne 
for  a  general  European  peace.  When  France  noticed 
this  and  Spain's  desire  to  negotiate  separately  with  the 
United  Netherlands,  Richelieu  warned  Charnac6  to  be 
on  his  guard,  and  the  latter  protested  vigorously.  The 
war,  however,  went  on.  For  1637  a  joint  attack  on 
Dunkirk  was  planned,   but   storm    and   contrary   winds 


n6  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

detaining  the  troops  in  Zealand,  the  prince,  on  July 
2  ist,  suddenly  laid  siege  to  the  coveted  Breda,  which  he 
surrounded  with  an  intrenched  camp  as  was  done  with 
Bois-le-Duc  in  1629.  Don  Ferdinand's  army  sought  to 
draw  him  off  by  a  campaign  on  the  Meuse  and  really 
captured  Venloo  and  Roermond.  The  siege  of  Breda, 
ending  with  its  surrender  on  October  10th,  was  one  of 
the  most  brilliant  military  exploits  of  the  time,  one  of 
Frederick  Henry's  most  remarkable  feats,  but  it  cost 
much  money  and  many  dead  and  wounded.  Among  the 
killed  was  Charnace"  righting  valiantly  in  an  assault  upon 
the  stubbornly  defended  city. 

This  victory  was  the  most  important  advantage  for 
a  time  resulting  to  the  Dutch  side  from  the  alliance. 
Year  after  year  campaigns  were  planned  on  the 
French  and  Dutch  frontiers.  The  new  French  am- 
bassador at  The  Hague,  d'Etampes,  succeeded  in  1640 
by  La  Thuillerie,  and  the  military  agent,  Godefroy 
d'  Estrades,  made  agreements  with  the  prince  who, 
supported  by  the  aged  Sommelsdijk,  negotiated  in 
the  name  of  the  States  concerning  the  troops  to 
be  furnished  by  both  sides,  the  subsidies  to  be 
given  by  France,  and  the  fleet  to  be  sent  out 
by  the  States.  But  the  results  remained  far  below 
expectations.  The  severe  defeat  of  the  Dutch  before 
Calloo  in  1638  during  one  of  the  repeated  attempts  upon 
Antwerp,  the  prince's  unsuccessful  attacks  on  Gelder 
and  Hulst,  where  the  Frisian  stadtholder  Henry  Casimir 
perished  in  1640,  the  combined  Franco-Dutch  operations 
of  1642  on  the  lower  Rhine,  in  which  the  French  general, 
de  Guebriant,  could  accomplish  little  after  a  victory  over 
the  imperial  troops  at  Kempen,  increased  the  disappoint- 
ment of  France  and  gave  occasion  to  complaints  of  the 
slight  power  developed  by  the  States  and  the  prince. 
Ridicule  was  heaped  on  the  indecision  and  slowness  of  the 
prince,  which  did  not  diminish  with  years  and  made  him 


The  French  Alliance  117 

hesitate  to  undertake  such  great  enterprises  as  the 
French  demanded  with  Gallic  vehemence.  Only  Gennep, 
a  "villainous  hole"  in  the  Cleves  territory,  was  taken  in 
164 1  by  the  prince's  army.  The  slender  results  of  the 
much  desired  alliance  awakened  vexation  in  the  United 
Netherlands  also  and  strengthened  the  peace  party.  Fred- 
erick Henry's  continued  sufferings  from  the  gout  made 
him  likewise  less  eager  for  war.  The  French  conquests 
in  Artois  and  on  the  borders  of  Hainaut  and  Cambrai 
were  mostly  lost,  and  the  condition  of  affairs  was  not 
changed  by  the  death,  in  1641,  of  the  young  Don  Ferdi- 
nand, who  was  succeeded  by  the  equally  energetic 
Francisco  de  Melo  as  governor  and  captain-general  of  the 
Netherlands. 

Better  fortune  attended  operations  on  the  sea  in  1639. 
Marten  Harpertszoon  Tromp,  the  worthy  successor  of 
Piet  Heyn,  was  now  in  command  of  the  Dutch  fleet. 
Under  his  direction  great  reforms  were  effected  in  naval 
affairs,  and  the  victory  won  by  him  before  Dunkirk  in 
February,  1639,  with  a  squadron  of  eleven  vessels  over 
the  enemy's  fleet  of  twenty  ships  promised  much  for  the 
future.  Some  alarm  was  felt  concerning  this  future,  be- 
cause there  had  been  talk  for  years  of  an  armada  fitting 
out  in  Spanish  and  Portuguese  harbours  and  destined  to 
bring  a  considerable  army  to  the  Netherlands.  Dunkirk 
ships  had  already  departed  for  Spain  to  accompany  the 
armada  through  the  English  Channel.  Tromp  received 
orders  to  cruise  with  thirteen  vessels  in  the  Channel  and 
watch  for  the  enemy,  while  Banckerts  with  twelve  others 
was  to  blockade  Dunkirk  and  Witte  de  With  with  five 
ships  remained  not  far  away.  In  the  middle  of  September 
this  divided  force  was  surprised  by  the  approach  of  a 
great  fleet  from  Corunna  under  the  Spanish  admiral 
d'Oquendo  who  had  no  less  than  6j  heavy  galleons  with 
1700  cannons  and  24,000 sailors  and  soldiers.  D'Oquen- 
do's  fleet  had  commands  to   avoid  an  engagement  and, 


n8  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

according  to  a  very  general  agreement  with  the  English 
government,  which,  however,  did  not  expect  so  large  a 
force,  in  case  of  danger  from  the  Dutch  or  French  fleet  to 
run  into  the  Downs  on  the  English  coast.  From  there 
his  troops  under  the  protection  of  the  English  fleet  were 
to  be  conveyed  over  to  Flanders  in  the  Dunkirk  ships, 
as  his  galleons  were  of  too  deep  draught  for  the  Nether- 
landish harbours. 

On  receipt  of  definite    information  about  the  armada 
the  prince  had  set  the  admiralty  boards  to  work  in  order 
to  collect  as  many  ships  as  possible  for  the  reenforcement 
of  Tromp,  who  was  to  unite  the  three  squadrons  already 
at  sea.     Work  in  the  yards  went  on  with  feverish  haste, 
especially  when  news  came  that  the  armada  was  in  the 
Downs.     The  West  India  and  East    India    Companies, 
the  owners  of  privateers  and  cruisers,  were  asked  to  lend 
their  vessels,  which  were  speedily  equipped  and  sent  to 
sea.      Meanwhile  Tromp  had  engaged  the  enemy  on  the 
15th  with  his  own  ships  and  those  of  De  With,  repelling 
the  attack  of  the  enormously  superior  force  and  causing 
d'Oquendo  to  seek  refuge  on  the  English  coast.     In  the 
night  of  the  16th  to  the  17th  Tromp  intrepidly  renewed 
the  unequal  conflict  and  chased  the  flying  enemy.     Then 
Banckerts   joined   him,    and   the   fleet,    after   laying   in 
ammunition  at  Calais,  took  its  station  before  the  Downs, 
whither  d'Oquendo    had   steered    his    course.      Tromp 
immediately  sent  his  report  to  Holland  with  a  request 
for  reinforcements,  especially  of  fire  ships,  and  for  instruc- 
tions   how  he  was  to  act    towards  the   English.     The 
States-General  resolved  on  the  2 1st,  without  deliberation, 
to  order  him,  while  awaiting  reinforcements,  to  keep  the 
Spaniards  busy,  or,  in  case  an  opportunity  should  offer, 
to  attack  the   enemy  without  regard    to    the  harbours, 
roadsteads,  or  bays  of  the  kingdoms  where  the   hostile 
fleet  might  be  reached,  and — this  he  must  keep  secret  as 
long  as  possible — if  he  were  strong  enough,  to   defend 


The  French  Alliance  119 

himself  with  arms  against  such  nations  as  should  seek  to 
prevent  his  taking  advantage  of  the  enemy. 

The  attitude  of  the  English  was  really  suspicious. 
Admiral  Pennington  with  some  thirty  vessels  lay  between 
the  two  fleets  and  warned  Tromp  earnestly  of  the  con- 
sequences of  an  attack  upon  the  enemy  guarded  by  Eng- 
lish cannon.  Tromp's  council  of  war  hesitated  to  move, 
although  about  thirteen  Dunkirk  ships  had  already 
escaped,  and  numbers  of  Spanish  soldiers  were  going 
over  to  Flanders  secretly  from  other  points  of  the  English 
coast.  But  the  States-General  adhered  to  their  resolution, 
notwithstanding  the  English,  desirous  of  obtaining  from 
Spain  a  large  sum  for  their  protection,  threatened  venge- 
ance for  any  violation  of  their  law.  There  was  a  moment 
of  halting  at  The  Hague,  because  the  prince,  who  was 
just  then  negotiating  about  the  English  marriage  of  his 
son,  wished  not  to  offend  the  English  court,  and  began 
to  be  "scrupulous."  Tromp,  however,  failed  by  chance 
to  receive  ambiguous  orders  sent  him,  and  the  English 
nation  now  expressed  its  favour  for  the  Dutch  side,  so 
that  the  arming  of  the  English  fleet  had  to  be  suspended. 
In  the  middle  of  October  it  was  definitely  decided  to 
persist  in  the  "vigorous"  resolution,  considering  the 
state  of  opinion  in  England  and  on  the  fleet  before  the 
Downs,  which  had  gradually  been  increased  to  over  sixty 
vessels  and  eleven  fire  ships,  manned  by  sailors  attracted 
by  Tromp's  name  as  a  guarantee  of  victory.  The  Dutch 
admiral  endeavoured  to  get  the  enemy  out  of  the  Downs. 
He  let  one  of  his  own  ships  bring  spars  and  masts  from 
Dover  for  d'Oquendo,  and  offered  a  quantity  of  powder 
to  the  Spanish  admiral,  who  courteously  declined  the 
offer  and  refused  to  leave  the  Downs.  Then  Tromp 
determined  to  attack  as  soon  as  the  wind  veered  to  the 
west.  This  occurred  on  October  21st,  when  he  ranged  in 
order  of  battle  his  fleet  now  grown  to  ninety-five  vessels 
and  eleven  fire  ships,  announced  his  plan  to  the  English 


120  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

admiral,  and  at  break  of  day  fell  upon  the  foe,  while  a 
strong  squadron  under  De  With  watched  the  English 
fleet.  A  fierce  battle  ensued,  and  thanks  to  the  superior 
sailing  of  Tromp's  ships,  to  the  bravery  of  Jan  Evertsen, 
Houtebeen,  and  other  commanders,  to  the  skill  and 
seamanship  of  captains  and  sailors,  it  ended  in  the  com- 
plete defeat  of  the  Spaniards.  Under  cover  of  a  heavy 
fog  d'Oquendo  escaped  to  Dunkirk  with  ten  of  his 
ships;  forty  of  his  vessels  destroyed  or  burned,  fourteen 
carried  off  in  triumph,  over  5000  dead  and  1800 
prisoners  formed  the  loss  of  the  Spanish  side,  while  the 
Dutch  lost  but  one  ship  and  a  hundred  men.  On 
"Triton's  chariot  of  victory"  the  valiant  admiral  returned 
to  The  Hague,  greeted  by  the  acclamation  of  the  whole 
country,  which  in  a  day  of  prayer  gave  expression  to  the 
feeling  of  thankfulness  inspiring  all  for  the  great  triumph 
that  had  broken  Spain's  power.  Don  Ferdinand's  army 
meanwhile  was  reenforced  by  troops  from  the  Downs  and 
the  English  coast,  later  by  the  remains  of  d'Oquendo's 
force — the  chief  purpose  of  the  entire  expedition.  The 
French  were  made  to  feel  this  to  their  great  vexation 
through  the  vigorous  invasion  of  the  Spaniards  into 
Picardy.  They  had  more  reasons  to  be  vexed.  The 
visit  of  the  queen-mother  Marie  de  Medicis,  who  in  1638 
unexpectedly  travelled  from  Brussels  to  the  United 
Netherlands  and  was  honourably  received  there,  dis- 
pleased Richelieu  and  the  king,  particularly  when  Fred- 
erick Henry  was  moved  to  send  his  favourite  De  Knuyt 
to  Paris  to  attempt  a  reconciliation  which  was  politely  but 
firmly  declined.  There  was  some  resentment  because 
so  little  was  accomplished  on  land  and  sea  in  the  follow- 
ing years  by  the  great  general  and  the  great  admiral. 
Moreover  the  French  still  mistrusted  the  peace  party, 
which  constantly  grew  bolder,  in  Amsterdam  especially, 
where  people  feared  a  conquest  of  Antwerp  and  urged  a 
reduction  of  the  land  forces. 


The  French  Alliance  121 

Spain  sought  to  use  this  feeling  among  the  Dutch  by- 
offering  anew  to  negotiate.  Incessantly  Spanish  and 
imperial  agents  bestirred  themselves  to  induce  the  United 
Netherlands  to  discuss  a  truce  or  peace  and  thus  to 
separate  the  two  allies  or  rouse  mutual  distrust  between 
them.  In  the  autumn  of  1635  the  States  negotiated 
through  their  recorder  Musch  with  the  Spaniards  first  at 
Arnhem,  afterwards  at  Cranenburg.  Not  a  year  passed 
but  Spain  made  some  effort  to  bring  the  United  Nether- 
lands to  a  separate  negotiation  or  to  show  the  prince  the 
advantages  to  be  derived  from  it  for  him  and  his  house. 
Now  a  Brabant  pastor,  then  a  monk,  or  a  French  noble 
opposed  to  Richelieu,  or  the  Danish  ambassador  was 
employed  as  intermediary.  In  1641  an  imperial  ambas- 
sador, Count  Auersperg,  accompanied  by  the  Spanish 
agent  Friquet,  appeared  at  The  Hague,  causing  the 
French  government  annoyance.  But  Spain  cherished 
too  many  illusions  of  the  conditions  it  could  secure  in 
case  of  peace  or  truce,  and  of  the  power  of  its  money 
and  promises  over  the  Dutch  leaders.  Negotiations 
between  Spain  and  the  United  Netherlands  were  not  yet 
serious,  but  France  understood  that  it  must  keep  an  eye 
upon  the  sail,  the  more  so  because  deliberations  at  Ham- 
burg concerning  a  general  European  peace  resulted, 
towards  the  end  of  1641,  in  preliminaries  fixing  the  terms 
on  which  representatives  were  to  be  sent  by  the  different 
governments  to  a  peace  congress  at  Miinster  and 
Osnabriick.  Much  was  still  to  be  done  before  this  con- 
gress could  meet,  but  its  foundations  were  laid. 

The  aged  Richelieu  died  in  December,  1642,  and, 
although  his  follower  Mazarin  was  immediately  intrusted 
by  Louis  XIII.  with  the  conduct  of  affairs,  the  States 
felt  uneasy  about  the  course  of  events  in  France,  espe- 
cially when  in  the  following  May  the  king  himself  passed 
away,  and  his  widow  took  the  government  into  her  hands 
for  her  young  son.     Thus  began  again  in  France  a  period 


122  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

of  internal  disorders,  little  calculated  to  persuade  a  waver- 
ing ally  to  vigorous  cooperation  and  steadfast  adherence 
to  treaties.  The  peace  party  from  now  on  worked 
earnestly  for  negotiation,  if  necessary  for  separate 
negotiation  with  Spain.  In  the  long  run  Spain  would 
see  that  it  must  moderate  its  conditions  in  order  to  end 
the  war  with  France  and  the  United  Netherlands  or  with 
one  of  them. 


CHAPTER  VI 

LAST   YEARS   OF   THE   WAR.      PEACE   OF   MUNSTER 

THE  United  Netherlands  had  now  become  a  state 
which  could  not  possibly  submit  again  to  the  sceptre 
of  Spain's  king.  Laying  down  the  law  in  northern  Europe, 
showing  their  preponderance  in  the  neighbouring,  small, 
German  states,  mediating  in  England  driven  through 
dissensions  between  king  and  Parliament  into  civil  war, 
and  ruling  the  seas,  they  stood  the  strongest  power  of 
Europe  with  France  and  against  Spain,  honoured  or 
feared  by  those  who  needed  their  help  or  dreaded  their 
enmity.  And  the  arch-enemy  saw  its  world-embracing 
empire  fall.  Portugal  became  free;  Catalonia  threatened 
revolt;  Italy  was  in  a  ferment;  the  Philippines  alone 
remained  Spanish  in  the  East  Indies;  all  Spain's 
possessions  in  the  West  Indies  were  harassed  by  Dutch 
fleets;  commerce  was  destroyed,  industry  was  broken 
up,  bankruptcy  of  the  state  was  at  the  door.  Then  came 
May  19,  1643,  the  great  defeat  of  Rocroy,  when  the 
young  duke  of  Enghien  commanding  a  French  army 
annihilated  the  old  Spanish  regiments.  Spain's  ruin 
seemed  near  at  hand. 

But  Philip  IV.  did  not  lose  heart.  His  minister 
Olivarez  was  forced  to  resign,  and  De  Melo  in  the  Nether- 
lands was  dragged  down  in  his  fall.  In  the  summer  of 
1644  De  Melo  was  replaced  by  the  excellent  diplomatist, 
Manuel  de  Moura-Cortereal,  marquis  of  Castel-Rodrigo, 
with  whom  the  veteran  imperial  general  Ottavio  Picco- 
lomini  was  to   restore  the   lustre  of  the  Spanish  arms. 

123 


124  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Later  the  king's  illegitimate  young  son,  Don  Juan  of 
Austria,  was  to  be  above  them  as  governor  in  name  in 
order  to  have  a  chief  ruler  "of  royal  blood."  Castel- 
Rodrigo  would  then  only  be  his  lieutenant-general. 

These  changes  gave  little  satisfaction  to  the  south- 
ern Netherianders.  The  illegitimacy  of  the  expected 
governor  and  his  being  under  age  appeared  humiliations 
to  them,  and  the  new  Italian-Spanish  government  re- 
called the  darkest  years  of  the  war,  the  most  unpopular 
rulers  of  the  luckless  provinces.  The  nobility  began  to 
lift  up  its  head  again ;  there  were  disturbances  in  Brussels, 
Ghent,  and  Bruges;  pamphlets  stirred  the  fire;  Mazarin 
even  tried  to  win  over  De  Melo  from  Spain.  But  Hol- 
land's waxing  influence  and  the  waning  power  of  the 
sickly  and  aged  prince  made  the  Dutch  less  eager  for  a 
joint  conquest  of  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  and  uneasi- 
ness was  felt  at  the  pretensions  of  France.  Galium 
amicum,  non  vicinam  became  more  and  more  the  maxim 
of  Holland's  statesmen  with  Pauw,  a  former  friend  to 
France,  at  their  head.  Mazarin's  plan  of  putting  the 
duke  of  Orleans  in  possession  of  the  southern  Netherlands 
and  forming  them  into  an  intermediary  state  found  slight 
favour  in  Holland. 

Mutual  distrust  assumed  alarming  shapes,  and  France 
feared  that  peace  would  be  concluded  by  the  United 
Netherlands  as  much  as  the  latter  were  apprehensive  of 
the  attitude  of  the  French  government  which  sat  far  from 
firm  in  the  saddle  and  might  any  day  see  the  factious 
nobles  arrayed  against  itself.  The  Catholic  sympathies 
of  the  French  court  seemed  quite  strong  under  the  new 
government,  and  some  effort  was  expected  from  it  to 
assure  at  least  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion  to  the 
Catholics  in  the  United  Netherlands,  still  numbering 
little  less  than  one-third  of  the  population.  Catholic 
activity  developing  here  as  everywhere  since  the  begin- 
ning of  the  century,  a  great    increase  of  the  clergy,  the 


Peace  of  Munster  125 

rumoured  zeal  of  the  Beguines,  sisters  in  secular  garb  ex- 
horting Catholics  to  take  part  in  their  religious  solemnities, 
noteworthy  conversions  like  that  of  Vondel  excited  great 
indignation.  Calvinistic  synods  and  church  councils 
made  many  a  complaint  of  "popish  insolences"  and 
"Romish  exorbitancies,"  and  soon  there  was  a  temporary 
strictness  in  enforcing  the  placards  against  the  "Romish 
susperstitions. "  Although  the  avarice  of  officials,  whose 
hands  were  stopped  by  bribery,  and  the  moderation  of 
many  magistrates,  who  were  supported  by  the  prince, 
worked  in  favour  of  the  Catholics,  the  Protestants  could 
not  be  expected  to  remain  content  with  visitations  of 
houses  and  condemnations  to  fines,  by  which  means  the 
government  wished  to  hold  the  Catholic  population 
within  the  bounds  of  a  narrow  personal  liberty  of  con- 
science. A  general  prohibition  of  the  Catholic  faith  was 
urged.  In  this  respect  also  agreement  between  the  two 
allies  left  much  to  be  desired. 

The  alliance  continued.  Five  years  more — Mazarin's 
felix  quinquennium — the  joint  war  lasted,  year  by  year 
carefully  planned  by  d'Estrades  and  the  prince  of  Orange. 
But  the  Dutch  army  accomplished  little.  In  1643  Hol- 
land secured  a  reduction  of  the  army  of  the  States  to 
46,000  men  by  a  considerable  limitation  of  the  number 
of  men  in  the  companies.  An  attack  on  Flanders  was 
executed  with  slight  energy  by  the  apathetic  prince,  and 
the  army  returned  early  to  winter  quarters,  satisfied  with 
having  made  possible  Enghien's  victories  in  Luxemburg 
and  Hainaut.  The  fleet,  too,  had  little  success  on  the 
Flemish  coast.  The  results  of  next  year's  campaign 
were  better.  Sas  van  Gent,  the  key  of  the  Scheldt 
country,  fell  into  the  prince's  hands  after  a  brilliant  siege. 
To  the  vexation  of  the  French  no  use  was  made  of  this 
conquest  to  cut  off  supplies  from  Flanders,  Brabant,  and 
Hainaut.  Still  more  resplendent  was  the  campaign  of 
1645  in  Flanders.     On  the  French  side  with  the  help  of 


126  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Tromp's  fleet,  Mardijk,  the  bulwark  of  Dunkirk,  then 
Ypres,  Cassel,  Comines,  Menin,  Bethune,  and  other 
places  in  Flanders  were  taken,  so  that  this  province  was 
as  good  as  lost  to  Spain.  The  prince's  army  and  that  of 
the  French  marshals  Gassion  and  Rantzau  approached 
one  another  near  Ghent,  but  they  could  not  agree  upon 
cooperation  and  separated  again.  Then  the  prince  laid 
siege  to  Hulst  and  captured  it  within  a  month  (November 
5th). 

Once  more  the  great  general  took  the  field  and  threat- 
ened Antwerp  in  1646  despite  his  suffering  from  an  attack 
of  apoplexy.  But  he  was  no  longer  able  to  carry  such 
an  arduous  undertaking  to  success  and  returned  to  The 
Hague  in  a  pitiable  condition,  almost  a  wreck.  The 
French  got  possession  of  Courtrai  and  other  towns  and 
finished  the  campaign  brilliantly  in  October  by  conquer- 
ing Dunkirk  with  the  aid  of  Tromp's  fleet.  The  fall  of 
this  nest  of  robbers  caused  an  outburst  of  joy  in  the 
Netherlands,  but  in  recent  years  so  many  difficulties  had 
arisen  with  the  French  government,  respecting  the  trade 
of  the  Dutch  merchants  with  the  enemy  and  in  conse- 
quence of  French  privateering,  that  people  asked  whether 
Dunkirk  in  French  hands  might  not  become  a  centre  of 
dangerous  commercial  rivalry  or  of  new  piracies. 

Flanders  now  lay  at  the  feet  of  the  young  French  king, 
who  was  absolute  master  of  Artois  and  a  portion  of 
Hainaut,  Namur,  and  Luxemburg,  while  Brabant,  Lim- 
burg,  and  the  northern  section  of  Flanders  were  already 
partly  subject  to  the  States  or  exposed  to  their  invasions. 
The  Spanish  troops  were  stationed  under  the  walls  of 
Ghent,  Bruges,  Antwerp,  Brussels,  Namur,  and  Mons  to 
defend  the  chief  cities  as  long  as  possible,  and  the  duke 
of  Lorraine  placed  some  of  his  forces  at  the  disposal  of 
the  Brussels  government.  Indescribable  was  the  misery 
of  the  country  plundered  by  its  own  soldiers  as  well  as 
by  the  enemy,  and  the  finances  were  exhausted.     Not- 


Peace  of  Miinster  127 

withstanding  all  this,  the  population  remained  faithful 
to  its  old  sovereign  and  would  not  hear  of  rebellion,  so 
the  discontented  party  of  the  nobility  did  not  venture  to 
move.  The  States  of  the  southern  provinces  showed 
themselves  ready  for  more  sacrifices  and  new  taxes. 
The  appointment  of  Archduke  Leopold  William  of 
Austria  to  the  governorship  of  the  Netherlands,  the 
emperor's  brother,  an  able  general,  a  good  administrator, 
and  a  devout  Catholic,  raised  the  hope  of  the  unfortunate 
country,  where  he  appeared  in  April,  1647.  But  it  was 
then  almost  peace,  as  the  prince  had  declared  to  the 
gentlemen  greeting  him  at  The  Hague  in  the  autumn  of 
1646. 

Richelieu  was  still  alive  when  the  French  government 
finally  consented  with  its  allies,  the  States-General  and 
Sweden,  to  open  negotiations  for  peace  at  Miinster  and 
Osnabriick  with  Spain,  the  emperor,  and  the  Catholic 
German  princes.  The  papal  nuncio  Chigi  and  the 
Venetian  ambassador  Contarini  were  to  act  as  mediators. 
The  imperial  envoys  arrived  at  the  appointed  place  in 
July,  1643,  and  the  others  slowly  appeared.  Not  until 
November  did  Mazarin  send  two  French  ambassadors, 
Claude  de  Mesmes,  count  d'  Avaux,  and  Abel  Servien, 
count  de  la  Roche,  to  Miinster  by  way  of  the  republic, 
where  they  were  received  by  the  States-General.1 

The  result  of  this  French  embassy  was  entirely  satis- 
factory to  Mazarin.  Two  treaties  were  concluded  in  The 
Hague  at  the  end  of  February.  One  related  to  the  next 
campaign.  The  other,  a  guarantee  treaty,  concerned 
the  Miinster  negotiations  and  stipulated  that  there  should 
be  a  joint  negotiation  with  Spain,  that  all  conquests 
must  be  retained,  and  that  no  treaty  of  peace  could  be 
made  otherwise  than  conjoint ement  et  dhin  commun  con- 
sentement.      Thus  the  States  bound  themselves  anew  to 

1  Aitzema,  Vtrhael  van  de  Nederlandsche  Vreedehandeling,  i.,  p.  457; 
"Waddington,  ii.(  p.  40. 


128  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

France,  a  triumph  for  Mazarin,  the  war  party,  and 
French  diplomacy.  The  ambassadors  took  a  formal 
leave  on  March  3d,  but  not  without  a  coup  de  theatre. 

Before  their  arrival.two  violent  pamphlets-had  appeared 
against  the  peace,  entitled  Necessary  considerations  of  the 
faitliful  NetJierlanders  and  Considerations  on  the  ten- 
horned  and  seven-headed  truce  or  peace  of  Minister — 
Monster.  The  first  asserts  the  desirability  of  not  laying 
down  arms  until  the  "Seventeen  Provinces"  are  liberated. 
Truly,  war  is  "the  remedy  for  all  our  illnesses."  God 
has  set  our  country  "for  a  wonder  to  all  the  world,"  as 
it  flourishes  by  war.  May  He  therefore  make  "the  meet- 
ing at  Miinster  like  a  Babel,  so  that  Miinster  will  not  bring 
forth  this  Monster."  The  second,  the  Considerations,  is 
even  sharper,  railing  against  the  "children  of  Belial"  and 
sounding  the  watchword  helium  securitas  with  vehement 
abuse  of  Spain  and  the  pope.' 

With  the  treaties  of  the  spring  of  1644,  the  war  party, 
supported  by  the  prince  of  Orange,  won  a  victory  which 
was,  however,  diminished  by  the  imprudence  of  one  of 
the  French  ambassadors.  D'Avaux,  himself  a  devout 
Catholic  and  urged  on  by  some  zealous  Catholics  of  the 
country,1  ventured,  against  the  advice  of  his  colleague 
Servien,  in  the  farewell  audience  of  the  States-General 
to  insist  in  a  sharp  "harangue"  upon  greater  freedom  for 
the  Catholics  in  the  Netherlands.  This  incautious  act 
raised  a  violent  storm  in  the  provinces  and  brought  the 
alliance  with  France  into  great  danger.  That  was  just 
what  the  enemies  of  France  had  been  expecting  ever 
since  1572.  The  preachers  inveighed  from  their  pulpits 
against  the  "popish  ally";  Holland's  regents  were  con- 
firmed in  their  opinion  that  France  could  not  be  trusted 
as  a  neighbour;  half  a  score  of  pamphlets  appeared 
immediately  against  the  Catholics.  The  Anatomy  or 
dissection  of  the  per?iicious  design  of  the paputs  of  to-day 

1  Negotiations  secretes  de  Miinster,  i.,  p.  194;  Waddington,  ii.,  p.  46. 


Peace  of  Munster  129 

was  particularly  savage  in  its  accusations.  The  uneasi- 
ness was  calmed  by  the  effective  action  of  the  States- 
General,  whose  president  refused  d'  Avaux's  request, 
secured  at  once  the  adoption  of  a  "vigorous"  anti- 
Catholic  resolution,  and  referred  sharply  to  the  impropriety 
of  this  "ticklish"  proceeding,  but  distrust  continued  and 
hurt  the  cause  of  France  here  more  than  anything  else. 
A  severe  placard  against  the  "papists"  and  stricter  super- 
vision of  their  religious  worship  were  the  immediate  con- 
sequences. The  desire  of  cooperating  with  France  either 
in  war  or  in  negotiations  for  peace  was  not  increased. 

Negotiations  at  Munster  progressed  very  slowly.  The 
States-General  refused  to  send  representatives  there, 
unless  they  were  addressed  as  "Excellency"  and  treated 
with  the  same  courtesies  as  the  envoys  of  Venice 
received.  These  questions  of  etiquette  are  more  than  a 
mere  form  in  diplomacy.  This  form  was  to  show  the 
Netherlands  to  diplomatic  Europe  as  completely  inde- 
pendent even  of  France  and  "sovereign."  Monarchical 
France,  still  more  or  less  in  the  habit  of  regarding  itself 
as  the  guardian  or  saviour  of  the  young  state  from  Spanish 
tyranny,  hesitated  long  but  finally  yielded  to  this 
demand  "in  order  to  take  from  our  enemies  the  hope  of 
dividing  us,  on  which  they  are  incessantly  working." 
Affairs  were  far  from  being  advanced  enough  for  the 
ambassadors  of  the  States  to  enjoy  these  ceremonies. 
During  the  whole  of  1644  the  provinces  deliberated  upon 
the  embassy  of  the  States-General  to  Munster  and  upon 
the  instructions  to  be  drawn  up.  This  slowness  angered 
the  French  allies  who  were  afraid  of  Spanish  intrigues 
and  gold.  In  the  matter  of  the  instructions  the  first 
question  was  whether  a  truce  or  a  definitive  peace  should 
be  proposed.  The  following  year  was  also  spent  in  inter- 
minable discussions,  and  still  the  Dutch  envoys  did  not 
appear  at  Munster  to  work  in  concert  with  those  of 
France  as  had  been  agreed.     Spain,  long  anxious  to  per- 

VOL.  IV. — 9 


130  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

suade  the  States  to  a  separate  peace,  cleverly  sought  to 
take  advantage  of  this  procrastination.  In  the  spring  of 
1645  the  lord  of  Noirmont  came  from  Brussels  to  The 
Hague  ostensibly  to  ask  a  safe-conduct  for  a  Spanish  am- 
bassador to  Minister  but  really  to  see  whether  there  was 
any  inclination  for  a  separate  treaty  leaving  out  France. 
To  this  Spanish  emissary  as  well  as  to  others  from  Brus- 
sels it  was  speedily  evident — what  was  no  longer  a  secret 
to  anybody  in  the  country — that  the  Estates  of  Holland 
wished  to  see  an  end  to  the  war,  and  the  prince  of 
Orange,  on  the  contrary,  hoped  for  much  from  vigorous 
hostilities  in  conjunction  with  the  French  army.  Diplo- 
matically active  Spain  endeavoured  by  all  sorts  of 
intrigues  to  estrange  the  two  allies  from  one  another 
and  then  to  induce  the  States  to  consent  to  a  separate 
peace.  Spain  thought  it  could  bring  France  alone  to 
reason,  where  civil  dissensions  seemed  ever  on  the  point  of 
breaking  out  during  the  minority  of  Louis  XIV.  The 
States  appeared  for  the  time  being  the  foe  most  to  be 
dreaded,  and  it  was  hoped  to  satisfy  them  by  a  recog- 
nition of  their  independence  without  any  further  loss  of 
territory. 

Until  the  middle  of  1645  both  the  States-General  and 
the  Spaniards  thus  neglected  to  send  ambassadors  to 
Miinster.  In  July  appeared  there  in  the  name  of  Spain 
the  count  de  Peflaranda,  outwardly  a  grandee  of  the  old 
stamp,  cold  and  haughty,  but  an  experienced  diplo- 
matist. With  him  were  the  archbishop  of  Cambrai,  a 
shrewd  ecclesiastic,  and  the  Burgundian  Antoine  Brun, 
skilled  with  pen  and  speech,  the  writer  of  important 
pamphlets,  and  a  born  diplomatist.  Further  efforts 
were  made  with  the  help  of  Castel-Rodrigo  in  Brussels  to 
win  over  Frederick  Henry  by  seductive  offers  to  a  peace 
advantageous  to  him.  Dom  Miguel  de  Salamanca,  a 
monk  of  noble,  birth,  appeared  in  the  prince's  camp  in 
September.      But  neither  he  nor  other  secret  emissaries 


Peace  of  Miinster  13 l 

succeeded,  for  the  prince  declared  that  "he  would  never 
separate  from  France."  Spanish  intrigues  had  more 
success  with  peace-loving  Holland.  The  accomplishment 
of  Holland's  plans  for  armed  intervention  in  the  war 
between  Sweden  and  Denmark  against  the  prince's 
judgment;  Holland's  refusal  to  do  anything  for  Charles 
I.  of  England;  the  impossibility  in  conquered  Hulst  of 
carrying  out  the  agreement  concerning  freedom  for  the 
Catholics,  which  impossibility,  the  prince  saw,  would 
render  more  difficult  the  winning  of  the  south — all  these 
facts  show  that  the  prince  could  not  manage  the  Estates 
as  he  pleased.  Spain  took  advantage  of  these  differ- 
ences. While  the  two  French  envoys  in  Miinster,  so 
much  at  variance  that  the  duke  de  Longueville  had  to  be 
sent  as  a  third  person  to  keep  order,  were  dancing  the 
"ballet  of  peace,"  Spain  started  in  the  winter  of  1645- 
1646  an  intrigue  which  extorted  admiration  from  Mazarin, 
an  expert  in  such  matters. 

Dutch  negotiations  at  Miinster  advanced  a  great  step. 
Eight  representatives  of  the  States-General,  two  from  Hol- 
land and  one  from  each  of  the  six  other  provinces,  arrived 
in  Miinster  on  January  11,  1646.  A  stately  commission 
they  formed,  consisting  of:  Barthold  van  Gent,  lord  of 
Meinerswijk,  representing  Gelderland  and  acting  as 
chairman  ;  Johan,  lord  of  Mathenesse,  and  Adriaan  Pauw, 
lord  of  Heemstede,  for  Holland;  Johan  de  Knuyt,  the 
prince's  adviser,  for  Zealand;  Godard  van  Reede,  lord  of 
Nederhorst,  for  Utrecht;  Frans  van  Donia  for  Friesland  ; 
Willem  van  Ripperda,  lord  of  Hengeloo,  for  Overyssel ; 
Adriaan  Clant  of  Stedum  for  Groningen.  The  ablest 
and  most  influential  members  were  undoubtedly  Pauw 
and  De  Knuyt.  The  delegation  was  bound  by  oath  to 
ample  instructions,  no  less  than  1 16  articles  in  length, 
the  substance  being  that  a  truce  of  at  least  twelve  years 
must  be  sought  with  full  recognition  of  independence,  and 
that  the  agreement  of  1644  for  joint  action  with  France 


132  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

must  be  maintained,  so  that  a  close  correspondence  must 
be  kept  up  with  the  ally's  ambassadors. 

This  correspondence  was  just  what  the  Spaniards 
wished  to  destroy.  At  Miinster  the  Spanish  plenipoten- 
tiaries were  extremely  courteous  to  the  Dutch  and  sug- 
gested a  renewal  of  the  Truce  of  1609.  But  they  began 
something  else  at  the  same  time.  In  the  history  of  the 
revolt  of  the  Netherlands  there  had  been  talk  of  an 
arrangement  between  the  Spanish  and  French  crowns  to 
have  a  marriage  of  a  member  of  the  royal  family  of 
Fiance  to  a  Spanish  infanta  who  was  then  to  receive  the 
Netherlands  as  her  dowry.  In  1644  the  Venetian  am- 
bassador at  Miinster,  Contarini,  had  sounded  the  French 
envoy  d'  Avaux  about  such  an  approach  to  Spain.  Con- 
tarini came  back  to  the  subject  in  the  summer  of  1645, 
but  the  French  government  cautiously  declined  or  post- 
poned all  negotiation.  If  it  could  be  made  to  appear 
that  France  herself  had  proposed  such  a  marriage 
between  the  young  Louis  XIV.  and  a  Spanish  infanta, 
the  existing  distrust  of  France  would  increase,  and  the 
States,  or  the  prince  himself  perhaps,  might  be 
induced  to  anticipate  France  by  consenting  to  a  separate 
treaty  with  Spain.  Especially  would  the  distrust  become 
great,  if  suspicion  were  raised  that  France  had  bargained 
with  Spain  for  the  sovereignty  not  merely  over  the 
Spanish  Netherlands  but  over  all  the  Netherlands. 
With  the  deepest  secrecy  everything  was  prepared  and 
discussed  by  the  Spanish  ambassadors  at  Miinster  with 
Castel-Rodrigo.  Something  had  probably  leaked  out  of 
another  plan,  conceived  much  earlier  by  Mazarin,  for 
persuading  Spain  to  cede  the  Spanish  Netherlands  to 
France,  which  in  return  would  stop  supporting  the  insur- 
rection in  Catalonia,  would  give  up  Roussillon,  and  would 
not  be  averse  to  the  king's  marriage  with  a  Spanish 
infanta.  In  February  Mazarin  sent  d'Estrades  to  The 
Hague  to  sound  the  prince  concerning  this  plan.     The 


Peace  of  Munster  133 

States  might  then  obtain  Antwerp  either  for  the  prince  or 
themselves.  D'Estrades  was  cautiously  to  bring  up  the 
subject  of  the  marriage,  but  only  with  a  view  to  the 
possession  of  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  while  Spain  and 
France  were  to  declare  the  northern  provinces  free. 

Castel-Rodrigo  sent  from  Brussels  to  the  prince  a 
report1  of  the  pretended  French  offer  to  Spain  concern- 
ing a  mediation  by  the  queen-regent  of  France.  The 
prince  grew  suspicious  and  received  d'Estrades  coolly  at 
first.  The  affair  was  just  the  reverse,  and  this  time 
Spain  had  first  spoken  of  the  marriage.  D'Estrades 
communicated  Mazarin's  plan  to  Frederick  Henry  who 
seemed  finally  not  unwilling  to  consent  to  it.  On 
February  28th  the  prince,  appearing  personally  in  the 
Estates  of  Holland  and  the  States-General,  made  known 
what  d'  Estrades  had  told  him  and  urged  that  the  project 
should  be  approved,  but  that  more  should  be  asked  from 
France,  the  division  of  the  Spanish  Netherlands  in 
accordance  with  the  1635  treaty  of  partition.  While  the 
matter  stood  thus,  a  cleverly  constructed  pamphlet  in 
French  appeared  from  the  Spanish  side,2  entitled  The 
discovery  of  the  depths  of  Spain  concealed  under  this  prop- 
osition of  giving  the  infanta  of  Spain  in  marriage  to  the 
king  of  France  with  the  seventeen  provinces  of  the  Nether- 
lands as  a  dowry,  in  which,  under  the  guise  of  a  violent 
attack  upon  Spain,  France  was  much  compromised  as 
desiring  sovereignty  over  the  States.  There  arose  great 
indignation3  in  the  Dutch  provinces  under  the  influence 
of  the  rumours,  coming  from  all  sides  and  diligently 
spread  by  Spain,  about  the  real  plans  of  France.  The 
prince  himself,  on  account  of  his  attitude  towards 
d'Estrades,  fell  temporarily  into  suspicion  with  the  States 

•Cheruel,  Minor it/,  ii.,  p.  276. 

*  Negotiations,  iii.,   p.    131,  where   Mazarin  says  this   in  a  letter  to  his 
plenipotentiaries  at  Munster. 
1  V.0.n  der  Capellen,  ii.,  p.  142. 


134  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

of  having  conspired  secretly  with  France  and  Spain, 
while  Pauw,  warned  by  Spain,  hastened  from  Miinster 
and  thought  of  carrying  through  rapidly  a  separate  treaty 
with  Spain.  Mazarin  considered  that  his  only  safety 
lay  in  caution  and  perfect  sincerity.  No  "useless 
reproaches,  which  would  lead  them  to  do  worse,"  he 
said,  but  frank  declarations  both  at  Miinster  and  The 
Hague.  Before  the  end  of  March  such  a  declaration  was 
made  in  the  name  of  the  queen-regent  of  France.  She 
asserted  that  she  would  refuse  all  Spanish  offers  and 
would  negotiate  according  to  the  treaties  concluded  with 
the  States  "conjointly  and  to  the  satisfaction  of  this 
state."1  Mazarin  congratulated  himself  that  he  had  not 
given  into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards  a  single  bit  of  writ- 
ing relative  to  the  affair. 

It  was  high  time,  for  Holland,  "full  of  suspicion,"  had 
already  declined  to  furnish  money  for  the  new  cam- 
paign in  Flanders.  Public  feeling  improved  at  once  and 
early  in  April  a  treaty  was  signed  for  the  campaign  of 
1646.  Spanish  machinations  had  failed  this  time.  What 
had  occurred  caused  an  outburst  of  distrust  of  France. 
From  the  pulpits  men  preached  against  France,  alluding 
to  the  night  of  St.  Bartholomew,  the  French  Fury, 
Richelieu's  persecution  of  the  Huguenots,  and  the 
separate  peace  with  Spain  concluded  by  Henry  IV.  in 
1598  at  Vervins.  A  series  of  anti-French  pamphlets 
appeared,  discussing  also  Mazarin's  ambiguous  attitude, 
plans  ascribed  to  the  Catholics,  andd'  Avaux's  harangue. 
Characteristic  of  the  popular  opinion  is  the  Miinster  gossip? 
of  which  at  least  six  editions  came  out  in  1646,  and 
which  advised  separate  truces  in  the  interest  of  com- 
merce— "when  it  goes  well  with  the  merchant,  then  it 
goes  well  also  with  hundreds  of  thousands  of  common 
workmen  " — and  on  account  of  the  dangers  now  manifest 

1  Aitzema,   Vredeh.,  ii.,  p.  29. 
sKnuttel,  No.  5289-95. 


Peace  of  Minister  135 

from  the  French  side.  France,  it  asserts,  is  beginning 
with  its  connections  to  surround  us  on  all  sides  and  to 
predominate  over  all  Europe.  To  the  same  category 
belongs  the  pamphlet  St.  Anne  s  dream,  in  which  a 
woman  enlightens  her  husband  on  the  danger  of  having 
France  for  a  neighbour ;  the  French  gossip  remarks  on 
the  matrimonial  plans;  the  Sibyl  of  Holland  makes  a 
fierce  assault  upon  Ryckstadt  (Richelieu)  and  Zamarin; 
the  Copy  of  a  letter  sent  to  The  Hague  in  French  describes, 
as  perilous  to  the  state,  the  ambition  of  the  prince  of 
Orange  "who  has  no  other  design  than  to  raise  his 
fortune  upon  our  ruins." 

Pamphlets  in  favour  of  France  flowed  out  slowly 
against  this  broad  stream  of  libels.  Mazarin  invited  his 
ambassadors  at  Munster  to  answer  Le  caqnet  francois, 
and  in  April,  1646,  appeared  for  this  purpose  the  Letter 
of  a  Venetian  gentleman  to  his  friend  in  Turin  '  with  a 
Dutch  translation.  This  letter  referred  to  the  Spanish 
intrigues  of  the  spring  and  to  the  Spanish  desire  for 
"universal  monarchy,"  which  must  have  made  Spain, 
the  "sick  man"  of  those  days,  smile  sadly  at  the  contrast 
between  its  former  pretensions  and  present  weakness. 
Of  the  same  kind  are  the  Earnest  and  faithful  discourse 
and  the  Holla?id  gossip.  One  pamphlet  supports  the 
interests  of  the  fatherland  against  opponents  of  all  sorts. 
It  is  the  remarkable  little  book,  The  unfeigned  Nether- 
land  patriot ',  repeatedly  printed  and  afterwards  continued, 
in  which  the  much  reviled  Musch  is  pilloried  and  both 
Spaniards  and  Frenchmen  are  made  out  all  that  is  bad, 
with  the  result  that  nothing  more  than  truces  ought  to 
be  concluded.  It  shows  that  Dutch  neutrality  must  be 
maintained  between  the  great  powers  and  may  pass  for 
the  first  rough  sketch  of  the  later  policy  of  the  States 
toward  Europe. 

Amid  all  the  talk  raised   by   more    than  twenty-five 

1  Nigociations ,  iii.,  410. 


136  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

pamphlets  in  this  year  both  the  negotiations  in  Munster 
and  the  war  in  Flanders  continued.  In  both  it  appeared 
that  the  seed  of  suspicion  had  grown  up  luxuriantly 
between  France  and  the  States.  The  prince's  increasing 
weakness  of  mind  and  body  was  also  harmful  in  the  pre- 
vailing mistrust  of  the  intentions  of  the  princess  and  her 
son.  The  events  of  the  spring  of  1646  had  made  the 
best  friends  of  France  waver:  the  "blue  little  books 
scattered  among  the  people"  show  this  plainly.  Popular 
opinion,  regarding  the  Spaniard  as  the  country's  enemy, 
now  changed  completely  and  for  good,1  as  is  evidenced 
by  numerous  anti-French  pamphlets  and  the  desire  for 
peace  expressed  in  them.  Even  the  prince  had  been 
unable  to  keep  his  old  sympathy  for  his  mother's 
native  land  and  had  turned  angrily  from  his  former 
friends,  especially  when  Spain  showed  a  willingness  to 
satisfy  his  wishes.  He  was  reconciled  with  d'Estrades 
again  and  between  the  severe  attacks  of  his  malady  seemed 
inclined  to  cooperate  with  France,  but  the  old  confidence 
had  disappeared.  This  was  only  too  evident  to  the  French 
envoy  at  The  Hague  from  the  attitude  of  the  prince's 
friends  and  from  the  increasing  influence  of  the 
princess,  whose  sympathies  for  France  had  never  been 
strong  in  spite  of  all  its  presents  to  her  of  pearls,  diamonds, 
and  money.  But  France's  greatest  enemies  were  the 
principal  regents  of  Holland,  as  sufficiently  appeared 
from  all  their  acts,  and  they  would  gladly  have  con- 
cluded a  truce  or  peace  with  Spain. 

From  1646  Mazarin  could  not  count  upon  the  aged 
prince  and  his  friends  among  the  ambassadors  at  Mun- 
ster, who  inclined  more  and  more  to  the  side  of  Pauw  and 
the  party  of  peace.  De  Knuyt  became  very  suspicious 
to  the  French,  because  he  and  the  other  Dutch  representa- 
tives, with  the  exception  of  Nederhorst,  conferred  openly 
and  secretly  with  those  of  Spain  and  concealed  from  the 

'Compare  Doc.  inid,,  T.  82,  p.  356. 


Peace  of  Munster  137 

French  the  subject  of  their  deliberations.  There  were 
murmurs  of  the  bribery  of  Pauw  and  De  Knuyt,  even  of 
the  princess,  by  Spanish  gold.  Both  those  gentlemen 
dined  and  wined  at  Munster  with  the  Spaniards  and 
were  extremely  intimate  with  them.  From  intercepted 
correspondence  of  Peilaranda  the  French  ambassadors 
saw  plainly  what  was  doing.  Spain  conceded  everything 
to  the  States,  and  in  May  agreement  had  been  reached  on 
many  articles  of  a  proposed  treaty  for  a  truce.  In  the 
summer  the  Dutch  envoys  went  home  in  turn,  appar- 
ently to  seek  an  approval  of  their  actions  from  the  pro- 
vincial Estates.  The  French  protested  to  their  Dutch 
colleagues  at  Munster  and  to  the  States-General  and  the 
province  of  Holland  at  The  Hague.  The  States  answered 
satisfactorily,  but  their  army,  taking  the  field  late  in 
the  summer,  lay  still,  and  everything  indicated  the 
expectation  of  a  suspension  of  hostilities  preliminary  to 
a  treaty.  The  Hollanders  at  Munster  tried  with  little 
success  to  mediate  also  between  Spain  and  France.  In 
November,  1646,  however,  the  preliminary  treaty  be- 
tween Spain  and  the  republic,  seventy  articles  long,  was 
ready.     It  was  no  truce  but  a  treaty  of  peace. 

In  the  autumn  Holland  had  urged  upon  the  other  prov- 
inces to  negotiate  not  for  a  truce  but  for  a  definitive 
peace,  to  which  Spain  seemed  well  disposed.  This  pro- 
posal prevailed  at  length,  although  the  ever  bellicose  Zea- 
land long  opposed  it.  The  word  truce  was  replaced  by 
peace  in  the  provisions  already  agreed  upon.  After 
much  wrangling,  negotiations  were  so  far  advanced  at 
Munster  in  January,  1647,  that  seven  of  the  eight  Dutch 
envoys  resolved  to  sign  the  terms  made  with  Spain 
on  condition  that  this  signature  should  only  be  valid  when 
a  treaty  between  France  and  Spain  became  possible. 
This  stipulation  was  dangerous  to  the  work  of  peace,  as 
France  positively  refused  to  give  back  its  conquests  in 
Italy,  and  Spain  would  not  consent  to  the  interference 


138  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

of  france  in  the  affairs  of  Catalonia  and  Portugal.  The 
States  might  be  expected  to  let  this  condition  drop, 
whenever  peace  between  Spain  and  France  should  be 
impossible  to  bring  about.1 

A  profound  difference  of  opinion  arose  between  the 
Dutch  ambassadors  at  Miinster  in  the  course  of  these 
negotiations.  The  Utrecht  delegate,  Nederhorst,  did 
not  feel  justified  in  thus  working  against  France,  con- 
tinued his  consultations  with  d'  Avaux  and  Servien  long 
after  his  colleagues  had  stopped  them,  and  refused  to 
sign  the  preliminary  treaty  with  Spain  as  long  as  the 
States-General  and  his  province  had  given  him  no 
special  authorisation  to  do  so.  France  understood  that 
matters  bad  taken  a  serious  turn  and  determined  upon 
extreme  efforts  to  bring  the  States  back  to  the  right  road 
at  the  eleventh  hour.  It  had  to  contend  against  the  newly 
awakened  distrust  of  France,  to  remind  the  house  of 
Orange  of  its  old  relations  with  the  French  royal  family, 
and  to  bribe,  if  possible,  some  prominent  persons  in  Hol- 
land, in  order  to  prevent  the  conclusion  of  a  separate 
treaty  between  Spain  and  the  States.  Early  in  January, 
1647,  Servien  came  from  Miinster  to  The  Hague  ostensi- 
bly to  make  new  guarantee  and  subsidy  treaties  with  the 
republic  but  really  to  disturb  the  work  of  peace.  He 
brought  30,000  livres  for  the  bribery  of  statesmen  and  of 
clerks  who  could  furnish  him  documents  of  all  kinds, 

A  superficial  acquaintance  with  the  correspondence 
between  the  French  plenipotentiaries  and  their  govern- 
ment shows  such  expectations  to  be  far  from  baseless. 
So  thought  also  the  Spaniards.  Pefiaranda  wrote  con- 
cerning the  States:  "it  is  a  government  in  which  every- 
body takes  pay."2  From  the  Spanish  side,  200,000 
guilders  were  provided  for  the  first  expenditures  to  pro- 

'On  all  this  see  Doc.  ined.,  T.  83,  pp.  3-118,  and  Negotiations,  iv., 
passim. 

2  Doc.  iniJ.,  T.  84,  pp.  123,  169,  178. 


Peace  of  Minister  139 

mote  an  exchange  of  the  ratifications.  Seldom  does  one 
encounter  such  a  positive  proof  as  can  be  given  of  the 
bribery  attempted  by  Servien  in  the  spring  of  1647.  It  is 
his  accounting  for  the  30,000  livres.1  After  reading  this 
document  one  ceases  to  wonder  that  the  accusation  of 
bribery  was  so  often  heard  in  those  days.  Repeatedly 
Nederhorst  charged  his  opponents  Pauw  and  De  Knuyt 
with  it  and  they  him.  Servien  managed  matters  very 
cleverly.  During  half  a  year  he  worked  assiduously  to 
break  up  the  newly  concluded  peace.  Vehement  ha- 
rangues to  the  States-General,  letters  no  less  sharp,  special 
missives  to  the  provinces  outside  of  Holland,  pamphlets 
against  peace,  conversations  with  the  leading  statesmen, 
visits  to  the  chief  cities — he  spared  nothing  to  attain  his 
end. 

The  death  of  the  prince  in  March,  1647,  made 
little  change  in  the  situation.  The  health  of  the  long 
suffering  Orange  prince  had  rapidly  deteriorated  in  the 
last  year.  His  legs  were  swollen,  his  hands  stiffened,  his 
throat  and  lungs  gave  out,  his  mind  now  and  then  entirely 
failed  him  ;  a  sort  of  childishness  began  to  appear,  which 
unfitted  him  for  the  serious  consideration  of  affairs  and 
made  him  wish  more  for  peace  and  rest.  He  was  now 
ruled  completely  by  his  vigorous  wife,  while  his  son, 
afraid  of  the  father's  jealousy,  kept  in  the  background 
and  dared  only  act  in  secret  with  d'  Estrades  and 
Mazarin.  The  son,  who  longed  eagerly  to  distinguish 
himself  in  war,  was  a  decided  adherent  of  the  French 
policy  of  cooperation,  and  influenced  by  Mazarin  and  his 
agents  he  privately  opposed  the  party  of  peace. 2  The 
Spanish  intrigues  did  not  miss  their  aim  in  these  circum- 
stances, although  the  old  prince  would  not  allow  himself 
to    be    led  into  compromising  engagements  with  Spain. 

1  See  Blok's  essay:  De  Nederlandsche  vlugschriften  over  de  vredesonder- 
handelingen  te  Munster,  in  Vers,  en  Med.  Kon,  Akad.,  iv.,  I,  p.  321. 

2  Waddington,  ii.,  p.  133. 


i4-o  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Suddenly  his  condition  grew  worse  and  within  a  few  days 
he  was  dying.       On  March  14,  1647,  he  breathed  his  last. 

His  young  successor,  William  II.,  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  ardent  and  energetic,  but  frivolous  and,  though  brave, 
inexperienced  in  war,  little  of  a  statesman,  and,  despite 
his  indisputable  rights,  not  immediately  put  by  the  prov- 
inces in  the  place  of  his  dead  father,  showed  himself  at 
first  more  inclined  to  enjoy  questionable  pleasures  with 
his  friends  at  court,  in  the  ballroom  and  the  chase,  in  the 
theatre  and  on  the  race-course,  than  to  take  a  strong 
hold  of  affairs.  He  let  them  go  as  they  pleased,  not 
without  manifesting  sympathy  for  the  French  govern- 
ment, but,  under  his  mother's  influence,  not  declaring 
himself  sharply  as  to  the  desirability  of  peace.  No  great 
help  could  be  expected  from  him  by  the  peace  party  but 
also  no  opposition,  provided  the  interests  of  the  house 
of  Orange  were  not  neglected. 

The  advocates  of  peace  saw  their  plans  succeed. 
Almost  simultaneously  with  Servien  appeared  in  the  name 
of  the  Spanish  government  Philippe  le  Roy,  secretary  of 
finance  at  Brussels,  provided  with  over  a  million  and  a 
half  guilders,  to  work  for  peace.  Le  Roy  came  on  behalf 
of  the  marquis  de  Castel-Rodrigo,  who  was  anxious  to  con- 
vince the  States-General  of  the  unwillingness  of  France  to 
conclude  peace  upon  any  terms  whatever  and  to  give 
them  the  means  of  overcoming  the  opposition  of  this 
power.  To  the  vexation  of  Servien,  le  Roy  was  admit- 
ted to  the  States-General  and  delivered  his  message  in  a 
long  document,  the  True  Relation?  a  survey  of  the 
negotiations,  which  was  printed  like  Servien's  harangues 
and  propositions  and  distributed  everywhere  as  a  pam- 
phlet. Thus  was  published  in  the  spring  of  1647  another 
series  of  pamphlets,  numbering  with  reprints  no  less  than 
fifty,  in  which  Servien  and   the  war  party  contended   in 

'Cf.  Vredeh.,  ii.,  p.  203  ;  Negotiations  secretes,  iv.,  where  several  other 
pamphlets  are  also  printed. 


Peace  of  Minister  141 

"many  beautiful  discourses  and  tracts  "  with  the  party 
of  peace.1 

Some  of  these  writings  proceeded  from  Antoine  Brun, 
the  well-informed  diplomatist,  who  crossed  the  frontiers 
on  pretext  of  a  journey  to  Brussels  and  wished  to  visit 
The  Hague.  The  French  ambassador  moved  heaven 
and  earth  to  prevent  this,  so  that  the  Estates  of  Holland 
from  fear  of  public  opinion  begged  Brun  to  give  up  his 
purpose.  The  negotiator  returned  by  way  of  Leyden, 
Amsterdam,  and  Deventer,  not  without  conferring  with 
various  persons,  distributing  money,  and  praising  the 
peaceful  disposition  of  Spain  in  a  Representation  dated 
from  Deventer,  which  was  supported  by  some  Observations 
attributed  to  Adriaan  Pauw.  By  the  latter  was  a  collec- 
tion of  pieces  relating  to  the  negotiations  and  personally 
assailing  Servien.  The  most  noteworthy  work  of  this 
time  is  Brun's  ToucJistone  of  the  true  interests  of  the 
United  Provinces  of  the  Netherlands  and  of  the  intentions 
of  the  two  crowns  concerning  the  treaties  of  peace.  In  this 
Servien's  productions  were  contested  point  by  point  in 
excellent  French,  among  others  the  sharp  Letter  written 
from  The  Hague  by  a  French  gentleman  to  a  friend  in 
Paris,  and  the  advantages  of  peace  were  contrasted  with 
the  evils  of  war.  The  violent  tone  of  Servien's  speeches, 
calling  out  violent  replies,  tended  with  these  pamphlets  to 
stir  up  the  minds  of  men.  Servien  openly  accused  Pauw 
and  De  Knuyt  of  "impostures  which  they  have  forged  in 
concert  with  the  ministers  of  Spain"3  and  demanded  the 
punishment  of  these  faithless  ambassadors. 

The  other  Dutch  plenipotentiaries  now  left  Munster3  for 
The  Hague,as  for  lack  of  integrity  they  were  also  attacked, 

1  Vredeh.,  ii.,  p.  249  ;  Van  der  Capellen,  ii.,  p.  176. 

3  Aitzema,   Vredehand.,  ii.,  p.  336  et  seq. 

3 Negotiations,  iv.,  p.  irg;  Doc.  ined.,  T.  83,  p.  226.  Pauw  remained 
there  the  last — until  April — but  he  was  finally  left  completely  alone  by  the 
French  ambassadors. 


H2  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Nederhorst  by  the  Spaniards,  the  others  by  the  French. 
None  of  them  was  present  at  Miinster  in  the  summer. 
They  were  of  little  use  there,  when  negotiations  ter- 
minated between  Spain  and  the  ambassadors  of  the  States, 
and  the  only  question  was  whether  the  provinces  would 
sanction  the  conclusion  of  peace  without  France.  This 
long  continued  uncertain,  and  great  excitement  prevailed 
about  it  in  all  the  provinces.  Holland,  where  Amster- 
dam, under  the  lead  of  Pauwand  Andries  Bicker,  turned 
opinion  against  France,  was  ready  for  this  course  and 
sent  delegations  in  advocacy  of  it  to  the  other  provinces. 
War  stopped  in  fact,  and  notwithstanding  the  urgency  of 
France  it  was  resolved  not  to  take  the  field  in  1647,  the 
Spanish  responding  with  a  suspension  of  hostilities  on 
land  and  water.  A  weak  attempt  of  William  II.  to  keep 
up  the  war  by  sending  troops  into  the  district  of  Waes, 
under  the  pretence  that  Spain  was  also  collecting  soldiers 
in  Flanders,  was  sharply  countermanded  by  the  States- 
General.     It  was  really  as  good  as  peace. 

To  save  appearances  the  States-General  on  July  29th 
signed  at  last  a  new  treaty  of  guarantee  with  France,  but 
only  for  the  not  very  probable  contingency  that  peace 
should  be  concluded  at  Miinster  also  between  France 
and  Spain.  Satisfied  with  having  given  another  check 
to  the  Spanish  policy,  Servien  returned  immediately  to 
Miinster,  where  the  temporarily  interrupted  negotiations 
were  resumed  in  September.  It  was  evident  that  the 
States  might  make  peace  with  Spain  at  any  moment. 
Like  genuine  traders,  they  sought  to  bargain  for  more 
than  was  already  obtained.  Pauw,  "the  shrewdest  and 
most  dangerous  of  all,"1  feigned  after  his  return  to  Miin- 
ster a  willingness  to  cooperate  with  France,  aiming 
naturally  to  render  Spain  more  pliable.  Spain  gradually 
yielded    upon    nearly    all    points,    so    that    Sweden  and 

1  Negotiations,  iv.,  p.  80;  compare  for  these  iast  negotiations  especially 
Doc.  ined.,  T.  83,  p.  476  ;  T.  84,  p.  5. 


Peace  of  Miinster  143 

Austria  intervened  in  order  not  to  raise  the  States  too 
high.  Then  Pauw  and  his  friends  restrained  themselves, 
and  everything  was  ready  at  Miinster  by  November. 
Pauw  and  De  Knuyt  with  Mathenesse,  indisputably  the 
three  chief  personages,  left  for  The  Hague  on  October 
16,  1647,  and  endeavoured  to  carry  the  affair  through. 
Violent  discussions  took  place  in  the  States-General,  but 
it  was  finally  agreed  that  for  the  sake  of  the  existing 
treaties  one  more  attempt  should  be  made  to  bring 
about  peace  between  France  and  Spain.1 

Thus  began  again  the  mediation  of  the  States  at  Miin- 
ster, but  at  the  same  time  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Spain 
was  brought  into  shape.  The  mediation  between  France 
and  Spain  seemed  at  first  to  have  some  success,  but  the 
agreement  between  the  latter  and  the  States  was  already 
so  far  advanced  that  Spain  urged  peace  upon  the  republic, 
threatening  to  break  off  everything.  The  signature  of 
the  treaty  was  alone  lacking,  and  Nederhorst's  opposi- 
tion gave  the  French  hope  that  the  affair  would  not  be 
settled,  especially  when  De  Knuyt,  veering  with  every 
wind  and  apparently  influenced  by  the  warlike  young 
prince,  exhausted  himself  in  assertions  of  his  willingness, 
with  Zealand  and  the  house  of  Orange,  to  help  France  to 
a  satisfactory  peace. 

The  French  soon  had  no  more  illusions.  At  The 
Hague  the  French  ambassador  La  Thuillerie  still  pro- 
tested, and  by  Nederhorst's  advice  France  endeavoured 
to  secure  postponement  so  far  as  possible.  But  nothing 
availed.  De  Knuyt  became  more  intractable  every  day, 
and  Nederhorst  observed  that  he  would  eventually  have 
to  give  way  to  the  general  wish.  He  declined  to  par- 
ticipate on  January  30,  1648,  when  the  others  after  some 
hesitation  signed  under  pressure  from  Spain,  which 
declared  it  would  consent  to  no  further  delay.  The 
French  government  continued  to  protest  at  The  Hague, 

1  Van  der  Capellen,  ii.,  p.  204. 


144  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

first  against  the  signing,  then  against  the  ratification, 
but  Holland,  always  guided  by  Pauw,  pushed  the  affair 
through  in  spite  of  the  resistance  of  Utrecht  and  Zea- 
land. The  end  was  that  the  States-General  by  five  out  of 
seven  votes  resolved  on  April  4th  to  confirm  the  peace. 
Utrecht  yielded  a  few  days  later,  but  Zealand  persisted 
in  its  refusal  until  after  the  formal  exchange  of  the  rati- 
fications on  May  15th  in  the  city  hall  of  Munster. 

It  may  be  imagined  that  these  varying  opinions  brought 
out  another  flood  of  pamphlets  over  the  Netherlands  in 
the  course  of  1647.  These  pamphlets  show  that  three 
parties  existed :  the  strong  and  active  peace  party  which 
more  and  more  won  the  upper  hand;  the  small  war 
party1  whose  writings  are  most  violent  in  tone;  and  the 
quite  numerous  neutrals  who  would  have  preferred  to 
make  peace  in  conjunction  with  France  but  in  the  end, 
like  middle  parties  usually,  displayed  little  force  and 
went  over  to  the  camp  of  the  peace  party.  The  prince 
of  Orange  was  of  slight  aid  to  the  war  party,  the  less 
so  because  his  mother  ardently  desired  peace,  but 
Zealand's  stubborn  opposition  was  to  be  ascribed  to  him. 
His  later  opinion  of  "these  Amsterdam  rascals  who 
made  peace"  is  well  known,  but  the  French  government 
had  reason  to  complain  of  his  far  from  vigorous  attitude 
in  these  critical  days.  It  did  not  hold  to  his  view  that 
the  war  must  be  continued  in  any  case.3 

The  stream  of  pamphlets  flowed  on  in  the  spring  of 
1648. 3  The  French  ambassador's  harangues  and  propositions 
were  followed  by  Ingredients  and  amplifications  of 
answer ;  the  French  Corrective  was  replied  to  by  a  sharp 
Lenitive  ;  and  the  war  party  resorted  to  the  anti-Spanish 
weapons  from  its  old  arsenal  to  oppose  the  ratification  of 
the  treaty  of  January  30th.      Remarkable  is  the  paper 

1  Archives,  iv.,  p.  226  :  "Those  who  favour  us  are  few  in  number  and 
hardly  dare  to  speak." 

'Cheruel,  Minorite,  ii.,  p.  488. 
sKnuttel,  No.  5672-5740. 


Peace  of  Miinster  145 

war  between   Nederhorst  and    Pauw,  who   had   become 
fierce  personal  enemies  at  Miinster.     Nederhorst' s  friend- 
liness towards  France  at  Miinster  roused  the  ire  of  Hol- 
land's representatives  as  much  as  their  supposed  Spanish 
leanings   did  his.       The  numerous   visits   made   openly 
and  secretly  by  the  French  upon  their  Dutch  ally,  the 
interviews  in  his  house  and  theirs,  were  excused  by  the 
conscientious  Nederhorst  on  the  ground  of  the  original 
instructions  given  the  envoys  of  the  States,   command- 
ing them  to  act  in  close  harmony  with  the  French.     On 
the  same  ground  he  reproached  his  adversaries  for  their 
intimate  relations  with  the  Spanish  plenipotentiaries,  who 
treated   Pauw  and    De  Knuyt  especially  with    extreme 
civility  and  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  Nederhorst 
after  his   refusal   to   sign  the   first   draught  of  peace  of 
December,    1646.       Matters    were    no    better    between 
Nederhorst   and    the    others    in    the    course    of    1647. 
Mutual  accusations  of  bribery  occur  in  the  pamphlets  of 
the   spring.     The   Deductions   presented    to  the  States- 
General    by    both    parties    in    January,    1647,    had    not 
bettered    the  situation.     There  was  serious  talk  in    the 
Estates  of   Holland  and  even   in  the   States-General  of 
dismissing  Nederhorst,    but  the  support   given   by   the 
Estates  of  Utrecht  to  their  representative  prevented  this. 
His  refusal  to   sign  the    definitive     treaty  of    peace   of 
January  30,   1648,    caused    renewed    exasperation.     He 
was  sickly  and  often  did  not  attend  the  meetings  of  his 
colleagues.     Although     he     signed    later,    his    repeated 
absences  prevented  action  for  the  time.     The  Reasons  for 
his  new  refusal    he  presented  to  the  States-General  on 
February  3,  1648.     They  were  immediately  answered  in 
a  vehement  Contrary  advice  and  refutation  by  Mathenesse 
and  Pauw,  to  which  Nederhorst   replied    in  an  equally 
violent  Representation.     These  writings  were  widely  read 
in  the  spring  of  1648. 

A  sequel  to  this  contest  of  pens  was  that  waged  in  the 

VOL.    IV. IO. 


146  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

summer  of  1648  and  occasioned  by  the  appearance  of  a 
sharp  anti-Spanish  pamphlet,  entitled :  La  Confession 
de  r  imprivienr ,  almost  simultaneously  coming  out  in 
Dutch  as  The  printer  s  confession.  Servien,  apparently 
with  Nederhorst's  aid,  made  a  last  powerful  effort,  shortly 
before  the  signing  of  the  ratification,  to  throw  suspicion 
upon  Pauw  and  his  friends.  This  remarkable  pamphlet 
explains  clearly  once  again  the  advantages  of  a  close 
alliance  with  France  in  opposition  to  "Bicker  and  his 
adherents"  and  "Pauw  and  his  cabal,"  whose  avarice 
and  eagerness  for  the  profitable  commerce  with  Spain 
are  scourged.  The  ambition  of  Pauw  and  Bicker, 
"those  great  personages  who  have  become  friends  like 
Herod  and  Pilate,"  is  ridiculed.  Pauw  was  indeed  the 
generally  recognised  leader  of  the  peace  party.1  The 
Answer  to  the  printer  s  confession  (by  De  Knuyt?)  is  no 
less  violent  against  the  "French  tributary  Nederhorst," 
the  "little  devil"  from  Utrecht.  The  following  Refec- 
tion, with  its  coarseness  directed  against  the  "  jaundiced 
scoundrels,"  Bicker  and  Pauw,  and  De  Knuyt  alias  Guyt 
(rogue),  surpasses  all  in  vulgarity  of  language.  The 
long  Penitence  and  the  worthier  Netherlandish  absolution, 
attributed  to  Pauw  himself,  finish  this  unpleasant  con- 
fession series.     Soon  afterwards  Nederhorst  died. 

The  tone  of  the  writings  last  mentioned  shows  the  pre- 
vailing bitterness  and  how  weak  the  opponents  of  peace 
were  to  descend  to  such  means  in  order  to  avert  their 
coming  defeat.  The  Dialogue  between  Warnaer  and  Fred- 
erick, written  between  April  17th  and  25th,  refers  to  the 
dissensions  between  Holland  and  Zealand,  which  latter 
province  threatened  with  the  support  of  the  prince  and 
of  France  to  continue  the  war  and  to  live  by  privateer- 
ing like  Tunis  or  Algiers.  It  refers  also  to  the  strife 
between  Holland  and  the  other  provinces  which  made  a 

1  Hence  the  gratitude  of  the  Spaniards  towards  him  {Doc.  ined.,  T.  84, 
P-  96). 


Peace  of  Miinster  H7 

regent  say:  "rather  French  than  Hollandish."  This 
discord  was  indeed  a  great  peril.  But  the  views  of  Hol- 
land triumphed  likewise  over  the  not  very  serious  opposi- 
tion of  William  II.  coming  up  at  the  eleventh  hour.  The 
popular  rejoicing  at  the  peace  in  Holland  and  elsewhere 
was  manifest  in  the  performances  given  in  June  in  honour 
of  the  peace  with  words  by  such  men  as  Samuel  Coster, 
Gerard  Brandt,  Jan  Vos,  with  verses  by  Vondel  and 
others  addressed  to  Andries  Bicker  and  his  colleagues. 
Vondel's  Leeuzvendalers  immortalised  this  feeling  in  the 
charming  idyll  of  Hageroos  and  Adelaert,  "united  by 
unfeigned  love,"  and  sung  the  song  of  peace. 

Joy  was  not  everywhere.  The  war  party  smarted 
under  its  defeat  and  abstained  from  festivities.  The 
representatives  of  France,  Sweden,  Portugal,  and  Hesse 
declined  to  burn  before  their  dwellings  the  tar-barrels 
offered  them.  The  prince  did  not  yet  openly  venture  to 
show  displeasure,  but  to  his  friends  he  expressed  his 
indignation  at  the  intrigues  of  the  peace  party.  Zealand 
and  Leyden  had  no  celebration,  and  in  many  a  city  and 
village  the  preachers  inveighed  from  the  pulpit  against 
the  promoters  of  peace.  People  remembered  on  June 
5th,  the  day  of  the  proclamation  of  peace,  that  just 
eighty  years  earlier  Egmont  and  Hoorn  had  been 
beheaded,  and  the  festivities  seemed  somewhat  forced, 
"like  a  marriage  that  takes  place  without  the  consent  of 
friends,"  as  Aitzema  jestingly  remarks. 

In  truth  a  dark  shadow  upon  the  treaty  was  this  lack  of 
the  "consent  of  friends,"  particularly  of  that  of  France, 
with  which  country  a  close  alliance  had  so  recently  been 
made.  The  excuse  often  heard  for  this  breaking  of  faith 
with  France,  that  this  kingdom  only  feigned  a  wish  to 
conclude  peace  and  never  really  desired  it,  rests  on  an 
unjust  conception  of  the  facts.1  It  is  not  to  be  denied  that 
the  United  Netherlands    for    their   own  advantage  left 

1  Compare  Cheruel,  Minority  ii.,  p.  475. 


148  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

France  in  the  lurch,  and  they  were  certainly  not  in  such 
dire  distress  that  peace  became  absolutely  necessary. 
This  was  rather  the  case  with  Spain,  and  if  France  and  the 
States  had  acted  "conjointly  and  with  common  consent,'' 
as  was  the  phrase  of  sworn  conventions,  it  would  have  led 
to  peace  also  between  Spain  and  France,  which  was  now 
postponed  for  eleven  years.  No  other  apology  for  the 
conduct  of  the  States  towards  France  can  be  found  than 
the  very  dubious  morality  embodied  in  the  proposition 
that  treaties  are  only  valid  so  long  as  they  coincide  with 
the  temporary  interest  of  the  powers  concerned,  an  idea 
that  has  countless  times  been  put  in  practice. 

The  peace  of  Miinster  was  brilliant  indeed,  and  the 
United  Netherlands  might  well  be  proud  of  the  place  it 
gave  them  among  the  powers  of  Europe.  The  famous 
treaty,1  seventy-nine  articles  in  length,ydeclared  in  Article 
1  "the  States-General  of  the  United  Netherlands  and  the 
respective  provinces  of  the  same  with  all  associated 
districts,  towns,  and  appertaining  lands"  as  "free  and 
sovereign  States,"  on  which  the  king  of  Spain  "makes  no 
claim  now,  nor  ever  hereafter  shall  claim  anything  for 
himself,  his  successors,  and  descendants,"  and  with  which 
he  concludes  "an  eternal  peace."  !  With  the  German 
empire  there  was  to  be  a  continuation  of  neutrality  and 
friendship,  the  king  cooperating  until  the  confirmation  of 
the  emperor  and  empire  should  be  obtained.  The  terri- 
tory was  indicated  by  the  possessions  then  held,  so  that 
all  the  conquests  of  Maurice  and  Frederick  Henry  were 
kept,  unless  they  had  been  recaptured  by  Spain.  A 
court,  consisting  of  an  equal  number  of  judges  from  each 
side,  was  to  settle  the  minor  differences  regarding  fron- 
tiers and  rights.  The  status  quo  was  maintained  in  the 
East  and  West  Indies,  and  each  party  was  not  to  trade 
there  in  the  ports  of  the  other.  The  intercourse  in 
Europe  between  the  two  countries  was  restored  to  the  old 

1  Aitzema,  iii.,  p.  259. 


Peace  of  Miinster  149 

footing  of  friendship,  with  prohibition  of  higher  taxes 
than  their  own  subjects  paid,  retention  of  the  former 
exemptions  from  toll,  and  abolition  of  the  king's  rights 
to  tolls  on  the  Meuse,  Rhine,  and  Scheldt  within  the 
borders  of  the  United  Provinces.  The  Scheldt  and  its 
canals  were  kept  closed  by  the  States;  the  vessels  and 
goods  coming  in  and  out  of  the  Flemish  ports  were  to 
pay  duties  equal  to  what  was  imposed  on  those  entering 
and  leaving  the  Scheldt,  so  that  the  dreaded  competition 
of  Antwerp  and  Flanders  would  be  finally  suppressed. 
In  the  matter  of  religion  everything  likely  to  cause 
scandal  was  to  be  avoided  in  public  exercises  both  in  the 
Netherlands  and  in  the  dominions  of  the  king,  and 
ecclesiastical  property  in  the  United  Netherlands  was 
restored  or  paid  for.  Restitution  was  to  be  made  of 
the  property  of  the  house  of  Orange,  even  in  Burgundy, 
with  exceptions  previously  agreed  upon.  The  members 
of  the  house  of  Nassau  were  not  to  be  prosecuted  for  the 
debts  of  the  late  Prince  William  I.  of  Orange.  Prisoners 
on  both  sides  were  to  be  released  without  ransom  and 
with  complete  amnesty  for  all  political  offences.  All 
records  and  documents  relating  to  places  ceded,  also 
those  concerning  litigation,  etc.,  were  to  be  mutually 
delivered.  The  allies  of  both  sides,  who  within  three 
months  after  the  ratification  should  wish  to  accede,  were 
to  be  allowed  to  participate  in  the  peace,  especially 
Hesse,  East  Friesland,  Emden,  and  the  Hanse  towns. 
Both  sides  promised  to  protect  the  seas  and  rivers  as 
much  as  possible  from  piracy. 

Such  was  the  treaty  alike  honourable  and  advantageous 
to  the  United  Netherlands.  It  put  an  end  to  the  war, 
which  had  been  waged  during  eighty  years  with  vary- 
ing success,  which  under  the  able  guidance  of  the  three 
princes  of  Orange  and  of  the  States  of  Holland,  Zealand, 
and  the  other  provinces  had  called  into  being  the  strong 
and  independent  state  now  making  its  appearance  among 


150  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  powers  of  Europe.  That  state  was  destined  for  at 
least  a  hundred  years  to  hold  an  important  place  in  the 
history  of  the  world — the  glory  of  its  citizens  and  their 
descendants,  an  object  of  admiration  to  contemporaries 
and  later  generations. 


CHAPTER  VII 


FIRST   YEARS   OF   PEACE 


THE  young  republic  of  the  United  Netherlands  after 
the  peace  of  Miinster  appeared  resplendent  amid 
Europe's  states.  Her  territory,  inconsiderable  compared 
with  that  of  the  great  powers  of  the  time,  would  scarcely 
have  given  her  a  claim  to  a  modest  place  in  the  council 
chamber  of  Europe,  but  the  glorious  history  of  her 
origin,  the  energy  of  her  relatively  large  population,  and 
the  development  of  her  strength  often  allowed  her  a 
deciding  voice.  She  owed  this  not  merely  to  herself, 
but  also  to  the  political  circumstances  which  for  the 
moment  prevented  other,  greater,  and  more  populous 
states  from  exerting  their  full  force. 

France,  after  the  battle  of  Rocroy,  that  lowered  Spain's 
military  renown,  coming  up  more  and  more  as  the  first 
power  in  Europe,  beheld  itself  weakened  in  the  midst  of 
an  arduous  foreign  war  by  internal  commotions,  by  the 
contest  of  the  Fronde  against  the  omnipotent  Mazarin 
and  the  court  of  the  reigning  queen-mother.  The 
brilliant  Paris  of  Henry  IV.  and  Richelieu  was  the  scene  of 
civil  war  and  a  strife  of  barricades,  and  the  restlessness 
prevailing  there  and  in  the  provinces  acted  unfavourably 
upon  the  influence  of  France  abroad.  Unhappy  is  the 
country  where  the  king  is  a  child,  even  though  this  child 
is  named  Louis  XIV.  The  old  enemy,  Spain,  lay  ex- 
hausted and  now  sought  more  in  diplomacy  than  in  war 
the  means  of  preserving  some  of  its  importance  in 
Europe.      England,  since  Elizabeth  with    greater   mari- 


i  =;i 


152  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

time  pretensions  than  its  actual  sea-power,  and  now,  in 
Cromwell's  days,  disposing  of  a  disciplined  army  under 
one  of  the  greatest  generals  it  has  ever  known,  was  para- 
lysed by  the  civil  war  which  in  1649  brought  King 
Charles  I.  to  the  scaffold.  The  German  empire,  enjoy- 
ing long  desired  peace  after  a  barbarous  war  of  thirty 
years,  had  seen  in  this  war  the  bonds  uniting  its  states 
still  further  loosened:  neither  the  emperor,  constantly 
menaced  by  the  Turks,  nor  Brandenburg,  Cologne, 
Bavaria,  Saxony,  Hesse,  or  any  other  German  state  could 
match  the  republic  in  power  and  prestige.  The  Baltic 
powers  did  not  feel  equal  to  her:  Denmark  sued  for  her 
favour  to  hold  Sweden  in  check;  Sweden,  although 
proud  of  its  victories  on  sea  and  land,  hesitated  to  oppose 
the  States,  its  old  allies;  Poland  followed  unwillingly  the 
Danish  example.  Asiatic  Muscovy  respected  the  strong 
commercial  state  of  the  west  more  than  any  other  in 
Europe.  The  Turks  still  considered  the  republic  as  their 
ally  against  Spain  in  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  The 
piratical  states  of  Africa's  northern  coast  feared  to  exer- 
cise their  calling  too  openly  at  the  expense  of  the  Dutch 
merchant  ships,  remembering  the  sharp  lessons  inflicted 
upon  their  corsairs  by  such  commanders  as  Tromp,  Evert  - 
sen,  De  Ruyter,  and  Van  Galen.  Italy's  antiquated 
little  states,  mostly  chained  to  Spain,  were  of  slight  con- 
sequence in  Europe;  Venice  asked  the  support  of  the 
States  in  its  hard  fight  against  the  Turks.  Little  Por. 
tugal  alone  ventured  to  thwart  the  republic.  It  was  not 
really  the  republic  but  the  West  India  Company,  the 
commercial  corporation,  with  which  it  contended  for  the 
mastery  in  Brazil,  calculating  that  the  States  were  enjoy- 
ing the  just  concluded  peace  too  much  to  engage  again  in 
war. 

How  proud  the  Dutch  must  have  felt  at  the  place  in 
the  world  won  by  their  country!  We  find  the  echo  of 
this  feeling  in  the  contemporary  prose  and  poetry.     The 


First  Years  of  Peace  153 

historian  Wicquefort,  commissioned  by  the  Estates  of 
Holland  to  write  the  history  of  the  time,  reminds  his 
readers  "that  this  history  may  be  put  upon  a  parallel 
with  the  finest  histories  of  past  ages,"1  and  says  of 
the  republic  "that  there  is  no  power  in  Europe  which 
has  not  sought  her  friendship  and  which  has  not  found 
advantage  in  her  alliance."  In  his  Song  of  Peace  Vondel 
sings  to  "hollow  and  hungry  Europe  "  : 

"  Netherland's  peace  doth  now  laws  give 
To  all  realms  and  princes  around, 
Light  she  sheds  on  healthful  ground, 
With  torch  and  trump  to  make  joy  live." 

And  he  compares  his  "Batavians"  with  the  "State  of 
the  valiant  Latins."  The  pamphlets  of  those  days  show 
the  plain  Dutch  citizens  expressing  their  opinions  on  the 
monarchs  and  countries  of  the  world.  Over  the  beer, 
in  the  boat,  on  the  waggon,  in  the  bookshop  political 
events  are  discussed  without  fear  and  with  a  remarkable 
knowledge  of  affairs.  Citizen  and  peasant  judge  and 
condemn  Charles  I.  and  Cromwell,  Mazarin  and  the 
French  nobles  with  equal  freedom.  The  good  people 
of  Amsterdam  seek  the  latest  news  from  distant  lands 
every  morning  and  try  to  profit  by  it.  "Thus  the  world 
all  seems  to  be  built  about  Amsterdam." 

The  "profit"  of  the  merchant  became  more  and  more 
the  principle  guiding  the  policy  of  the  States,  especially 
of  the  Estates  of  Holland.  And  in  Holland  it  was 
Amsterdam  that  gave  the  tone,  as  was  shown  by 
its  pushing  through  the  peace  of  Munster  despite 
all  opposition.  The  interest  of  commerce  was  to 
rule  the  politics  of  the  republic  so  long  as  Amsterdam 
had  its  way,  supported  as  it  was  by  many  regents  in 
Holland,  whose  cities  were  dependent  on  Amsterdam  or 
considered  commerce  as  necessary  to    the    existence  of 

1  Hisioire  des  Provinces  Unies,  i.,  p.  2. 


154  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

their  country.  But  on  the  other  side  stood  a  powerful 
party  with  quite  other  interests  in  domestic  and  foreign 
politics,  the  old  Orange  war  party.  It  could  still  count 
upon  the  preachers,  whose  hatred  against  Spain  and 
Rome  was  coupled  with  a  strong  aversion  to  commerce, 
which  they  abominated  as  incompatible  with  true  re- 
ligion. It  found  a  vigorous  leader  in  the  young  prince 
of  Orange  who  did  not  conceal  his  dislike  of  "those 
rascals  who  have  made  peace,"  of  whom  he  wished  he 
could  "break  the  neck,"1  and  who  now  rising  from  his 
life  of  "debauchery  and  pleasure"  hoped  for  a  resump- 
tion of  the  war.  It  was  supported  by  the  army  and  its 
officers,  whose  income  fell  off  in  time  of  peace,  and  by 
Zealand,  which  sadly  needed  its  rich  revenues  from  pri- 
vateering during  war.  The  opposition  between  the  two 
parties  speedily  appeared  in  foreign  affairs.  Amsterdam 
and  the  prince  soon  antagonised  one  another  secretly  and 
openly  in  all  things. 

This  was  evident  from  the  attitude  of  the  republic 
towards  Spain,  the  latter  country  being  represented 
from  June,  1649,  by  its  ambassador,  Antoine  Brun.2 
More  than  anybody  else  on  the  Spanish  side,  Brun 
was  convinced  that  peace  with  the  republic  had  alone 
rescued  the  southern  Netherlands,  placed  between  two 
fires,  for  Spain  from  the  danger  of  a  partition  between 
France  and  the  States.  So  he  came  with  the  purpose  of 
maintaining  this  peace  as  long  as  possible.  In  the  be- 
ginning there  were  naturally  many  matters  to  cause  fric- 
tion, particularly  with  reference  to  disputed  territory,  to 
commercial  interests,  and  to  the  possession  of  ecclesi- 
astical property.  But  Brun  settled  everything  quietly 
with  the  support  of  Archduke  Leopold  William,  gov- 
ernor of  the  southern   Netherlands.     The  able  Spanish 

^Archives,  iv.,  p.  314. 

s  P.  L.  Muller,  Spain  and  the  parties  in  the  Netherlands ,  in  Nijhoff's 
Bijdr.  N.  R.  vii.,  p.  136;  Waddington,  La  Republique  des  Prozinces- 
C/nies,  ii. ,  p.  270. 


First  Years  of  Peace  155 

diplomatist  kept  on  good  terms'with  the  princess-mother, 
Frederick  Henry's  influential  widow,  and  with  her 
friends.  Through  her  and  them  he  attempted  to  win  the 
young  prince,  but  he  quickly  observed  that  the  prince, 
full  of  aversion  to  Spain,  the  arch-enemy  of  his  house, 
was  not  to  be  persuaded  by  any  large  pensions  or  prom- 
ises of  future  revenues.  Brun's  hope  remained  fixed 
upon  Holland,  and  with  its  statesmen  he  cooperated  to 
prevent  the  prince  from  throwing  himself  into  war  again 
in  alliance  with  France.  The  courtesies  he  heaped  on  the 
States,  the  pompous  phraseology  in  which  he  recognised 
their  independence  on  every  occasion,  were  intended  to 
show  Spain's  good  and  loyal  feeling  towards  such  plans. 
France,  both  Mazarin  and  his  opponents  of  the  Fronde, 
desired  nothing  more  than  this  renewal  of  the  war, 
and  the  prince  himself  was  burning  with  impatience  to 
resume  the  ancient  strife  of  his  fathers.  Like  his  cousin 
William  Frederick  of  Nassau  and  his  confidant  Cornells 
van  Aerssen,  lord  of  Sommelsdijk,  he  believed  in  his 
heart  that  Spain  in  1648  was  only  saved  from  ruin  by  the 
peace  and  must  have  given  up  the  southern  Netherlands, 
if  the  war  had  been  continued.  By  a  new  alliance  with 
France  to  retrieve  the  loss  suffered,  by  a  joint  conquest 
of  the  southern  Netherlands  to  prevent  Spain  from  ever 
attacking  the  republic  again  at  a  more  favourable  oppor- 
tunity, and  thus  to  realise  the  brilliant  plans  of  his 
father,  the  old  vision  of  his  grandfather  who  was  so 
foully  murdered  by  Spain's  hireling — this  was  the  prince's 
ideal.  In  August,  1649,  we  find  him  in  secret  relations 
with  d'  Estrades,  who,  under  Frederick  Henry,  had 
repeatedly  been  the  intermediary  between  the  Oranges 
and  the  crown  of  France.  Willem  Boreel,  arriving  at 
Paris  in  1650  as  Dutch  ambassador,  remained  outside  of 
these  affairs.  The  French  ambassador  at  The  Hague, 
Brasset,  zealously  aided  in  them,  as  did  William  Fred- 
erick  and   Sommelsdijk  who    maintained   relations  with 


156  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Brasset  and  through  him  with  Mazarin.  But  the  prince's 
ideal  was  opposed  by  Holland,  not  merely  from  aver- 
sion to  war,  from  fear  of  Antwerp's  competition  and  of 
the  greater  influence  of  the  prince  of  Orange  in  time  of 
war,  but  also  because  it  did  not  want  powerful  France  for 
a  neighbour  and  was  unwilling  to  strengthen  the  threaten- 
ing supremacy  of  France  in  Europe  by  conquering  a  part 
of  the  southern  Netherlands.  The  large  number  of 
Mazarinades  in  French  and  Dutch  distributed  in  the 
Netherlands  proves  an  extraordinary  interest  in  French 
affairs. 

With  regard  also  to  the  attitude  towards  England  the 
prince  and  Holland  were  in  sharp  antagonism.  Both 
abhorred  the  sentence  of  which  Charles  I.  had  been  the 
victim,  but  the  prince,  with  whom  the  prince  of  Wales, 
now  King  Charles  II.,  had  been  sojourning  since  July, 
wished  for  nothing  more  than  vengeance  for  his  father- 
in-law's  death  and  help  from  the  States  for  his  brother- 
in-law.  His  dynastic  interests  made  him  hostile  to 
Cromwell  and  Parliament,  and  he  desired,  even  before  a 
war  with  Spain,  a  joint  war,  in  alliance  again  with 
France,  against  revolutionary  England  for  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Stuarts.  Holland  did  not  want  what  would 
have  been  chiefly  a  naval  contest  and  most  injurious  to 
its  commerce  and  fishery.  It  had  supported  the  attempt 
by  a  special  embassy  to  dissuade  Parliament  from  carrying 
out  the  sentence  against  Charles  I.  The  influential 
Pauw  himself  went  to  England  with  Joachimi  on  this 
mission.  But  when  the  sentence  was  executed,  Holland 
wished  to  remain  as  neutral  as  possible  between  Parlia- 
ment and  the  new  king,  who  was  greeted  as  "King 
Charles  II."  without  adding  "of  Great  Britain."1 
Holland  prevented  the  States-General  from  lending  an 
ear  to  the  requests  of  Charles  II.  for  help  in  money, 
ships,  or  ammunition.2     It  acquiesced  in  the  Victrix  causa 

1  Aitzema,  iii.,  p.  324. 

2  Gardiner,  History  of  the  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate,  i.,  p.  68. 


First  Years  of  Peace  157 

placet  Deo,  translated  in  a  pamphlet:  "the  justice  of  a 
war  is  always  decided  by  the  victory."  The  preserva- 
tion of  neutrality  brought  many  difficulties.  When  in 
the  autumn  of  1648  two  envoys  of  Parliament,  Dr.  Isaac 
Doreslaer,  a  Hollander  by  birth,  and  Walter  Strickland, 
appeared  at  The  Hague  to  announce  an  embassy  from 
Parliament  and  to  urge  that  the  royal  fleet  should  not  be 
received  in  the  harbours  of  the  Meuse,  where  it  had  taken 
refuge  from  the  Parliament's  fleet,  Holland  recognised  the 
justice  of  this  claim,  and  the  prince  had  to  yield,  though 
he  continued  to  aid  the  royal  family  with  advice  and 
money.  While  Holland  rendered  all  honour  to  the  two 
envoys  as  ambassadors  of  a  friendly  power,  it  could  not 
secure  their  reception  as  such  by  the  States-General,  the 
royal  English  resident  Boswell  continuing  to  be  recog- 
nised. The  horrible  murder  of  Doreslaer  on  May  12th  by 
Scottish  partisans  of  Charles  II.  in  The  Hague  remained 
unpunished,  to  the  vexation  of  Parliament,  under  the 
pretext  that  the  perpetrators  could  not  be  discovered 
among  the  many  English  refugees  in  the  capital.  The 
assassins  fled  to  the  southern  Netherlands,  and  nothing 
was  done  but  to  protect  Strickland,  who  tarried  longer  to 
keep  an  eye  upon  the  intrigues  of  the  royalists.  But  the 
States-General  persistently  declined  to  receive  him,  so 
that,  bitterly  complaining,  he  left  The  Hague  in  the 
summer  of  1650.  After  this  treatment  of  its  envoys  Par- 
liament sent  his  passport  unasked  to  the  Dutch  ambassa- 
dor in  London,  the  old  Joachimi,  but  in  order  to  please 
Holland  assented  to  the  dispatch  of  Gerard  Schaep  of 
Amsterdam  as  commissioner  or  consul  in  charge  of  the 
interests  of  Dutch  subjects  and  even  honoured  him  like  a 
real  ambassador.  Thus  the  republic  and  its  new  Eng- 
lish sister  were  on  a  very  delicate  footing,  and  not  much 
was  needed  to  precipitate  a  conflict,  especially  as  the 
royalists  started  from  here  all  manner  of  plans,  equip- 
ping ships  and  soldiers  for  Scotland,  where  Charles  II. 


158  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

was  recognised  as  king  and  whence  he  hoped  to  win 
England.  Numerous  pamphlets  printed  in  the  Nether- 
lands concerning  events  in  England  showed  the  inter- 
est of  the  people  in  these  complications  and  were 
often  violent  in  tone  against  the  regicides  and  sym- 
pathetic towards  the  distressed  English  royal  family 
and  the  Bohemian  court,  now  also  in  very  embarrassed 
circumstances.1 

Less  sharp  was  the  conflict  of  opinion  with  regard  to 
the  Baltic  states.  Denmark  saw  that  it  could  only  op- 
pose Sweden  with  the  help  of  the  States-General,  and 
the  inducement  it  offered  for  this  help  was  naturally  a 
reduction  of  the  burdens  of  the  Sound  toll.  In  the  name 
of  Frederick  III.,  who  had  succeeded  Christian  IV.,  the 
Danish  statesman,  Corfitz  Ulefeld,  appeared  in  1649  at 
The  Hague  to  propose  to  the  republic  a  defensive 
alliance  and  a  redemption  of  the  Sound  toll.  The  prov- 
inces having  no  commerce  with  the  Baltic  objected  to 
an  alliance  with  Denmark  from  fear  of  offending  the 
Swedes,  and  the  prince  was  on  this  side.  But  Amster- 
dam, so  greatly  interested  in  the  Baltic  commerce, 
carried  through  the  "redemption  treaty"  in  1649  together 
with  the  defensive  alliance,  both  for  thirty-six  years.  The 
treaty  was  really  concluded  by  the  three  provinces  only, 
Holland,  Friesland,  and  Gelderland.  The  amount  to  be 
paid  Denmark  for  the  redemption  was  fixed  at  350,000 
guilders  a  year.8 

Another  commercial  affair  was  the  great  question  with 
Portugal  concerning  Brazil.  Renewed  for  twenty-five 
years  in  1647,  the  West  India  Company,  whose  stock 
stood  at  thirty  per  cent.,3  endeavoured  in  every  way  to  ob- 
tain financial  and  material  aid  from  the  state  against  Por- 

1  The  queen  of  Bohemia  begged  the  States  for  assistance,  as  she  could  not 
pay  baker  and  butcher   (Aitzema,  iii.,  p.  324). 

'Aitzema,  iii.,  p.  332;  Waddington,  La  R/publique  des  Provinces- Units, 
ii. ,  p.  261. 

3Netscher,  Les  hollandais  au  Br/sil,  p.  155. 


First  Years  of  Peace  159 

tugal,  continually  victorious  in  Brazil.  The  Portuguese 
ambassador  at  The  Hague,  Francisco  de  Sousa  Coutinho, 
sought  to  prevent  this  help  by  clever  diplomacy.  In  Octo- 
ber, 1649,  it  was  finally  resolved  to  assist  with  a  fleet  the 
company,  which  had  long  ago  lost  Angola  and  Loando  in 
Africa,  and  only  retained  possession  of  a  few  places  in 
Brazil,  but  before  action  was  taken,  its  condition  became 
so  bad  that  all  help  seemed  superfluous.  After  Count 
John  Maurice's  departure  Witte  Corneliszoon  de  With 
appeared  unable  with  his  small  force  to  sustain  the  rapidly 
declining  Dutch  authority  in  Brazil.  He  retired  in  1648 
to  Recife  and  asked  for  reinforcement,  but  he  was  left  to 
his  fate  and  gave  vent  to  his  indignation  in  numerous  let- 
ters, complaining  of  his  pitiful  want  of  provisions,  etc., 
and  declaring  he  would  serve  "rather  the  Turk  than  the 
company."  At  last  his  circumstances  grew  so  desperate 
that  in  the  spring  of  1650  he  returned,  upon  his  own  re- 
sponsibility ?  with  a  few  ships  to  the  fatherland.  He 
arrived  in  May,  but,  for  leaving  his  post  without  orders,  the 
prince,  after  consultation  with  the  States-General,  had 
him  thrown  into  prison  at  The  Hague,  while  his  captains 
were  imprisoned  by  the  admiralty  at  Amsterdam.  Hol- 
land was  exasperated  at  this  asserted  violation  of  its 
sovereign  rights  by  the  prince,  the  States-General, 
and  the  admiralty.  The  captains  were  liberated  from 
prison  by  violence.  Without  the  consent  of  the  pro- 
vincial Estates  the  States-General  had  no  jurisdiction 
in  any  of  the  provinces,  and  De  With,  as  a  subject  of 
Holland,  could  only  be  tried  before  a  judge  of  Holland. 
Fearing  Holland  would  release  the  admiral  also  on  its 
own  authority,  the  prince  allowed  him  to  be  conducted 
to  his  lodging.  Meanwhile  the  Portuguese  rule  was 
restored  in  Brazil  it  the  expense  of  the  company, 
and  war  with  Portugal  did  not  break  out.  There 
was  no  desire  to  engage  in  a  new  war  for  a  dying 
company,    whose    misfortune    was  chiefly  due    to    poor 


160  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

management    and    neglect,1  no    matter  how   loudly    the 
stockholders  cried. 

Relations  were  reasonably  good  with  the  smaller  states 
on  the  eastern  border,  especially  with  the  friendly  elector 
of  Brandenburg,  now  related  to  the  house  of  Nassau. 
The  States  remained  on  amicable  terms  with  the  "Great 
Elector,"  one  of  the  "most  considerable"  German 
princes  of  his  day,  who  then  resided  at  Cleves  and  later 
appointed  as  governor  there  John  Maurice  the  Brazilian, 
although  they  kept  possession  of  his  fortresses  Emmerich, 
Gennep,  Wesel,  etc.  They  were  friends  also  with  the 
energetic  landgravine  of  Hesse,  who  extended  her  gar- 
risons far  over  her  frontiers  to  the  Rhine  and  to  East 
Friesland.  The  States  held  Emden  and  Leeroord  in 
East  Friesland  as  strategical  points.  East  Friesland,  as 
well  as  Bremen  and  other  Hanse  towns,  needed  the  sup- 
port of  the  States  against  Oldenburg,  which  had  estab- 
lished a  toll  upon  the  Weser,  thereby  getting  into  serious 
difficulties.  But  the  States  were  unwilling  to  begin  war 
even  with  little  Oldenburg,  for  the  sending  of  a  few  war 
ships  to  the  Weser  might  have  caused  general  hostilities 
to  break  out  in  northern  Germany,  so  lately  pacified." 
Here  in  the  east  also  it  was  plain  that  so  long  as  Hol- 
land and  Amsterdam  had  their  will,  the  republic  would 
not  be  inclined  to  enter  into  war,  even  when,  as  in  the 
case  of  Portugal,  the  honour  of  the  state  was  at  stake. 
Holland  had  urgently  needed  peace,  had  secured  it  by 
great  exertion,  and  would  not  allow  it  to  be  disturbed, 
even  though  the  direct  opposition  of  the  young  prince 
must  be  encountered.  It  was  now  the  question  whether 
the  prince  would  yield  in  the  long  run  to  Holland's 
wishes  so  at  variance  with  his  personal  inclinations,  with 
the  dynastic  interests  of  the  Stuarts  especially,  and  with 

1  Van  Rees,  Geschiedenis  der  Staathuishoudkunde ;  ii.,  p.  211. 
5  See  for  all  these  affairs  Aitzema  and  Wicquefort  passim,  Waddington, 
ii.,  p.  263. 


First  Years  of  Peace  161 

the  political  traditions  of  his  family.  Young  and  ardent 
in  spirit,  personally  popular,  surrounded  by  young 
officers,  urged  on  by  the  family  of  his  English  wife,  full 
of  sympathy  for  France,  and  sharing  its  indignation  at 
the  peace  of  Miinster,  he  would  be  a  dangerous  adversary 
for  Holland's  statesmen,  if  ever  he  could  win  as  much 
influence  as  his  father  had  enjoyed.  The  policy  of  the 
republic  would  then  be  ruled  not  by  the  commercial 
interests  of  Holland  but  by  dynastic  and  political  con- 
siderations of  a  general  nature.  Thus  the  republic's  for- 
eign affairs  were  closely  connected  with  the  influence  of 
the  prince,1  and  her  internal  condition  must  be  of  impor- 
tance to  the  rest  of  Europe.  And  just  in  these  years 
came  a  domestic  crisis  which  was  attentively  watched 
from  abroad. 

Holland's  endeavour  was  to  prevent  the  prince  from 
obtaining  the  great  influence  which  his  father  had 
secured  between  1630  and  1640.  Naturally  it  aimed  at  a 
diminution  of  the  prince's  power  by  cutting  down  the 
army,  the  excellently  organised  instrument  which  his 
father  and  uncle  had  used  to  establish  their  authority. 
There  was  cause  enough  in  the  present  state  of  peace 
to  disband  some  of  the  troops  become  superfluous  after 
the  treaty  with  Spain.  The  financial  burden,  under  which 
Holland  had  groaned  for  years  with  its  debt  of  120  millions 
of  guilders,  would  be  lessened  by  such  a  disbandment. 
This  had  been  one  of  the  chief  reasons  of  Holland's 
eagerness  for  peace.11  On  the  conclusion  of  peace  the 
army  consisted  of  about  60,000  men,  cavalry  and 
infantry,  costing  annually  nearly  ten  millions.  The 
prince,  the  council  of  state,  and  the  Estates  of  Holland 
agreed  that  so  many  troops  were  no  longer  necessary, 

'  Mazarin  refers  to  this  at  the  end  of  1649:  Archives,  iv.,  p.  326.  Cf. 
Waddington,  ii.,  p.  251. 

2  Wijnne,  De  geschillen  over  de  afdanking  van't  krijgsvolk  (  Werken  Hist. 
Gen.,  No.  41),  p.  xiv.     Cf.  De  Beaufort,  Geschiedk.  Opstellen,  ii.,  p.  66. 

VOL.  IV.— II. 


1 62  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

and  July  30,  1648,  a  reduction  was  effected,1  by  which  all 
the  cavalry  companies  were  brought  down  to  sixty  horses, 
and  fifty  men  were  taken  from  each  company  of  infantry, 
retrenching  one-third  of  the  cost  and  making  the  troops 
less  than  35,000. 

But  Holland  was  not  satisfied  with  this.  In  the  spring 
of  1649  further  economy  was  discussed  with  the  prince, 
who  would  not  hear  to  it,  and  who  with  the  council  of 
state  and  Count  William  Frederick  urged  that,  in  face 
of  the  large  armies  of  other  countries  and  on  account  of 
possible  domestic  disturbances,  sufficient  troops  should  be 
kept  to  guard  the  frontiers  and  to  garrison  the  fortresses. 
They  thought  that  30,000  men  at  least  were  needed  as 
during  the  Truce.  Holland  wished  to  see  fifty  men  more 
mustered  out  from  each  company,  which  the  prince  and 
council  considered  too  much.  After  some  discussion  the 
Estates  of  Holland  resolved  in  October  that  the  payment 
of  money  to  citizens  for  the  lodging  of  the  soldiers 
should  cease  and  that  the  soldiers  should  receive  full  pay 
and  provide  their  own  lodgings;  that  the  heavy  cuirassiers 
should  be  changed  into  light  arquebusiers;  that  600  for- 
eign troops  paid  by  Holland  and  fifty-five  companies  of 
them  in  the  whole  army  should  be  disbanded  besides  half 
of  the  remaining  cavalry.  The  prince  deemed  this  reduc- 
tion too  considerable,  and  when  Holland  on  its  own 
authority  discharged  the  600  men,  the  council  of  state 
and  later  the  six  other  provinces  in  the  States-General 
declared  this  action  unlawful,  which  Holland  on  further 
consideration  acknowledged.  The  prince  finally  con- 
sented to  the  transformation  of  the  cuirassiers  into 
arquebusiers  and  agreed  to  subscribe  to  the  disbandment 
of  the  600  men,  if  this  were  accomplished  by  the  States- 
General,  alone  sovereign  in  military  matters  according  to 
him,  but  he  refused  to  send  off  more  than  a  few  com- 

1  Aitzema,  iii.,  p.  273.  There  is  a  difference  in  the  statements  concerning 
the  amount  of  the  various  reductions. 


First  Years  of  Peace  163 

panies  of  the  excellent  foreign  troops.  After  remon- 
strances from  Holland  in  the  interest  of  its  involved 
finances,  the  prince  made  some  further  concession,  but 
Holland  insisted  upon  the  disbandment  of  fifty-five  com- 
panies of  infantry  and  nearly  half  of  the  cavalry,  reducing 
the  army  to  less  than  25,000  men.  During  the  autumn 
of  1649  the  wrangling  continued,  while  Holland  jus- 
tified to  the  other  provinces  its  attitude  by  official 
letters  and  secretly,  and  the  States-General  sought  to 
dissuade  Holland  from  the  threatened  arbitrary  disband- 
ment. 

Little  progress  was  made  in  the  spring  of  1650.  Hol- 
land asserted  that  it  would  have  an  annual  deficit  of  one 
million  guilders  even  with  its  proposed  disbandment,  and 
flatly  declined  to  approve  of  the  number  of  troops  desired 
by  the  prince,  appealing  to  its  right  to  be  taxed  no  more 
than  it  wished.  It  was  no  longer  simply  how  many  and 
what  troops  should  be  mustered  out,  the  difference  at  last 
being  only  about  a  few  hundreds,  but  it  was  chiefly  the 
difficult  constitutional  question  how  far  a  province,  as  pay- 
master of  the  troops  standing  to  its  apportionment, 
had  a  right  to  consider  itself  invested  with  sovereign 
power  over  those  troops, — whetherthe  army  of  the  republic 
was  a  whole  or  whether  it  consisted  of  seven  separate 
armies.  This  was  connected  with  the  important  question, 
how  far  the  provincial  sovereignty  went  as  opposed  to 
that  of  the  States-General — the  old  apple  of  discord 
which  had  caused  so  much  mischief  in  Oldenbarnevelt's 
time.  The  antagonism  between  what  may  be  called  the 
federal  and  the  unionistic  conceptions  of  the  state  of  the 
'  United  Netherlands  appeared  sharply,  joined  as  in  the 
days  of  the  Truce  with  the  not  unjustified  dread  of  too 
great  power  for  the  princes  of  Orange.  Just  as  Maurice 
in  1618  championed  the  rights  of  the  States-General 
against  the  Estates  of  Holland,  William  II.  now 
defended    the   same    rights.      As    Oldenbarnevelt     then 


164  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

accused  the  prince  of  aspiring  to  sovereignty,  the 
Estates  of  Holland  now  ascribed  the  same  desires  to  his 
young  nephew.  There  was  already  talk  of  the  useless- 
ness  of  a  stadtholder  in  time  of  peace,  or  at  least  of  a 
captain-general. 

The  contest  was  a  matter  of  personal  and  financial  inter- 
est to  many  noble  officers  in  the  army,  while  the  prince, 
intimate  with  the  French  and  English  officers  and  in  case 
of  civil  dissension  relying  more  upon  the  foreign  than 
the  native  soldiers,  would  not  consent  to  a  disbandment 
of  just  those  foreign  troops.  With  an  eye  to  his  English 
plans  and  to  the  possible  renewal  of  war  with  Spain,  the 
prince  was  unwilling  to  weaken  the  army  too  much.  On 
the  other  hand,  Holland's  friendly  attitude  towards  Spain 
and  the  Parliament  of  England  showed  plainly  that  it 
would  have  nothing  to  do  with  any  such  plans.  The 
opposing  parties  expounded  their  views  in  bitter  pam- 
phlets, and  the  whole  country  took  part  in  the  strife,  as  in 
161 8,  though  not  with  the  violence  natural  to  religious 
disputes.  There  were  not  wanting  efforts  to  bring 
religion  into  the  affair:  preachers  like  Stermont  at  The 
Hague,  Goethals  in  Delft,  and  Teelinck  in  Middelburg 
warned  against  the  religious  ideas  of  the  Holland  party, 
which  seemed  to  them  merely  a  later  edition  of  the 
Arminian  faction.  This  time  the  Hollanders  were  not  led 
by  the  council  pensionary,  as  the  land's  advocate  was 
now  called.  Jacob  Cats  had  been  too  faithful  a  follower 
of  Frederick  Henry  to  oppose  his  son,  and  the  aged 
Pauw  kept  in  the  background.  At  the  head  of  the  party 
stood  the  burgomasters  and  ex-burgomasters  of  Amster- 
dam, the  most  prominent  being  the  brothers  Andries  and 
Cornelis  Bicker,  of  whom  the  former  was  considered  an 
ambitious  magistrate  and  the  head  of  the  "cabal." 
Attracting  attention  with  them  were  Jacob  de  Witt, 
formerly  burgomaster  of  Dordrecht,  a  violent  and 
obstinate   man,  and    Van  Beveren,  burgomaster    there. 


First  Years  of  Peace  165 

A  minority  even  in  the  Estates  of  Holland  favoured  a 
middle  course  or  stood  on  the  prince's  side. 

The  prince  was  powerfully  supported  by  his  cousin, 
Count  William  Frederick,  who  was  now  playing  the  part 
of  William  Louis  in  1618,  urging  his  young  relative  to 
resistance  and  consulting  with  him  on  the  measures 
to  be  adopted.1  Also  the  prince  was  much  under  the 
influence  of  his  confidant,  Cornelis  van  Aerssen,  lord  of 
Sommelsdijk,  a  friend  to  France,  the  son  of  Francois,  a 
colonel  in  the  service  of  the  States,  a  rich  and  influential 
man,  who  with  less  ability  dreamed  of  acting  the  part  of 
his  father  against  the  "Spanish-loving  Arminians." 
Further  the  prince  was  influenced  by  the  dangerous 
intriguer,  Cornelis  Musch,  clerk  of  the  States-General, 
and  among  the  prince's  advisers  must  be  named  his 
secretary,  Hildersich.  These  four  constantly  appear  in 
the  pamphlets  as  the  trusted  counsellors  of  the  prince, 
mention  sometimes  being  made  of  Alexander  van  der 
Capellen,  lord  of  Aartsbergen,  and  Johan  van  Rheede  van 
Renswoude  of  Utrecht.  There  was  a  close  connection 
between  domestic  and  foreign  politics  in  these  dissen- 
sions. While  no  shadow  of  proof  exists  that  the  Hol- 
land party  consulted  Spain  secretly,  as  the  prince  and 
his  friends  supposed,  it  is  certain  that  the  prince  himself 
sought  the  advice  of  the  French  crown  concerning  his 
measures  and  that,  for  the  contingency  of  civil  war  in  the 
republic,  he  counted  upon  the  support  of  France  for  the 
six  provinces  against  Holland.  France  was  to  be  prom- 
ised that  peace  with  Spain  should  be  broken  after  the 
restoration  of  internal  tranquillity.  Though  the  French 
government  actually  bound  itself  to  nothing,  it  evidently 
desired  to  see  the  prince  victorious.  But  it  was  unwill- 
ing to  compromise  itself  and  waited  for  the  turn  domes- 
tic affairs  would  take.  For  the  time  being,  the  young 
and  inexperienced  prince  seemed   the  weaker  party    as 

1  Archives,  iv.,  p.  320  et  seq.,  especially  p.  336.      Cf.  Wijnne,  p.  lxxxv. 


1 66  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

compared  with  rich  and  powerful  Holland  which,  led  by 
Amsterdam,  opposed  his  plans  vigorously  and  might  be 
able  to  lift  him  from  the  saddle. 

As  early  as  December,  1649,  William  Frederick  in  a 
letter  written  partly  in  cipher  advised  his  cousin  to  break 
with  reliable  troops  the  resistance  of  Amsterdam.  A 
month  later  he  conjured  him  not  to  yield  too  much  and 
particularly  to  keep  an  eye  upon  Amsterdam,  pointing 
out  that  matters  were  going  as  in  161 8  and  threatening 
the  Union  with  dissolution.  Holland's  uncompromising 
attitude  excited  fears  of  a  repetition  of  the  disturbances  of 
161 8.  The  majority  in  the  Estates  of  that  province  urged 
ever  more  vehemently  the  arbitrary  disbandment.  There 
were  attempts  at  a  settlement.  The  moderate  council 
pensionary  submitted  proposals  to  the  prince,  who  per- 
sisted in  his  own  opinion.  A  new  proposition  from 
Holland  was  rejected,  whereupon  the  province  deter- 
mined not  to  bring  the  affair  before  the  States-General 
again.  An  earlier  proposal  of  some  Leyden  lords  to  agree 
to  the  prince's  last  offer,  but  first  to  subject  the  companies 
of  foot  and  horse  to  a  small  reduction,  was  accepted  on 
June  1st  in  the  meeting  of  the  Estates  of  Holland,  though 
with  a  protest  of  six  opposing  cities.  The  request,  imme- 
diately made  by  the  States-General,  not  to  carry  out 
the  intended  disbandment  was  refused,  and  three  days 
later  discharge  papers  were  sent  to  twelve  companies  of 
cavalry  and  thirty-one  of  infantry  belonging  to  Hol- 
land's quota.  The  Estates  of  this  province  then  separated. 

There  was  no  doubt  that  the  six  other  provinces  stood 
together  in  opposition  to  Holland  in  this  matter.  Natu- 
rally the  prince, advised  by  his  cousin  who  had  come  to  The 
Hague,  and  appearing  with  him  and  the  council  of  state 
in  the  States-General  on  the  5th,  desired  the  highest 
body  to  remind  the  officers  that  they  owed  obedience  to 
no    provincial     Estates.1     Further     the    States-General 

1  Vander  Capellen,  Gedenkschriften,  ii.,  p.  283. 


First  Years  of  Peace  167 

resolved  to  send  a  "  very  notable  deputation"  to  the 
cities  of  Holland,  which  deputation  was  to  be  appointed 
by  the  prince,  while  full  authority  was  given  him  to  take 
measures  for  the  preservation  of  peace  and  the  main- 
tenance of  the  Union.1  This  most  important  resolution 
invested  the  prince  temporarily  with  dictatorial  power 
and  was  hastily  passed.  But  the  difficulty  was  that  the 
resolution  was  adopted  only  by  a  majority  of  votes  and 
under  protest  from  Holland,  while  Utrecht  opposed  but 
yielded  later,  and  Gelderland  objected  to  the  "authorisa- 
tion" of  the  prince.  Considering  further  that  the  voters 
were  not  numerous,  the  whole  assembly  consisting  at 
most  of  about  thirty  persons,  the  authority  granted 
the  prince  assumes  a  doubtful  character.  The  prince's 
presence  during  the  discussion  influenced  the  course  of 
affairs,  although  he  departed  before  the  voting.  On  the 
following  day  the  prince  came  again  to  the  meeting  and 
informed  it  that  he  would  himself  head  the  deputation, 
to  which  he  had  appointed  four  members  of  the  States- 
General  :  Aartsbergen  of  Gelderland,  Mauregnault  of 
Zealand,  Renswoude  of  Utrecht,  Clant  of  Groningen; 
two  members  of  the  council  of  state,  Asperen  of  Hol- 
land and  Lucassen  of  Zealand,  besides  the  treasurer- 
general  Brasser.  This  communication  was  accepted  as  a 
notification,  and  the  prince  was  asked  to  persuade  the 
cities  of  Holland  to  yield  "by  all  means  of  induction." 

The  deputation  started  out  on  the  8th  of  June,  accom- 
panied by  a  brilliant  retinue  of  about  400  officers,  de- 
signed to  impress  magistrates  and  population.  Only  one 
town,  Medemblik,  was  not  visited,  but  the  prince  appeared 
in  all  the  other  towns  of  Holland  entitled  to  vote.  The 
result,  however,  did  not  equal  the  expectations.  Some 
cities  showed  themselves  ready  to  consent  to  the  prince's 
will.  No  less  than  nine  refused  more  or  less  roundly  to 
yield.     Dordrecht    set    the   example :  its   town-council, 

1  Wicquefort,  i.,  Pieces  justijicatives,  No.  xiv. 


168  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

sharply  addressed  by  Aartsbergen,  complained  of  his 
tone  and  politely  broke  off  negotiations.  Schiedam, 
Alkmaar,  Monnikendam,  and  Edam,  the  citizens  of  the 
last  place  receiving  the  prince  brilliantly,  declared  they 
would  answer  only  in  the  assembly  of  the  States.  Haar- 
lem and  Delft  reported  a  willingness  to  receive  only  the 
prince,  which  he  did  not  desire.  Amsterdam  repeatedly 
besought  him  to  come  merely  as  stadtholder  and  without 
the  deputation,  but  the  prince  declined  this,  and,  when  he 
came  with  the  deputation,  the  town-council  refused  to  re- 
ceive the  latter  and  afterwards  the  prince  himself.1  On  the 
25th  the  deputation  was  back  again  at  The  Hague.  Two 
days  later  the  prince  made  a  report  to  the  States-General, 
declaring  in  substance  that  the  answer  of  the  members 
of  Holland  had  been  various. 

The  prince  was  very  indignant  at  the  attitude  of  some 
cities.  According  to  Aartsbergen,  however,  he  had 
hoped  to  be  insulted  in  order  "to  seek  reparation  in  other 
ways."  He  made  his  complaint  of  Amsterdam's  treat- 
ment in  the  Estates  of  Holland  on  the  30th  and  had  it 
printed.  Amsterdam  issued  a  reply  at  the  end  of  the 
following  month,  but  after  a  few  days  it  advised  the 
Estates  of  Holland  that  the  deputation  as  "unusual" 
must  be  disapproved  of,  and  nothing  like  it  could  be 
allowed,  further  that  Holland  ought  to  protest  to  the 
States-General  and  the  separate  provinces,  and  without 
offending  His  Highness  should  request  of  him  new  pro- 
posals for  diminishing  the  taxes.  The  Estates  of  Hol- 
land resolved  upon  the  latter  and  appointed  a  commission 
for  the  affair.  Thus  negotiations  began  again  and  on  the 
15th  brought  a  proposition  from  the  prince,  his  cousin, 
and  the  council  of  state,  to  keep  3000  cavalry  and  over 
26,000  infantry,  to  reduce  the  money   for  lodging   to  a 

•Van  der  Capellen,  Gedenkschriften,  ii.,  p.  292  et  seq.  These  notes  of 
Aartsbergen  himself  deserve  more  consideration  than  the  somewhat  deviat- 
ing reports  elsewhere. 


First  Years  of  Peace  169 

half,  while  officers  mustered  out  were  to  obtain  a 
pension,  and  those  remaining  in  the  service  received  the 
same  pay  or  a  little  less.  The  commission  from  the 
Estates  of  Holland  wished  to  discharge  1125  men  and 
116  cavalrymen  more,  to  abolish  the  allowance  for  lodg- 
ings, and  to  cut  down  the  pay  of  the  officers.  From  a 
"conciliatory  advice"  soon  presented  to  the  Estates  of 
Holland  it  appeared  that  they  wanted  to  disband  only 
585  more  men  than  the  prince,  so  that,  "the  difference 
being  of  slight  importance,"  no  great  trouble  would  have 
resulted,  if  much  more  had  not  already  happened  between 
the  prince  and  Holland.  It  was  determined  on  July 
29th  to  make  this  advice  into  a  resolution. 

But  Holland  on  the  27th  had  sent  a  letter  to  the  six 
other  provinces  defending  its  "separate  discontinuation 
of  the  payment  of  some  militia,"  and  the  prince,  angered 
by  opposition,  now  decided  to  make  use  of  the  resolution 
of  June  5th  and  to  throw  the  sword  into  the  scales.  In 
concert  with  his  advisers  he  concluded  to  arrest  six  mem- 
bers of  the  Estates  of  Holland,  who,  as  he  said  later, 
had  shown  "insolent  obstinacy,"  and  with  a  reliable 
armed  force  to  occupy  Amsterdam  or  some  other  cities. 
The  double  plan  was  carefully  arranged  weeks  before- 
hand and  was  now  to  be  rapidly  executed. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  Saturday  the  30th,  Jacob  de 
Witt  of  Dordrecht,  Jan  de  Wael,  burgomaster,  and 
Albert  Ruyl,  pensionary  of  Haarlem,  Jan  Duyst  van 
Voorhout,  burgomaster  of  Delft,  Nanning  Keyser, 
burgomaster  of  Hoorn,  and  Nicolaas  Stellingwerff,  pen- 
sionary of  Medemblik,  were  summoned  to  the  prince,  but 
on  their  arrival  the  lieutenant-colonel  of  his  guard,  Van 
Meteren,  arrested  and  locked  them  up  each  in  a  separate 
room  of  the  prince's  quarters.  The  persons  named  were 
chosen,  not  because  they  all  had  especially  declared  them- 
selves against  the  prince's  plans,  but  to  punish  the 
respective  cities  for  their  opposition.     The  prince,  who 


170  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

was  ready  to  depart  for  Amsterdam,  requested  Cats  to 
report  the  arrest  to  the  Estates  of  Holland,  and  the 
council  pensionary,  "amazed  as  by  a  rare  wonder,"  so  he 
himself  testifies,  obeyed  in  fear  and  trembling.1  The 
Estates  remained  in  session  but  resolved  to  consult  their 
principals  in  order  to  find  expedients  "in  these  quite 
unexpected  and  perplexing  affairs, "  and  Monday  was 
appointed  for  the  return  of  the  delegates  sent  to  the  cities. 
Meanwhile  an  armed  force  from  neighbouring  garrisons 
and  the  prince's  guard  occupied  all  entrances  to  The 
Hague.  The  president  and  members  of  the  States- 
General  were  summoned  to  the  prince  and  informed  of 
what  had  occurred.  The  prisoners  on  the  following  day 
were  conveyed  under  military  guard  by  Van  Meteren  as 
commandant  of  Loevestein  to  that  fortress.  Thus  the 
first  part  of  the  plans  was  carried  out  to  the  prince's 
satisfaction. 

The  operation  against  Amsterdam  was  not  so  success- 
ful. The  management  of  this  affair,  which  the  prince  him- 
self wished  to  undertake  at  first,  was  finally  intrusted  to 
Count  William  Frederick.  From  different  provinces 
forty-eight  companies,  numbering  about  6000  men,  were 
collected  at  Amersfoort,  Utrecht,  Muiden,  and  Ouwer- 
kerk,  and  later  were  joined  to  them  4000  men  more 
under  command  of  the  count  himself  and  of  the  lords  of 
Noordwijk  and  Sommelsdijk.  The  intention  was  to  sur- 
prise the  city,  and  this  was  to  be  effected  by  Major  Gen- 
tillot,  a  Frenchman,  who,  leaving  Utrecht  by  the  night 
boat  with  fifty  picked  officers  and  soldiers,  was  to  seize 
upon  a  gate  early  in  the  morning  and  let  in  the  count  and 
his  troops.  Thus  it  was  expected  to  master  the  city  with- 
out bloodshed,  which  the  prince  desired  to  avoid  in  any 
case.  Gentillot  lay  concealed  with  his  men  at  Ouwerkerk 
early  on  Saturday  morning,  waiting  for  the  promised 
approach  of  the  other  troops.     But  disaster  befell.     The 

1  Tweeentachiigjarig  /even. 


First  Years  of  Peace  171 

commander  arrived  in  the  night  from  The  Hague  at 
Abcoude,  and  Sommelsdijk  and  Dohna  from  Gelderland 
were  also  there  in  time,  but  the  cavalry,  ten  companies 
from  Arnhem  and  Nimwegen  under  Captain  Mom,  went 
astray  in  a  storm  near  Hilversum  on  the  heath  and  came 
much  too  late.  At  the  appointed  time  there  were  only 
four  companies  of  cavalry  in  Abcoude,  with  which  it  was 
not  dared  to  begin  operations  from  fear  of  armed  resist- 
ance, so  that  Gentillot,  tired  of  waiting,  drew  back  upon 
the  main  force  at  Abcoude. 

Meanwhile  the  wandering  cavalry  had  been  observed  by 
the  postal  messenger  from  Hamburg  to  Amsterdam. 
He  had  been  incautiously  allowed  to  proceed  to  the  city, 
and  just  after  eight  o'clock  he  informed  the  burgomaster, 
Cornelis  Bicker,  that  he  had  seen  unknown  troops  a  few 
hours  away.  The  report  was  soon  confirmed  by  the 
governor  of  the  castle  of  Muiden  and  by  fleeing  peasants. 
Bicker,  who  chanced  to  be  the  only  burgomaster  present, 
had  the  gates  closed  at  once,  raised  the  drawbridges, 
and  assembled  the  town-council,  believing  some  Swedish 
or  Lorraine  soldiers  from  Julich  or  Brabant  were  ap- 
proaching, and  remembering  recent  rumours  of  hostile 
designs  against  the  city.  Later  in  the  day  vigorous 
measures  of  defence  were  taken :  the  council  of  war  was 
summoned,  the  militia  was  called  to  arms,  cannon  were 
dragged  to  the  walls,  armed  vessels  were  stationed  in  the 
Y  and  Amstel,  and  preparations  for  inundating  the  sur- 
rounding country  were  made.  Count  William  Frederick, 
at  last  in  possession  of  his  whole  force,  moved  from 
Abcoude  close  to  the  city,  but  he  found  it  so  ready  for 
resistance  that  he  did  nothing  but  send  in  a  letter  from 
the  prince,  which  was  to  have  been  delivered  to  the 
town-council  after  the  surprise.  The  prince  expressed  a 
wish  with  the  support  of  his  troops  to  give  his  message  to 
the  council.  Not  until  evening  did  two  members  of  the 
council  come  in  an  armed  boat  to  inform  the  count  that 


172  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Amsterdam  had  reported  to  the  Estates  of  Holland  what 
had  occurred  and  would  await  the  reply,  meanwhile 
repelling  all  violence.  The  count  determined  to  remain 
where  he  was  and  to  ask  the  prince  for  further  orders.1 

The  next  day,  Sunday,  Amsterdam  deliberated  upon 
wnat  should  be  done  and  considered  the  possibility  of 
cutting  the  sea-dikes  in  order  to  drive  away  the  soldiers 
by  water.  Count  William  by  command  of  the  prince 
posted  his  troops  so  as  to  begin  the  surrounding  of  the 
city  from  all  sides.  The  prince  himself  remained  at  The 
Hague  until  after  the  morning  sermon,  and  departed  for 
the  camp  with  a  great  company  of  noblemen  and  officers 
to  conquer  the  city  by  a  siege.  At  Halfweg  his  cousin 
met  him,  the  ever  moderate  Louis  of  Nassau,  lord  of 
Beverweert,  directed  his  attention  to  the  danger  of  in- 
undation and  offered  to  go  to  The  Hague  and  bring 
about  a  conciliatory  deputation  from  the  States-General 
to  him,  while  the  prince  was  negotiating  with  Amster- 
dam. Thus  the  affair  might  still  be  arranged.  This 
negotiation  began  on  the  1st  of  August,  and  an  agree- 
ment was  concluded  on  the  3d.  Already  experiencing 
some  of  the  injury  a  siege  might  cause  to  its  commerce, 
and  perceiving  that  the  other  cities  would  let  it  fight  out 
its  battle  with  the  prince  alone,  Amsterdam  submitted 
and  promised  for  the  next  three  or  four  years  to  conform 
to  the  will  of  the  States-General  concerning  the  disband- 
ment,  while  the  prince  agreed  to  raise  the  siege.  A 
separate  article,  which  the  city  vainly  endeavoured  to 
escape,  stipulated  that  the  two  Bickers,  the  leaders  of  the 
opposition,  should  leave  the  government.  The  deputa- 
tions of  the  States-General  and  Holland  to  the  prince 
found  the  matter  settled.  The  soldiers  departed  on  the 
following  day,  and  Amsterdam  resumed  its  usual  appear- 
ance without  having  had  actual  fighting.8 

1  See  his  report  to  the  prince :  Archives,  iv.,  p.  388. 
s  See  on  all  this  Wijnne. 


First  Years  of  Peace  1 73 

The  prince  had  attained  his  object,  although  not  quite 
in  the  anticipated  way.  The  six  arrested  members 
remained  a  few  weeks  longer  in  confinement  at  Loeve- 
stein,  but  after  consultation  with  their  cities  they  were 
released  one  after  the  other  in  the  latter  part  of  August, 
the  cities  having  to  remove  them  from  office.  The 
"reasons  and  motives"  for  the  imprisonment  were 
delivered  in  a  sealed  packet  by  the  prince  to  Holland  and 
the  States-General,  and  so  this  affair  came  also  to  an 
end.1  The  disbandment  was  taken  up  again  in  August, 
and  the  prince  met  the  universal  wish  for  economy  by  a 
sacrifice  of  the  foreign  troops  so  dear  to  him.  This  was 
agreed  to  by  a  unanimous  vote  of  the  States-General, 
while  it  was  also  established  that  no  province  could 
disband  on  its  own  authority,  and  differences  must  be 
settled  by  amicable  agreement  or  by  the  stadtholders. 
Twenty  French,  thirty-two  English,  and  three  Scotch 
companies  were  designated  for  discharge  besides  twelve 
companies  of  cavalry ;  four  companies  of  cavalry  and 
1000  men  of  the  infantry  continued  in  service  six  weeks 
longer,  while  an  effort  was  made  to  decide  about  them. 
In  response  to  the  prince's  communication  the  Estates  of 
the  six  provinces  thanked  him  for  the  trouble  he  had 
taken.  At  the  end  of  August  the  prince  went  to  Dieren 
to  amuse  himself,  after  his  success,  with  hunting,  and 
Cats  says  in  rhyme: 

"  All  that  trouble  great,  't  was  gone  in  a  moment's  flash 
Like  the  thick  clouds,  which  the  heavens  with  wonder  dash." 

The  result  of  the  contest  increased  the  prince's  credit, 
although  the  opposing  party,  now  again  called  the 
"Loevestein  faction,"  was  still  dangerous  because  so 
numerously  represented  in  the  town-councils  of  Holland. 
The  attitude  towards  France  was  modified  in  accordance 
with  the  known  partiality  of  the  now  powerful  Orange 

1  Archives,  iv.,  p.  398. 


174  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

prince,  who  in  August  expressed  to  d'  Estrades1  his  hope 
of  soon  seeing  war  break  out  again  with  Spain.  If 
mediation  between  the  two  warring  powers  failed,  peace 
could  be  forced  upon  Spain  by  arms.  After  the  conclu- 
sion of  peace  between  France  and  Spain,  English  affairs 
might  be  taken  in  hand,  and  the  republic's  influence 
would  be  exerted  for  the  benefit  of  the  Stuarts. 

In  September  matters  were  fully  discussed,  and  the 
prince  consulted  with  Brasset  and  in  deep  secrecy  with 
d'  Estrades,  who  was  then  in  command  at  Dunkirk,  as  to 
how  mediation  could  be  best  arranged.  He  wished  the 
States-General  to  send  an  urgent  communication  to  the 
archduke  at  Brussels,  intimating  that  he  should  not  let 
his  victorious  troops  penetrate  farther  into  France,  but 
should  accept  the  mediation  of  the  States.  But  the 
States  determined  simply  to  offer  their  mediation  to  both 
parties,  and  this  was  chiefly  due  to  Holland's  efforts. 
The  French  wanted  the  affair  to  be  taken  up  more  vigor- 
ously, though  it  was  evident  that  much  must  happen 
before  Holland  could  be  persuaded  to  an  actual  war.  In 
October  the  draft  was  made,  probably  by  Mazarin,"  for  a 
treaty  between  France  and  the  republic,  stipulating  a 
joint  war  against  Spain  in  the  spring  of  165 1  in  case  the 
official  mediation  of  the  States  should  fail.  The  time 
was  not  ripe  for  such  far-reaching  plans,  and  under  the 
circumstances  the  prince  would  certainly  not  have 
approved  of  the  draft.  Yet  he  did  not  give  up  all  hope. 
Before  the  middle  of  October  he  went  from  The  Hague 
to  Dieren  again,  ostensibly  for  hunting,  but  really  to  win 
over  the  Estates  of  Gelderland  to  his  designs.  A  nego- 
tiation   concerning   the   sale    of   Cleves   and     Mark    by 

1  Archives,  iv.,  p. 404.  See  Blok's  Archivalia  te  Parijs,  pp.  34,  35,  and 
Fruin's  articles  on  these  plans  for  war  and  mediation  in  Bijdr.  ?,de  R.  ix., 
p.  1,  and  x.,  p.  197;  Waddington,  La  Re'publique  des  Provinces -Unies,  ii.. 
P-  348. 

2  Fruin  in  Bijdr.  ix.,  p.  21. 


First  Years  of  Peace  175 

Brandenburg  to  Prince  William  seems  to  indicate  other 
plans,  connected  perhaps  with  a  ducal  title  in  Gelder- 
land — plans  and  prospects  of  much  importance  for  the 
republic's  internal  condition. 

While  all  this  was  in  suspense,  and  nobody  could  tell 
the  result,  the  news  suddenly  came  that  the  prince  had 
been  taken  sick  at  Dieren.  Some  days  later  the  illness 
was  pronounced  a  light  case  of  small-pox.  Although  the 
treacherous  nature  of  this  malady  was  well  known,  the 
reports  at  first  excited  no  alarm.  The  patient  was 
brought  to  The  Hague,  and  the  disease  was  supposed  to 
be  taking  its  ordinary  course,  when  it  was  announced 
that  the  prince  had  died  late  in  the  evening  of  the  6th  of 
November.  It  was  a  terrible  blow  to  the  house  of  Orange 
and  to  the  fatherland.  Although  the  exasperation  of  the 
Holland  party  gave  utterance  to  many  a  bitter  word 
concerning  the  departed,  although  an  unknown  donor 
thus  exulted  in  the  contribution  box  of  an  Amsterdam 
church : 

"  The  prince  deceased, 
My  gift's  increased; 
No  news  pleased  more 
In  years  four  score," 

there  was  nobody  untouched  by  this  sudden  death.  Is 
it  strange  that  murmurs  of  poisoning  were  heard  and  have 
continued  even  to  our  time?  They  arose  from  the 
apparent  carelessness  of  the  physicians  in  their  early 
treatment  of  the  case,  and  Spain's  presumed  interest  in 
the  prince's  death  strengthened  the  otherwise  baseless 
suspicion.1  Deep  was  the  dismay  of  the  people  attached 
to  Orange,  and  only  the  birth  of  a  son,  eight  days  later, 
afforded  some  consolation,  or  at  least  some  hope  for  the 
future,  which  seemed  at  first  dark  for  Orange  as  well  as 
for  the  fatherland,  that  felt  the  absence  of   a  prince  of 

1  See  De  Beaufort,  Geschiedkundige  Opstellen,  ii.,  p.  102. 


176         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Orange  as  a  national  misfortune,  as  the  beginning  of  the 
young  republic's  fall. 

In  these  circumstances  the  regents,  especially  those  of 
Holland,  showed  themselves  fully  equal  to  the  task  of 
governing.  They  took  the  opportunity  to  organise  the 
state  without  any  chance  for  confusion  and  to  establish 
upon  a  firm  basis  the  influence  of  the  Estates  recently 
menaced  by  the  prince's  vigorous  proceedings.  This 
was  accomplished  not  by  the  "Loevestein  faction"  alone. 
The  moderate  elements  of  the  Orange  party,  disabled  by 
the  prince's  sudden  death,  helped  in  maintaining  the 
government  of  the  States  on  the  old  footing.  Of  the 
two  parties  the  former,  headed  by  the  aged  Pauw,  with 
the  Amsterdam  lords  and  Jacob  de  Witt,  long  remained 
the  more  powerful ;  the  other  could  do  little  under  the 
lead  of  the  rather  unprincipled  William  Frederick,  of  the 
very  moderate  Beverweert,  and  of  the  marshal  Johan 
Wolfert  van  Brederode  insignificant  as  a  statesman,  and 
paralysed  by  dissensions,  particularly  by  that  flaming  up 
between  the  princess  dowager,  Amalia,  and  the  young 
princess  royal. 

The  jealousy  between  the  ambitious  grandmother  and 
the  proud  mother  of  the  new-born  prince  injured  the 
Orange  party  greatly.  While  still  confined  to  her  bed  the 
princess  royal,  who  aspired  to  the  sole  guardianship  over 
her  son,  quarrelled  with  Princess  Amalia,  who  adduced 
the  youth  of  the  princess  as  a  reason  for  appointing 
another  guardian,  having  her  own  son-in-law  in  view,  the 
elector  of  Brandenburg.  The  affection  of  the  princess 
royal  for  her  English  family  in  exile,  which  she  was 
eager  to  assist  with  the  money  of  the  Oranges,  the 
arrogance  of  the  English  king's  daughter  towards  her 
mother-in-law,  the  former  lady  of  the  court  of  her  aunt 
of  Bohemia,  augmented  the  division  in  the  Orange  family. 
It  was  furthered  also  by  the  mutual  jealousy  of  the 
"Nassau  counts":  William  Frederick  and  John  Maurice, 


First  Years  of  Peace  177 

and  Brederode,  the  "born  count  of  Holland,"  a  scion  of 
the  race  that  asserted  its  descent  from  the  ancient  family 
of  counts,  all  three  having  an  eye  upon  the  military 
posts  of  the  dead  prince,  by  the  opposition  to  the  elector 
as  a  foreigner,  and  by  discord  between  him  and  the  chief 
advisers  of  the  princess  royal,  Beverweert  and  Johan  van 
Kerchoven,  lord  of  Heenvliet-  Under  these  circum- 
stances some  universally  hated  Orangemen,  like  Johan 
de  Knuyt  in  Zealand  and  Musch  in  Holland,  became 
victims.  De  Knuyt  was  removed  from  his  post  of  first 
nobleman,  and  the  clerk  escaped  a  similar  fate  and  an 
investigation  of  his  far  from  spotless  life  by  a  speedy 
death. 

The  question  of  the  guardianship  was  referred  by  the 
Estates  of  Holland  to  the  court  of  Holland,  which  pro- 
nounced for  the  mother  as  guardian  with  the  addition  of 
the  elector.  The  grandmother  and  the  elector  appealed 
from  this  decision  to  the  High  Council,  which  declared  all 
three  guardians  with  the  prince  of  Landsberg,  a  Palati- 
nate relative  of  the  Orange  house.  This  met  with  the 
approval  of  none  of  the  parties,  and  after  much  wrangling 
an  agreement  was  reached  in  August,  165 1,  that  the 
guardianship  should  be  exercised  by  the  princess  royal  as 
guardian,  together  with  the  princess  dowager  and  the 
elector.  The  cradle  of  young  William  Henry  of  Orange 
was  surrounded  by  quarrelling  members  of  the  family. 
Even  over  his  name  difficulties  arose,  the  mother  wishing 
to  call  him  Charles  after  her  brother,  the  English  exile. 
But  uncommon  princely  splendour  was  displayed  at  his 
christening  as  also  at  his  father's  funeral. 

Naturally  the  Estates  of  Holland  and  of  the  other 
provinces  encountered  slight  opposition  in  getting 
possession  of  the  rights  enjoyed  by  the  princes  of 
Orange.  Immediately  after  the  prince's  death  the 
States-General  came  together  hastily,  informed  the 
different  provinces  of  the  event,  and  requested  them  to 

VOL.  IV.— 12. 


178  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

take  the  necessary  measures  "in  this  highly  important 
conjuncture."  The  Estates  of  Holland  at  once  declared 
their  readiness  to  maintain  the  union,  as  well  as  religion 
in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  the  synod  of  Dort,. 
while  regarding  the  militia  they  appealed  to  the  resolu- 
tions adopted  in  1646.  Some  days  later  they  invited  the 
other  provinces  in  "General  Convocation"  to  send  a 
number  of  extraordinary  delegates  to  regulate  affairs,  and 
deputations  went  to  the  provinces  to  advocate  this 
matter  and  apparently  to  see  that  the  "General"  or  so 
called  "Great  Assembly"  was  made  up  as  much  as 
possible  to  Holland's  liking.  The  sitting  States-General 
had  acted  under  the  prince's  influence  and  were  not  so 
easily  to  be  managed.  The  States-General  did  what  Hol- 
land proposed  and  summoned  for  the  middle  of  December 
the  seven  provinces  to  a  "Great  Assembly."  Meanwhile 
the  Estates  of  Holland  resolved  to  settle  the  question 
of  the  appointment  of  magistrates.  Every  town  desiring  it 
received  from  the  Estates  the  privilege  of  naming  its  own 
magistrates,  the  town-council  usually  nominating  two  per- 
sons, and  one  of  them  being  chosen  by  lot.  Evidently 
the  plan  was  not  to  appoint  a  stadtholder  or  a  temporary 
"lieutenant"  for  the  young  prince  in  that  capacity.  It 
was  asserted  "that  it  was  quite  uncertain  what  he  would 
grow  to,"  and  the  appointment  of  a  lieutenant  was 
dangerous  for  the  future  of  the  prince  himself.1  Zealand, 
where  the  friends  of  the  house  of  Orange  were  daily  losing 
influence  through  the  reaction  against  their  omnipotence 
duringthe  life  of  the  first  three  princes  of  Orange,  coincided 
in  this  opinion,  as  did  also  Utrecht,  Gelderland,  and 
Overyssel.  A  few  days  after  the  prince's  death  Gronin- 
gen  had  chosen  Count  William  Frederick  in  his  place. 
The  Estates  of  Holland  seized  upon  other  rights  of  the 
deceased  Orange  prince,  such  as  the  bestowal  of  the 
higher  military  offices,  of  the  forestership,  the  naming  of 

'Aitzema,  iii.,  p.  467. 


First  Years  of  Peace  1 79 

the  rector  of  Leyden  University,  the  granting  of  par- 
dons; the  prince's  guard  became  the  guard  of  the 
Estates;  the  keys  of  the  gates  were  thenceforth  to  be 
kept  by  the  magistrates  of  the  town  instead  of  by  the 
military  commander.  Holland  likewise  entered  into 
"private  correspondence"  with  the  other  provinces, 
particularly  with  Zealand,  in  "preparatory  conference"1 
over  all  sorts  of  affairs,  which  it  desired  to  carry  through 
the  "Great  Assembly"  to  be  convened. 

The  Great  Assembly  did  not  meet  in  1650  but  was 
solemnly  opened  on  the  18th  of  January,  165 1,  in  the  old 
knightly  hall  of  the  counts  decorated  with  trophies  of 
the  Spanish  war,  with  conquered  flags  and  streamers.2 
The  large  hall  offered  by  the  Estates  of  Holland  was  pro- 
vided with  benches  arranged  around  the  sides  in  the 
manner  of  an  amphitheatre.  In  the  middle  before  the 
chimney  there  was  a  table  for  the  officers  and  for  the  for- 
eign ambassadors  to  be  received.  A  considerable  number 
of  deputies  from  the  seven  provinces  was  present ; 
especially  from  Holland  and  Friesland  came  many  of 
the  ablest  magistrates,  mostly  members  of  the  States- 
General;  and  this  assembly  might  have  passed  for  an 
extraordinary  meeting  of  that  body.  After  a  short 
address  by  Pibo  van  Doma  from  Friesland,  whose  turn  it 
was  to  preside  over  the  States-General,  Jacob  Cats  in  the 
name  of  Holland  made  a  long  speech — "after  his  manner 
quite  long  and  more  polite  than  strong  or  touching" 
Wicquefort  says  of  it.  He  affirmed  that,  nobody  of  the 
house  of  Orange  now  being  capable  of  assuming  the 
dignities  of  its  fathers,  circumstances  made  necessary 
deliberation  upon  the  maintenance  of  the  union  of  1579. 
Three  preliminary  points  had  to  be  kept  in  view:  the 

lJoh.  de  Witt  to  Dordrecht,  Jan.  7,  1651  (Rijksarchief).  These  and 
later  notes  from  De  Witt's  correspondence  are  mostly  taken  from  Fruin's 
full  extracts. 

8  Holl.  Mercurius,  1651,  p.  60.  Further,  Wicquefort,  ii.,  p.  3  ;  Aitzema, 
hi.,  p.  496. 


180  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

union,  religion,  and  the  army,  but  the  rule  for  the  first 
two  was  already  laid  down  in  the  union  of  Utrecht 
and  the  synod  of  Dordrecht,  and  consideration  of  the 
army  was  alone  needed.  Holland  opined  that  the 
appointment  of  a  new  captain-general  should  be 
omitted,  and  that  it  would  be  enough  to  have  a  field 
marshal  and  to  regulate  the  rights  of  the  provinces 
towards  the  council  of  state  in  the  matter  of  the 
army.  The  province  plainly  indicated  the  Estates  as 
the  paymasters  and  consequently  supreme  commanders 
of  the  army. 

These  subjects  were  discussed  for  several  months, 
until  August,  though  not  always  in  a  fashion  accept- 
able to  Holland.  Much  negotiation  ensued  upon  one 
point  of  the  union:  the  ever  difficult  question  of  how 
mutual  differences  were  to  be  settled.  Friesland  and 
Groningen  held  that  the  stadtholders  were  indispensable 
for  this  purpose.  Friesland  secretly  suggested  the  house 
of  Nassau,  now  that  the  house  of  Orange  could  furnish 
no  suitable  stadtholder,  with  an  eye  of  course  upon  its 
own  stadtholder,  William  Frederick.  The  other  prov- 
inces considered  the  States-General,  or  the  courts  of  jus- 
tice, or  chosen  judges  as  the  proper  arbitrators  in  such 
cases,  and  Holland,  that  would  have  nothing  to  do  with 
William  Frederick,  the  besieger  of  Amsterdam,  declared 
the  matter  of  the  appointment  of  a  stadtholder  "purely 
provincial,"  to  which  the  other  provinces  finally  agreed 
with  the  exception  of  the  two  named.  Holland  and  its 
four  partisans  maintained  in  fact  their  resolution  of 
appointing  no  stadtholder,  while  naturally  Friesland  and 
Groningen  adhered  to  their  view.  The  question  of  arbi- 
tration was  so  little  decided  that  both  parties  persisted  in 
appealing  to  their  right.  The  marriage  of  Count  William 
Frederick  in  1652  to  Princess  Albertina  Agnes,  the  second 
daughter  of  Frederick  Henry,  brought  him  later  into 
prominence  in  case  a  temporary  representative  should  be 


First  Years  of  Peace  181 

thought  of  for  the  young  prince,  a  contingency  by  no 
means  impossible. 

With  regard  to  religion  an  agreement  was  soon  beyond 
question  upon  the  principles  of  Dort.  They  were  to  be 
maintained  by  each  province  in  its  territory  "with  the 
power  of  the  land."  But  the  five  delegates  from  the 
provincial  synods  desired  further  vigorous  action  against 
"popish  idolatry,  superstition,  and  hierarchy,"  against 
the  "innumerable  Jesuits,  priests,  curates,  and  monks," 
who  were  overrunning  the  land  "in  thousands  like 
locusts"  ;  they  asked  also  for  enforcement  of  the  placards 
against  other  sectaries,  against  the  public  worship  of  the 
Jews  and  the  calumniation  of  the  reformed  doctrine  in 
books  and  other  writings,  finally  for  observance  of  Sun- 
day and  for  measures  against  brothels,  theatres,  luxury, 
and  such  crying  sins,  in  order  to  show  that  the  authorities 
had  not  in  vain  received  "the  sword."1  The  "politic" 
Estates  of  Holland  were  unwilling  to  go  so  far,  although 
the  more  orthodox  Zealand  urged  that  satisfaction  should 
be  given  to  the  preachers.  Friesland,  Groningen,  and 
Overyssel  sided  with  Zealand,  but  Gelderland  and 
Utrecht  hesitated.  A  proposal  of  Holland  was,  on 
January  27th,  converted  into  a  general  resolution  of  the 
assembly.  It  declared  that  the  Dort  principles  were  to 
be  conserved,  that  other  sects  should  be  kept  "  in  all  good 
order  and  quiet,"  that  the  placards  against  the  Roman- 
ists should  remain  in  force. 

There  was  much  more  discussion  concerning  the  army 
which  had  lately  given  rise  to  such  dissension.  Four 
things  were  prominent:  the  chief  command,  the  trans- 
fer of  garrisons,  and  the  secret  correspondence  about 
military  affairs  within  and  without  the  country.  The 
provinces  were  of  most  varying  opinions,  but  Holland 
and  Zealand  agreed  in  wishing  to  intrust  the  chief  com- 
mand to  the  council  of   state    and    not   to    the    States- 

'Aitzema,  iii.,  p.  506. 


182  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

General ;  furthermore  they  wanted  in  this  time  of  peace 
no  captain-general  or  admiral-general,  but  simply  the  field 
marshal — now  Brederode — at  the  head  of  the  army  and 
the  Holland  lieutenant  admiral,  Tromp,  at  the  head  of  the 
fleet.  Endless  was  the  wrangling  over  these  points,  and 
over  the  appointment  of  the  young  prince  as  captain- 
general  with  or  without  a  lieutenant.  The  two  princesses 
addressed  vigorous  representations  to  the  Estates  in 
favour  of  the  young  prince,  Princess  Amalia  in  Holland, 
the  princess-widow  in  Zealand,  where  the  Orange  party 
was  still  so  strong  that  the  Estates  of  Holland  deemed  it 
necessary  to  send  a  deputation  thither  to  keep  the  prov- 
ince on  the  right  path.  This  deputation,  among  whose 
members  were  Jacob  van  Wassenaar,  lord  of  Obdam, 
and  John  de  Witt,  pensionary  of  Dordrecht,  opposed 
successfully  the  intrigues  of  the  Orange  party.  A  prop- 
osition emanating  from  Holland  attributed  the  transfer 
of  garrisons  to  the  States-General,  but  by  advice  of  the 
council,  which  was  to  obtain  a  report  or  instruction 
drawn  up  by  the  separate  provinces,  and  to  them  was  to 
belong  the  right  of  moving  troops  within  their  borders 
and  of  giving  consent  to  the  movement  of  troops  into  or 
out  of  the  province;  the  soldiers  were  to  swear  allegiance 
to  the  general  government  as  well  as  to  the  Estates  har- 
bouring and  paying  them.  This  proposition  became  a 
resolution  of  the  assembly.  A  captain-general  was  not 
named  as  Holland  wished,  no  decision  being  reached. 
Nothing  was  settled  about  the  appointment  of  army 
officers,  so  that  the  provinces  did  what  they  pleased. 
The  secret  correspondence  on  military  affairs  was  left  to 
the  States-General.  Other  military  matters  were  ar- 
ranged, the  supreme  power  of  the  provincial  Estates 
coming  out  strongly.  Several  minor  affairs  were  regu- 
lated in  the  Great  Assembly.  A  sharp  resolution  intro- 
duced   by    Zealand    to    prevent    bribery1  "by    gifts    and 

1  Wicquefort,  ii.,  p.  25.     "It  could  not  be  denied  that  this  corruption 


First  Years  of  Peace  1 83 

pensions"  was  followed  by  a  placard,  which  naturally  did 
not  remedy  the  evil.  New  instructions  were  drawn  up 
for  the  council  of  state,  the  chamber  of  accounts,  the 
boards  of  admiralty,  the  higher  and  lower  officers  of  the 
general  government.  The  foreign  embassies  remained 
subject  to  the  States-General.  The  sittings  and  travelling 
expenses  of  the  deputies  of  the  States-General  and  the 
council  of  state  were  established. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  important  meetings,  to  which  it 
was  sought  to  give  a  more  solemn  character  by  decreeing 
that  the  resolutions  adopted  should  be  considered  "of 
the  same  power  and  vigour"  as  the  union  of  Utrecht/ 
the  council  pensionary,  Cats,  in  an  evil  hour  raked  up  the 
troubles  of  1650.  He  had  repeatedly  offered  in  the  Es- 
tates of  Holland  to  resign  on  account  of  his  great  age, 
but  no  action  was  taken  so  that  in  June,  in  order  to 
bring  out  a  decision,  he  simply  laid  upon  the  table  impor- 
tant papers  in  his  possession,  among  them  being  a  written 
"Complaint"  against  Amsterdam  and  the  carefully 
guarded  ' '  Reasons  and  motives' '  of  Prince  William  ' '  both 
with  regard  to  the  arrested  gentlemen  and  to  what  is 
begun  at,  by,  and  about  the  city  of  Amsterdam."  The 
reading  of  the  latter  violent  document  excited  at  once 
such  indignation  that  special  commissioners  were  author- 
ised to  investigate  it  further.  They  proposed  to  offer  a 
written  refutation  of  it  to  the  Great  Assembly,  to  request 
it  to  declare  illegal  the  resolutions  of  June  5  and  6,  1650, 
which  had  led  to  one  thing  and  another,  and  to  withdraw 
the  thanks  previously  offered  to  the  prince.  Holland 
examined  the  whole  affair  thoroughly  and  learned  that 
Musch  was  the  chief  author  of  this  document  as  well  as 
of  the  complaint  against  Amsterdam.     Musch  was  dead, 

had  reached  the  noblest  parts  of  the  state."  Cf.  Pamphlet  Thys.,  No. 
5900. 

1  The  resolutions  are  sometimes  comprehended  under  the  name  "  Further 
union  of  The  Hague  of  1651  "  (Pamphlet  Thys.,  No.  5879,  5880,  et  seq.). 


1 84  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

but  Sommelsdijk,  whose  conduct  naturally  came  under 
discussion,  considered  himself  in  danger  and  found  it 
desirable  to  defend  himself  before  the  commissioners  by 
appealing  to  the  orders  of  the  prince  as  captain-general 
and  of  Count  William  Frederick.1  The  latter  also  was 
now  seriously  implicated  and  menaced  with  a  judicial 
investigation,  whereupon  Friesland,  on  July  20th,  pro- 
posed to  the  Great  Assembly  a  "resolution  of  amnesty, 
forgiving,  and  forgetting,"  so  that  no  further  dissension 
should  arise  over  these  affairs  of  the  past."  Holland 
desired  each  province  should  do  strict  justice  for  itself, 
evidently  with  an  eye  to  its  subject,  Sommelsdijk,  who 
had  not  succeeded  in  clearing  himself.  Not  until  Som- 
melsdijk had  promised  not  to  appear  in  the  Estates  of 
Holland  unless  the  nobles  again  admitted  him,  and  upon 
strong  pressure  from  Friesland,  which,  with  Groningen's 
support,  threatened  to  hold  all  the  resolutions  of  the 
Great  Assembly  as  null,  if  amnesty  were  not  accepted, 
did  Holland  yield,  and  amnesty  was  unanimously  re- 
solved on  the  19th  of  August.  The  towns  of  Holland, 
from  which  the  six  members  came,  had  already  sharply 
declared  that  those  gentlemen  had  faithfully  performed 
their  duty;  Amsterdam  received  from  Holland  over 
54,000  guilders  for  its  expenditures  of  1650  "in  the 
service  of  the  country." 

Two  days  after  the  adoption  of  the  amnesty  Cats  in 
Holland's  name  delivered  a  flowery  farewell  address,  laud- 
ing the  harmonious  spirit  of  the  assembly  and  testifying 
to  its  important  achievements,  its  forgiving  disposition, 
and  God's  apparent  blessing  upon  its  work.  A  religious 
service  was  attended  by  all,  and  in  the  evening  the  ring- 
ing of  bells  and  the  firing  of  cannon  announced  the  end 
of  the  Great  Assembly.  In  the  middle  of  September 
followed   a  day  of  public  thanks,  fasting,  and  prayer,  and 

1  Archives,  v.,  p.  411. 
2Aitzema,  iii.,  p.  582. 


First  Years  of  Peace  185 

men  exulted    loudly:    "now  the  Lion  has  again  a  clog 
upon  his  claw."1 

The  work  of  the  assembly  was  unquestionably  impor- 
tant. By  its  resolutions,  as  well  as  by  what  it  left  undone, 
it  fixed  the  government  of  the  republic  in  the  form  result- 
ing from  the  insurrection  against  Spain.  Availing  itself 
of  the  temporary  eclipse  of  the  sun  of  Orange,  it  organ- 
ised the  government  of  the  States,  with  all  its  faults  and 
without  great  changes,  for  the  needs  of  the  moment. 
The  aristocracy  of  the  regents,  whose  representative 
it  might  be  considered,  maintained  through  it,  under  the 
lead  of  Holland's  statesmen,  the  principle  of  "aristocratic 
government"  in  opposition  to  the  monarchical  tendencies 
of  recent  times  and  to  feeble  democratic  utterances  here 
and  there.  The  principle  set  up  by  Oldenbarnevelt 
and  his  partisans  was  most  plainly  subscribed  to  by  the 
Great  Assembly  in  all  its  acts.  John  de  Witt  thus 
formulates  this  principle  in  one  of  his  letters:  "these 
provinces  are  not  together  una  rcspublica,  but  each  prov- 
ince is  separately  a  sovereign  rcspublica,  so  that  these 
United  Provinces  must  be  called  not  by  the  name  of 
respublica  (in  the  singular  number)  but  by  the  name  of 
respubliccz  federatce  or  unitce  (in  the  plural  number)."3 
This  principle  may  be  regarded  as  of  great  importance 
for  the  future  of  the  United  Netherlands,  although  it  was 
far  from  finding  universal  acceptance. 

1  Jer.  de  Decker. 

8  Dated  May  10,  1652  (Rijksar chief). 


CHAPTER  VIII 

FIRST   ENGLISH   WAR 

THE  Great  Assembly  had  not  confined  itself  to  the 
regulation  of  internal  affairs,  as  was  at  first  in- 
tended, but  had  considered  also  the  foreign  relations  of 
the  republic.  This  resulted  naturally  from  its  giving 
audience  to  foreign  ambassadors.  Important  was  the 
announcement  of  the  coming  of  an  embassy  from  the 
English  republic  on  account  of  recent  difficulties  with 
England.  These  difficulties  concerned  not  alone  the 
attitude  of  the  United  Netherlands  towards  Parliament 
and  towards  the  pretensions  to  the  English  throne  of 
Charles  II.,  the  "king  of  Scotland,"  as  he  was  officially 
called,  but  were  of  a  more  critical  nature. 

Between  the  English  and  the  Dutch  nations  there  had 
long  existed  a  commercial  jealousy  which,  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  seventeenth  century,  brought  their  seamen 
and  merchants  into  sharp  rivalry  almost  over  the  whole 
world.  The  disputes  respecting  the  fishery  on  the 
English  coast  and  the  question  of  the  Dominium.  Maris 
in  the  time  of  James  and  Charles  I.,  though  not  entirely 
forgotten,  were  not  taken  up  by  the  English  during  their 
internal  troubles.  Shortly  after  the  battle  of  the  Downs, 
that  denial  of  English  supremacy  even  in  English  har- 
bours, the  aged  Aerssen  had  been  sent  (1639)  to  London 
to  conjure  the  expected  storm,  but  the  ambassador  found 
little  to  do.  Although  King  Charles's  first  minister, 
Lord  Strafford,  complained  seriously  of  the  "greatest 
affront  of  the  world"  done  to  England,  nothing  came  of 

186 


First  English  War  187 

the  complaint.  Seeing  that  England  could  do  little,  the 
States  paid  no  attention  to  the  English  pretensions. 
Meanwhile  the  English  claims  had  excited  a  deeply 
rooted  hostility  to  the  English  in  a  large  portion  of 
the  population  of  the  Netherlands.  Many  merchants, 
seamen,  and  fishermen  showed  aversion  to  everything 
that  was  English.  There  was  further  since  the  king's 
execution  a  universal  detestation  among  the  Dutch  of 
the  English  regicides,  who  had  laid  hands  upon  their 
sovereign.  The  old  complaints  of  English  arrogance 
towards  foreigners  were  repeatedly  heard  in  the  Nether- 
lands and  appeared  in  numerous  pamphlets  dealing  with 
English  affairs  of  the  day.  As  England's  power  rose 
under  Cromwell's  energetic  rule,  these  complaints  did  not 
become  less,  especially  when  English  war  ships  about 
1650  began  annoying  Dutch  merchantmen  with  the  search 
of  their  cargo  and  crew  on  the  pretext  of  acting  against 
the  piracy  of  the  French  and  of  the  English  royalists  in 
the  Channel. 

The  feeling  in  England  towards  the  Dutch  was  not 
kindly.  A  self-conceited  contempt  for  the  smaller  nation 
and  ridicule  of  its  peculiarities,  of  its  slowness,  its  intem- 
perance, its  distrust,  its  thirst  for  gain,  the  comparative 
roughness  of  its  "mynheers,"  its  exaggerated  neatness, 
led  to  sharp  criticism  of  the  republic's  inhabitants.  Eng- 
lish travels  and  pamphlets  of  the  time  are  full  of  all  this. 
The  protection  granted  in  the  Netherlands  to  those  now 
considered  as  England's  enemies,  the  unpunished  murder 
of  Doreslaer,  the  preference  shown  to  the  king's  am- 
bassadors over  those  of  Parliament,  the  memory  of 
the  unfortunate  Ambon  affair,  commercial  difficulties 
in  India  and  elsewhere  —  all  had  occasioned  much 
bad  blood  and  increased  in  England  the  national  enmity 
toward  the  Dutch.  As  long  as  the  civil  war  continued, 
the  attitude  of  the  States  with  regard  to  the  old 
pretensions  was  without  danger,  but  conditions  changed 


1 88  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

when,  in  1650,  the  English  republic  seemed  permanently- 
established  and  Cromwell  powerful  enough  to  uphold 
it  at  home  and  abroad.  The  death  of  Prince  William, 
the  protector  of  the  Stuarts,  apparently  lessened  the 
chance  of  further  troubles,  and  late  in  January  the  Great 
Assembly  resolved  to  recognise  the  English  republic  as 
"free  and  sovereign."  Joachimi,  the  able  old  ambassador, 
was  to  depart  for  London  in  his  former  capacity,  and  thus 
diplomatic  relations  with  England  actually  broken  off 
would  be  resumed. 

Before  he  crossed  the  sea,  the  English  embassy  arrived 
at  The  Hague  for  the  purpose  of  securing  a  much  closer 
union  between  the  republic  and  its  English  sister.  The 
government  of  the  English  republic  earnestly  desired  an 
alliance  based  upon  agreement  in  religion  and  political 
institutions,  in  economic  development,  in  all  sorts  of 
interests,  and  upon  the  friendly  relations  of  former  days, 
"for  the  general  good  of  Christendom  as  well  as  for  our 
own."  In  1649  the  English  government  had  voiced  this 
feeling  to  Heenvliet  and  Pauw,1  and  Doreslaer  had  been 
commissioned  to  offer  a  closer  union.2  The  brilliant 
embassy  of  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  Oliver  St.  John  and 
Strickland,  with  a  retinue  of  nearly  250  persons  including 
many  noblemen,  reached  the  Meuse  escorted  by  five  war 
ships  at  the  end  of  March,  165 1,  and  later  The  Hague. 
St.  John  was  unquestionably  the  head,  one  of  the  most 
influential  English  statesmen  of  the  period  and  possessed 
with  the  idea  of  a  closer  alliance,  while  "the  wild  scheme 
of  political  union"3  was  to  come  up  only  in  case  the  off ers 
of  alliance  were  favourably  received.  The  reception  on 
the  side  of  the  States  left  nothing  to  be  desired,  but  the 
populace  showed  open  enmity  and  abused  the  embassy 

1  Mitsukuri,    Englisch-niederlandische     Unionsbestrebungen    im  Zeitalter 
Cromwells  (Tubingen,  1891),  pp.  25,  26. 

2  Aitzema,  iii.,  p.  377. 

3  Gardiner,  p.  357. 


First  English  War  189 

in  the  worst  way.  St.  John  proposed  "a  more  strict  and 
intimate  alliance  and  union"  for  the  promotion  of  "a 
more  intrinsical  and  mutual  interest  of  each  in  other," 
founded  upon  similarity  of  religion,  government,  and 
commercial  interest.  The  idea  encountered  cool  reserve 
upon  the  part  of  the  Dutch.  The  majority  of  the 
population  of  the  Netherlands,  favouring  the  Orange 
family  and  the  Stuarts,  wanted  no  close  connection. 
Not  to  displease  the  ambassadors,  it  was  declared  that 
"a  treaty  over  common  interests"  would  be  concluded. 
But  this  was  altogether  too  general  for  St.  John.  He 
desired  a  "clear  and  satisfactory  answer"  and  formally 
offered  a  close,  defensive  alliance  which  was  then  dis- 
cussed seriously  in  the  provincial  Estates. 

While  the  affair  was  in  suspense,  news  came  thatTromp, 
sent  out  to  curb  the  royalist  privateers  on  the  Scilly 
Islands,  had  occupied  one  of  these  islands.  This  act, 
viewed  with  suspicion  in  England,  also  the  attitude  of 
the  populace  and  of  the  Bohemian  royal  family,  Prince 
Edward  being  especially  conspicuous,  in  The  Hague 
towards  the  Englishmen  of  the  embassy  so  angered 
Parliament  that  it  summoned  St.  John  home  and  only 
rescinded  this  resolution,  when  Holland  promised  to  stop 
the  insults  and  actually  prosecuted  Prince  Edward. 
Negotiations  were  resumed,  the  English  now  consider- 
ing chiefly  the  support  given  the  Stuarts  in  the  Nether- 
lands, while  the  Dutch  sought  reciprocity  of  commercial 
advantages  with  restoration  of  the  Magnus  Intercursas 
of  1496.  The  English,  showing  little  diplomatic  talent, 
reverted  often  in  vague  terms  to  the  plans  of  union,  but 
the  States,  ever  dreading  public  opinion,  made  answer 
more  in  general.  The  English  demands  concerning  the 
royalists  appeared  on  the  contrary  very  definite.  In  cer- 
tain cases  they  asked  for  the  confiscation  of  the  property 
of  those  daring  to  support  the  royalists,  thus  also  of  the 
princess  of  Orange,  a  request  impossible  to  grant.     Pro- 


190  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

posals  were  made  on  both  sides,  until  St.  John  under- 
stood that  little  was  to  be  obtained  from  the  States  and 
took  his  departure  on  the  30th  of  July  in  great  vexation 
at  the  failure  of  his  mission.  Neither  the  banishment  of 
the  Stuarts  nor  the  close  alliance  was  attained. 

Parliament's  tone  in  reply  to  St.  John's  communica- 
tions was  very  bitter.  The  English  government  now 
thought  of  war  to  force  the  obstinate  States  into  an 
engagement  with  England  that  would  prevent  them  from 
ever  harbouring  England's  enemies.  The  fear  of  such  an 
extremity  induced  the  States-General,  after  the  close  of 
the  Great  Assembly,  to  resolve  upon  the  sending  of  a 
Dutch  embassy  to  England.  There  it  soon  became 
evident  that  hostility  was  wanted.  England  was  begin- 
ning to  appreciate  more  and  more  the  importance  of  its 
fleet  which  was  coming  up  under  able  managers  like 
Cromwell's  colleague  Vane  and  excellent  commanders  like 
Blake  and  Penn.  The  English  republic  exerted  itself  to 
put  its  navy  into  a  condition  to  oppose  the  fleets  of  other 
nations,  perceiving  that  England's  power,  peace,  and 
commerce  could  only  be  satisfactorily  sustained  by  a 
strong  navy.  Charles  II. 's  defeat  by  Cromwell  in  the 
battle  of  Worcester  on  September  3d,  his  flight  to 
France,  the  subjection  of  almost  all  Scotland  by  the 
English  army,  and  victories  in  Ireland  soon  afforded  Par- 
liament an  opportunity  to  devote  its  attention  entirely 
to  the  navy  and  commerce. 

Naturally  it  came  into  conflict  with  the  interests  of  the 
United  Netherlands,  the  greatest  maritime  power  of  the 
time,  whose  ships  covered  the  oceans,  whose  commercial 
spirit  sought  to  overcome  all  competition.  England  was 
still  dependent  upon  Dutch  commerce,  which  had  made  it- 
self master  of  nearly  all  the  carrying  trade  of  northern  and 
western  Europe.  Trade  between  England  and  France 
went  on  largely  in  Dutch  vessels,  and  the  treaty  just  con- 
cluded with  Denmark  gave  them  greater  influence  in  the 


First  English  War  191 

Baltic  than  ever  before.  St.  John  after  his  return  urged 
strong  measures  and  in  August  presented  his  famous 
Navigation  Act  to  Parliament,  which  made  it  a  law 
October  9,  165 1.1  The  Navigation  Act,  undoubtedly 
directed  first  of  all  against  Dutch  commerce,  prohibited  the 
importation  into  England  of  foreign,  non-European  prod- 
ucts otherwise  than  in  vessels  belonging  to  English- 
men or  inhabitants  of  English  colonies  and  manned  by- 
crews,  of  which  half  at  least  must  be  Englishmen. 
European  products  might  alone  be  imported  in  English 
vessels  or  in  vessels  of  the  country  where  the  products 
were  grown  or  made.  The  Act  would  assuredly  injure  the 
Dutch  carrying  trade  to  England  and  Dutch  commerce 
in  general,  and  it  might  serve  to  develop  English  naviga- 
tion. It  was  the  beginning  of  the  vigorous  commercial 
policy  that  was  to  make  England  great  as  a  nation  and  a 
maritime  power  and  has  inscribed  upon  its  banner  "rule 
the  waves."  It  sounded  like  a  challenge  to  the  whole 
world,  and  first  to  the  commercial  nation  on  the  other 
side.  But  the  men  putting  through  the  Act  did  not  wish 
it  to  cause  war  at  once,  for  they  intended  it  only  as  a 
piece  of  competition  in  commerce.  And  it  would  not 
have  led  to  war,  if  new  fuel  had  not  been  added  to  the 
long  smouldering  fire  of  dissension.  This  new  fuel  con- 
sisted chiefly  of  a  larger  number  of  seizures  of  Dutch 
ships  by  English  cruisers  which  repeatedly  searched 
neutral  vessels  for  contraband  and  even  brought  them  into 
English  ports.  That  this  took  place  not  merely  in  the 
"seas  about  England,"  but  out  on  the  ocean,  and  even 
upon  neutral  coasts,  was  very  disagreeable  to  the  Dutch 
and  quite  opposed  to  their  cherished  theory  of  the  "open 
sea. 

In  these  circumstances  it  was  of  great  importance  that 
the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs  in  the  republic  should  rest 
in  able  and  experienced  hands.     After  the  resignation  of 

1  Gardiner,  ii.,  p.  82. 


192  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Cats  as  council  pensionary  of  Holland,  the  aged  Adriaan 
Pauw  had  been  unanimously    chosen    for  this  office  so 
influential  when  there  was  no  stadtholder.     Reluctantly 
the    venerable   man    assumed    for  the  second    time  the 
dignity  of  the  Atlas  belgicce  libertatis.     But  with  him  a 
young  statesman  soon  began  to  attract  attention,  the  26- 
years    old    John   de    Witt,1   pensionary    of   Dordrecht. 
John  de  Witt,  second  son  of  burgomaster  Jacob  de  Witt, 
was  brought  up  in  the  best  circles  of  Dordrecht,  where  his 
family  had  been  in  the  government  since  the  fifteenth 
century.     He  studied  law  with  his  brother  at   Leyden 
University,  then  travelled  through  France  on  horseback 
with  his  brother,   and  visited  England.      Obtaining  his 
degree   at   Angers,    John,  the  younger  son,    settled    at 
The  Hague  in  1647  as  an  advocate;  Cornelius,  the  older, 
entered  the  government    of    his   native   city.     At   The 
Hague  John  moved  in  the  society  of  the  magistrates, 
taking  part  in  the  social  life  of  the  gay  capital  of  the 
Oranges,    studying    mathematics    as    much    as    his    law 
business  would  allow,  and  now  and  then  amusing  himself 
by    writing    poetry,    by    translating  Corneille's  Horace. 
Accounts  of  him  at  this  time2  depict  him  as  a  grave  and 
tall   young   man,  with  an  oval    face,  a   yellowish    com- 
plexion,   brown    hair    and     eyes,    simply    but    carefully 
dressed,    attracting    notice  by  his  extraordinary  knowl- 
edge and  development,  by  his  clear  insight,  his  love  of 
order,  his  uncommon  talent  for  the  persuasion  of  others, 
further  by  his  capacity  for  work  and  by  tranquillity  of 
mind,  making  his  maxim  ago   quod  ago,   by  his  honesty 
and  his  inaccessibility  to  bribery  and  flattery. 

1  He  was  born  at  Dordrecht,  September  24,  1625,  according  to  Wicquefort 
(iv.,  p.  537),  who  knew  him  well.  Geddes,  i.,  p.  30,  makes  him  two  years 
older,  but  that  is  impossible,  as  his  brother  Cornelius  was  born  July  10, 
1623. 

2 On  the  youth  and  pensionaryship  of  De  Witt:  Geddes,  History  of  the 
administration  of  fohn  de  Witt,  i.,  the  first  chapters,  and  Lefevre  Pontalis 
fean  de  Witt  (Fa.ris,  1884),  i.,  p. Si,  133  et  seq. 


First  English  War  193 

The  father's  imprisonment  by  command  of  the  prince 
must  have  shocked  the  son  who  with  Cornelius  set  about 
securing  his  release.  The  exclusion  of  the  father  from 
any  place  in  the  government  menaced  their  future  also, 
when  the  prince's  death  suddenly  improved  their  po- 
sition. Jacob  de  Witt  returned  immediately  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  Dordrecht,  and  John  became  pensionary 
of  his  native  town  on  December  21,  1650.  With  a 
few  members  of  the  government  he  then  represented  the 
city  regularly  in  the  Estates  of  Holland,  soon  also  in  the 
Great  Assembly,  where  he  exercised  an  important 
influence,  especially  in  the  treatment  of  the  English  pro- 
posals. Concerning  them  and  domestic  affairs  we 
possess  noteworthy  information  in  his  correspondence 
with  his  city.1  In  the  autumn  of  165 1  he  assisted  Pauw 
in  managing  relations  with  England.  He  was  a  member 
of  the  committee  appointed  January  25,  1652,  by  the 
Estates  of  Holland  to  give  advice  on  English  affairs. 
As  pensionary  of  the  "first  city"  of  Holland  he  could 
claim  a  place  on  that  commission,  but  his  ability  drew 
attention  to  the  young  statesman  who  was  soon  greatly 
to  influence  the  fate  of  his  country. 

After  negotiations  with  St.  John  were  broken  off  and 
the  Englishmen  had  departed,  the  Great  Assembly, 
upon  motion  of  Holland,  resolved  to  send  an  extraordi- 
nary embassy  to  England.  The  unexpected  promulga- 
tion of  the  Navigation  Act  lessened  the  chances  of  its 
success,  and  some  months  elapsed  before  the  embassy 
started.  It  consisted  of  Cats,  the  former  commissioner 
Schaep,  and  the  Zealander  Van  de  Perre.  These  gentle- 
men landed  at  Gravesend  on  Christmas,  receiving  all  the 
marks  of  honour,  though  hooted  at  by  the  people  of 
London,  where  caricatures  and  pamphlets  appeared 
against  them.  The  embassy  was  to  negotiate  not  only 
over  the  Magnus  Intercursus,  but  also  for  the  repeal  of 

1  The  letters  are  in  the  Royal  Archives. 
vol.  iv. — 13. 


194  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  Act,  the  cessation  of  the  troubling  of  Dutch  mer- 
chantmen by  English  ships  on  pretext  of  searching  for 
French  goods,  the  revocation  of  the  letters  of  reprisal 
already  granted  against  the  Dutch,  and  for  an  indemnity 
to  the  injured  merchants — in  short,  for  the  recognition 
by  treaty  of  the  theory  of  the  "open  sea." 

Parliament,  after  listening  amusedly  to  the  bombastic 
Latin  oration  of  the  aged  Cats,  did  not  decline  to  open 
negotiations,  and  immediately  suspended  the  letters  of 
marque,  but  the  English  statesmen  met  the  complaints  of 
the  States  with  counter  complaints,  embodying  old  and 
new  grievances.  With  the  murder  of  Doreslaer,  the 
insults  heaped  on  the  English  ambassadors,  the  protec- 
tion of  England's  enemies,  the  Sound  treaty,  etc.,  came 
up  again  the  questions  of  Ambon,  the  Downs,  the 
fishery,  of  the  obstacles  to  English  commerce  in  Russia, 
the  East  and  West  Indies.  Large  demands  for  repara- 
tion were  made,  while  the  repeal  of  the  Act  and  indem- 
nity for  the  damage  to  Dutch  commerce  were  refused. 
Another  demand  was  that  the  Dutch  with  all  nations 
should  acknowledge  England's  supremacy  in  "English 
waters" — a  very  elastic  expression — by  striking  flag  and 
sail  before  English  ships.  If  a  Dutch  ship  or  fleet  met 
an  English  squadron,  the  Dutch  ships  were  accustomed 
to  strike  flag  and  topsails  and  to  fire  a  salute.  The 
number  of  shots  fired,  9,  7,  or  5,  depended  upon  the  Eng- 
lish commander's  rank,  whether  he  was  admiral,  vice 
admiral,  or  rear  admiral.  For  a  single  ship  without  a 
commander  of  this  rank,  salutes  were  sufficient  without 
any  striking;  on  sailing  into  English  harbours  the  flag 
was  struck  and  replaced  by  a  pennant,  while  salutes  were 
exchanged.1  All  this,  particularly  the  last  demand, 
caused  exasperation  in  the  Netherlands.  It  was  seen 
that  England  wanted  war,  and  the  leading  statesmen,  De 

1  Aitzema,  iii.,   p.   731,  according   to  Tromp's  own  explanation  of   the 
custom. 


First  English  War  195 

Witt  especially,  dreaded  this  as  a  great  misfortune  for 
both  nations.  First  of  all  the  increase  of  the  navy  was 
an  urgent  necessity. 

Economy  had  been  introduced  in  the  navy  after  the 
peace  of  Miinster.  Some  ships  of  war  were  sold  openly 
or  secretly,  also  to  England,  or  dismantled;  many  sea- 
men were  discharged ;  and  good  captains  went  into 
the  merchant  marine.  In  February  the  States-General 
resolved  to  fit  out  fifty,  later  one  hundred  more  vessels,  for 
the  protection  of  commerce1  which  could  not  be  well 
enough  guarded  by  the  fleet  of  nearly  seventy-five  ships 
then  in  existence.  The  resolution  to  enlarge  the  navy 
was  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  various  powers,  includ- 
ing England.  It  was  regarded  by  the  English  govern- 
ment as  a  threat  and  occasioned  a  considerable  increase 
of  the  navy  on  that  side  also,  so  that  it  soon  numbered 
far  over  one  hundred  sails.  The  English  vessels  were 
larger  and  better  manned  than  the  Dutch,  even  than 
Tromp's  flagship,  the  Brederode.  While  both  sides 
prepared,  the  Dutch  ambassadors  continued  to  negotiate, 
but  the  long  list  of  grievances  with  the  indemnity  desired, 
which  the  English  government  in  March  laid  before 
them,  was  not  promising.  A  month  later  that  govern- 
ment requested  before  further  negotiation  "settlement 
of  the  demands,  which  are  a  matter  of  right  and  justice 
and  touch  our  honour."  Negotiations  went  on  until  the 
end  of  May,  when  an  unexpected  event  precipitated  the 
crisis. 

The  question  of  the  right  to  search  the  cargo  of  neu- 
trals and  to  confiscate  the  enemy's  goods  in  neutral 
vessels  gave  rise  to  it.  During  the  prevailing  tension 
between  France  and  England  the  English  admiralty 
desired  their  cruisers  to  exercise  this  right  without 
restriction.     On    the  other  hand,  the  States-General  in 

1  Gardiner,  Letters  and  papers  relating  to  the  first  Dutch  war,  i.,  p.  85; 
Wicquefort,  ii.,  p.  122. 


196  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

1650  had  incorporated  in  a  treaty  with  Spain  the  princi- 
ple that  a  neutral  flag  covered  the  cargo  except  only  in 
case  of  contraband.  The  English  government  would  not 
accept  this  new  rule  of  international  law,  but  the  States- 
General  wished  its  recognition  and  the  guarantee  of 
Dutch  ships  against  injury.  It  was  again  the  oft-dis- 
puted question  of  the  "open  sea."  Tromp,  the  aged 
lieutenant  admiral,  who  was  to  command  the  fleet,  was 
personally  opposed  to  the  English  demands,  particularly 
to  that  concerning  the  flag.  The  brave  seaman  was  wont 
to  say  that  he  would  only  strike  the  flag  "when  the  Eng- 
lish were  the  strongest."  He  was  now  sent  to  sea  in 
May  with  fifty  vessels.  According  to  his  instructions  he 
was  to  protect  the  Dutch  ships  from  search,  defend  them 
against  molestation,  and  free  them  from  seizure.  With 
regard  to  striking  the  flag,  he  was  told  generally  that  he 
must  have  a  care  that  the  state  should  suffer  no  affront,1 
so  that  this  delicate  matter  was  left  to  him,  although  he 
was  recommended  to  approach  the  English  coast  as  little 
as  possible,  and  to  keep  rather  to  the  Flemish  shore  in 
order  to  avoid  a  collision. 

Tromp  anchored  between  Dunkirk  and  Nieuwpoort, 
but  encountered  a  storm  and  sailed  on  May  29th  to 
Dover  to  repair  damages,  while  he  informed  the  English 
ships  in  the  Downs  of  his  intention.  At  Dover,  however, 
he  met  Captain  Van  der  Zaen,  who  reported  that  he  had 
fought  with  a  British  frigate  of  Blake's  fleet  about  strik- 
ing the  flag  and  that  seven  merchantmen  convoyed  by 
him  through  the  Channel  were  in  danger  of  capture. 
Tromp,  who  had  not  yet  saluted  the  castle  of  Dover, 
now  sailed  towards  the  English  coast  and  there  came 
upon  Blake  cruising  with  fifteen  ships  in  the  Channel. 
On  Blake's  approach  Tromp  made  ready,  as  he  insisted 
later,  to  strike  the  flag;  he  struck  his  pennant  and 
stationed  a  man  by  the  flag,  when  Blake,  presuming  that 

De  Jonge,  Zeewezen,  i.,  p.  413. 


First  English  War  197 

Tromp  was  unwilling  to  strike,  began  hostilities  and  fired 
repeatedly  upon  the  Dutch  admiral's  ship,  first  with 
warning  shots  across  the  bow,  then  straight  at  the  ship. 
After  some  hesitation  Tromp  answered  with  a  shot 
which  was  followed  by  Blake's  full  broadside  and  by  a 
regular  fight  between  the  two  fleets.  Twelve  English 
vessels  hastened  from  the  Downs,  and  the  battle  soon 
became  general  until  darkness  separated  the  combatants. 
Tromp  had  lost  two  ships  and  withdrew  to  the  French 
coast,  confining  himself,  as  he  afterwards  declared,  to 
defensive  tactics.1 

There  was  great  indignation  in  London  at  Tromp's 
attitude.  A  commission  of  inquiry,  of  which  Cromwell 
was  a  member,  pronounced  him  guilty.  Opinion  differed 
in  the  Netherlands,  where  many  disapproved  of  Tromp's 
action  and  attributed  it  to  his  Orange  partisanship,  it 
being  well  known  that  the  Orange  party  desired  war  in 
the  interest  of  the  Stuarts  and  of  the  young  prince,  who 
might  then  be  made  captain-general.  John  de  Witt  and 
others  hoped  for  peace.  They  believed  peace  to  be  more 
to  the  Dutch  interest  than  war.  The  English  would 
have  the  "golden  mountain"  of  the  rich  Netherlands  to 
attack,  while  the  Dutch  would  have  to  assail  the  "  iron 
mountain"  of  England  impoverished  by  civil  war.  If 
the  Dutch  were  victorious,  what  advantage  would  result 
to  them?  And  what  might  they  not  lose?  New  instruc- 
tions commanded  Tromp  to  act  only  on  the  defensive 
and  to  strike  the  flag  ''according  to  ancient  custom."  It 
was  immediately  resolved  to  send  Pauw  himself  to  Eng- 
land in  order,  with  the  help  of  the  Hollander  Willem 
Nieuwpoort  already  there,  to  convince  Parliament  of  the 
peaceful  disposition  of  the  States  and  to  cause  the  battle 
of  Dover  to  be  forgotten,  as  the  consequence  of  a 
misunderstanding.     At  the  same  time  the  fitting  out  of 

'Gardiner,  ii.,  p.  119;  Geddes,  p.  209;  Gardiner,  Letters,  i.,  p.  170 
et  seq. 


198  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  150  ships  was  hastened.  On  the  English  side  also 
great  zeal  was  shown  in  strengthening  the  fleet  under 
direction  of  the  admiralty  committee  of  the  council  of 
state,  with  the  navy  commission  subordinate  to  it,:  and 
with  the  advice  of  the  excellent  general,  Robert  Blake. 
Under  Blake,  William  Penn  and  George  Ayscue  were 
appointed  vice  admirals,  and  Bourne  was  rear  admiral. 
Cromwell  himself  at  Dover  looked  after  preparations  for 
the  war.  As  early  as  June,  sixty  English  vessels  lay 
ready  in  the  Downs,  while  Dutch  merchantmen  were 
seized  in  all  English  ports. 

Pauw,  hastily  departing  for  England,  made  the  greatest 
exertions  to  preserve  the  peace.  But  the  feeling  in  Hol- 
land grew  more  warlike,  as  its  people  considered  them- 
selves stronger  on  the  sea,  and  in  Parliament  also  many 
urged  war,  expecting  great  profit  for  the  developing  Eng- 
lish commerce.  Cromwell  desired  no  war  with  the  sister 
republic  of  a  like  faith  and  ancestry,  for  he  hoped  to  win 
it  over  to  his  religio-political  plans  in  Europe,  to  the 
great  Protestant  alliance  against  the  Catholic  powers. 
He  seems  to  have  pushed  preparations  for  war  in  order  to 
dissuade  the  Netherlands  from  war  by  a  development  of 
force  and  in  order  to  strengthen  the  English  war  power. 
Pauw  did  not  fully  understand  his  disposition.  Seeing 
England's  preparations,  he  feared  a  declaration  of  war  at 
an  unfavourable  time  and  advised  more  firmness.  At 
the  end  of  June  the  States-General  sharply  formulated 
their  demands,  ordering  the  ambassadors  in  case  of 
refusal  to  return.  Soon  nothing  else  was  left  for  them 
to  do.  The  torch  of  war  was  lighted  and  Tromp  received 
instructions  to  inflict  all  possible  injury  on  the  English. 
With  his  fleet  of  nearly  100  ships  and  11,000  men  he  was 
to  keep  commerce  and  fishery  from  harm.  Both  govern- 
ments issued  long  manifestoes  in  justification  of  their 
conduct. 

1  Oppenheim,  Administration  of  the  Royal  Navy ;  i.,  p.  346. 


First  English  War  199 

What  had  been  feared  soon  came  to  pass.  The  great 
extension  of  Dutch  commerce  promised  England  an 
advantage  with  its  situation  in  the  path  of  almost  all  the 
Dutch  merchantmen.  Vice  Admiral  Ayscue,  summoned 
from  the  West  Indies,  succeeded  in  destroying  a  fleet  of 
Dutch  merchantmen  near  Calais,  while  Blake  himself  fell 
upon  the  fishing  fleet  off  the  Orkneys  and  captured  the 
Dutch  war  ships  protecting  it.  Tromp  first  blockaded 
Ayscue  in  the  Downs,  but  did  not  fight  him  on  account 
of  the  efficient  defence  of  the  coast.  He  then  followed 
Blake  northwards  and  found  him  late  in  July,  but  was 
prevented  from  attacking  him  by  a  violent  storm  and 
returned  home  with  scarcely  half  of  his  storm-ravaged 
fleet.  Ayscue  sailing  out  again  was  repulsed  near 
Plymouth  by  the  Zealand  commander,  De  Ruyter, 
who  was  convoying  a  merchant  fleet  through  the 
Channel.1  The  disappointment  over  Tromp's  expedition, 
the  distrust  of  his  loyalty  to  the  existing  government, 
the  heavy  loss  sustained  in  the  fishing  fleet,  caused  his 
suspension  immediately  after  his  return.  There  was  talk 
of  bringing  him  to  trial.  Vice  Admiral  Witte  de  With 
was  given  chief  command  in  his  place  to  the  great  vexa- 
tion of  the  disorderly  crews  of  the  fleet,  who  would  not 
allow  the  strict  captain  upon  Tromp's  ship.  With 
difficulty  he  succeeded  in  joining  De  Ruyter  menaced  in 
the  Channel  by  the  English  superiority,  and  united  they 
encountered  Blake  in  the  Downs  October  8th  after  a 
severe  storm.  De  With  contended  valiantly,  but  with- 
out much  discretion,  against  Blake's  larger  force.  The 
cowardice  of  a  score  of  his  captains,  who  took  to  flight 
during  the  battle,  so  reduced  his  strength  that  after  a 
sharp  engagement  he  ordered  a  retreat  on  the  following 
day.3 

The  injury  suffered  and  the  stoppage  of  commerce  and 

1  Geddes,  p.  227;  De  Jonge,  i.,  p.  422;  Gardiner,  Letters,  ii.,  p.  I  et  seq. 
sGeddes,  p.  254;  Gardiner,  Letters,  ii.,  p.  217. 


200  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  fishery  caused  increasing  discontent  and  led  in  the 
autumn  to  a  movement  in  favour  of  the  young  prince  of 
Orange.  "Although  our  prince  is  still  so  small,  stadt- 
holder  he  must  be  for  all,"  sang  the  people.  And  the 
partisans  of  Orange  in  the  States  sang  with  them.  In 
Zealand  and  Gelderland  there  were  disturbances,  and  the 
elevation  of  the  young  prince  was  proposed  in  the 
Estates.  Holland  deemed  it  necessary  to  send  a  deputa- 
tion to  Zealand  to  avert  the  threatening  peril.  John  de 
Witt  was  at  the  head  of  this  deputation.  On  its  arrival 
it  ran  the  risk  of  being  assailed  by  the  populace  which 
' '  seemed  to  have  grown  above  the  government. ' ' '  People 
flocked  from  the  country  around  into  Middelburg,  so 
that  the  deputation  had  to  be  guarded  by  armed  men. 
But  De  Witt  spurred  his  frightened  colleagues  into 
courage,  and  they  delivered  their  message.  Zealand, 
nevertheless,  endeavoured  to  persuade  the  other  prov- 
inces to  appoint  the  prince  captain-general,  and  his 
cousin  William  Frederick  as  his  lieutenant.  The  Estates 
of  Holland  took  great  pains  to  combat  such  ideas  and 
managed  to  draw  out  the  affair  without  entirely  stop- 
ping it,  because  the  Orange  leaders  by  pamphlets  and 
secret  machinations  continued  to  stir  up  the  people 
against   the    government  of   the  States. 

Thus  far  the  Dutch  unmistakably  had  the  worst  of  it. 
But  on  the  Tuscan  coast  Jan  Van  Galen  in  August  had 
succeeded  in  blockading  two  small  English  squadrons  in 
Leghorn  and  Porto  Longone.  In  the  North  Sea  also  the 
year  did  not  end  without  more  encouraging  results. 
After  De  With's  defeat  the  recreant  captains,  mostly 
belonging  in  Zealand,  were  punished  or  at  least  sentenced 
by  a  special  court  to  severe  punishment,  but  it  appeared 
impossible  to  restore  discipline  on  the  fleet  with- 
out Tromp's  all-powerful  authority.  Tromp  was 
persuaded    to   take    up  his   task   again    for   the    father- 

1  De  Witt,  Brieven,  v.,  p.  II. 


First  English  War  201 

land,  though  not  without  bitter  complaint  of  the 
lack  of  confidence  shown  him.  In  November  the 
hero  sailed  into  the  North  Sea  with  a  fleet  of 
almost  one  hundred  ships  escorting  nearly  five  hun- 
dred merchantmen.  Storm  and  fog  compelled  hirn  to 
bring  back  the  latter,  but  with  some  sixty  ships  he  put 
to  sea  again  early  in  December  and  on  the  ioth  met 
Blake  off  Dungeness.  The  English  fleet  was  now  some- 
what less  in  number,  though  its  vessels,  as  usual  in  this 
war,  were  larger  and  better  manned.  This  time  many 
English  captains  left  their  admiral  in  the  lurch,  and 
Blake  suffered  a  severe  defeat,  making  Tromp  for  a  time 
master  of  the  sea,  so  that  he  threatened  a  landing  upon 
the  English  coast  and  caused  people  to  fear  an  attack 
on  the  Thames,  where  many  war  and  merchant  ships 
were  as  good  as  unprotected. 

The  reorganisation  of  the  English  fleet  was  effected 
under  Blake  himself  and  the  two  able  generals  of  the 
army,  Monk  and  Deane,  who  were  placed  on  the  fleet. 
By  the  middle  of  February  it  was  again  ready  to  put  to 
sea.  It  found  Tromp  in  the  Channel  on  his  voyage  back 
to  the  fatherland  with  a  convoy  of  150  merchantmen. 
Off  Portland  the  fleets  met  February  28,  1653.  A  fierce 
fight  ensued  during  two  days  with  the  English  vanguard — 
the  English  had  adopted  the  Dutch  custom  of  a  division 
into  squadrons, — but  Tromp,  who  had  already  been  at  sea 
nearly  three  months,  perceived  speedily  that  his  powder 
would  soon  run  short,  and  the  merchantmen  impeded 
his  operations.  On  the  third  day  only  thirty  of  his 
ships  appeared  able  to  offer  resistance,  bravely  led  by 
himself  and  by  his  subordinates,  Johan  Evertsen,  Pieter 
Floriszoon,  and  De  Ruyter,  who  had  also  covered  them- 
selves with  glory  in  the  first  and  second  days.  With 
unsurpassed  seamanship  Tromp  fought  through  the 
enemy's  strong  force,  losing  but  a  few  of  his  vessels,  and 
in  the  evening  of  the  third  day,  almost  without  powder, 


202  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

he  reached  at  Grisnez  the  French  coast  with  its  chalk 
reefs,  and  during  the  night  outsailed  the  pursuing  enemy 
in  a  masterly  manner.  The  three  days'  battle,  which 
went  on  from  Portland  to  the  mouth  of  the  Channel, 
was  one  of  those  engagements,  in  which  the  Dutch, 
though  worsted,  so  often  displayed  not  merely  valour  but 
especially  their  seamanship  in  a  way  to  extort  admiration 
from  the  enemy.1 

The  party,  opposed  with  Cromwell  and  Vane  to  the 
war  and  regarding  it  as  against  brethren  in  the  faith,  as 
fratricide,  was  growing  stronger  meanwhile  in  England, 
particularly  now  it  appeared  that  the  Dutch  Republic  was 
not  so  easily  to  be  conquered  as  the  war  party  had 
imagined.  In  August  the  old  diplomatist  Gerbier  had 
been  sent  to  The  Hague  as  a  secret  agent;  the  strict 
Puritan  admiral,  Ayscue,  had  refused  to  serve  longer  in 
this  war  and  had  laid  down  his  command  at  the  instance 
of  the  former  Puritan  exile,  Peters,  now  an  influential 
statesman  after  living  for  years  in  Rotterdam.  The 
enthusiasm  for  the  war  had  quickly  subsided  on  the 
Dutch  side  also;  the  defeats,  commercial  losses,  increas- 
ing want  of  money,  the  defects  of  the  fleet,  had  changed 
public  opinion.  England  was  disagreeably  affected, 
furthermore,  by  the  hostile  attitude  of  Denmark,  which 
at  the  instigation  of  the  Dutch  ambassador  Keyser 
closed  the  Sound  to  English  vessels.  Sweden  also, 
whither  Van  Beuningen  had  been  dispatched  in  Septem- 
ber, 1652,  as  ambassador  of  the  States,  seemed  more 
inclined  to  the  Dutch  than  to  the  English  side.  Gerbier's 
secret  discussions  amounted  to  little,  but  they  were  soon 
continued  by  Dolman,  an  English  colonel  in  the  Dutch 
service  who  was  sent  to  England,  and  by  Stone,  an  Eng- 
lish captain  of  horse.  Finally  in  the  early  spring  of 
1653  a  secret  letter  was  drawn  up  from  Pauw  to  the  master 
of  ceremonies  of  Parliament  or  to  some  other  member 

'De  Jonge,  i.,  p.  447;  Gardiner,  ii.,  p.  157. 


First  English  War  203 

with  an  offer  to  open  negotiations.  Pauw  made  some 
difficulty  about  signing  this  letter,  although  he  was 
authorised  by  the  Holland  committee  for  English  affairs, 
so  the  matter  was  brought  ''under  oath  of  secrecy"  be- 
fore the  Estates  of  Holland,  the  letter  was  then  signed 
by  Pauw  and  handed  to  Stone,  who  immediately  de- 
parted with  it  for  England.1 

The  sending  of  this  letter  in  the  name  of  the  leading 
Dutch  statesmen  was  a  dangerous  sign  of  exhaustion. 
There  was  no  mistake  about  it.  Fishery  and  commerce 
were  at  a  stand,  bringing  thousands  to  beggary;  the 
harbours  were  crowded  with  vessels;  the  lack  of  grain 
was  seriously  felt ;  and  money  was  no  longer  to  be  found 
in  the  public  treasuries.  All  sorts  of  means  were 
thought  of  to  provide  money  for  pressing  needs,  but  it 
quickly  appeared  that  the  only  satisfactory  way  was — 
peace.  This  feeling  was  welcome  to  the  Dutch  states- 
men who  had  tried  to  prevent  war  and  were  now  waiting 
for  a  chance  to  restore  peace.  The  most  influential  of 
them  was  the  young  man  who  had  become  the  right  hand 
of  the  enfeebled  council  pensionary  and  might  already  be 
considered  as  his  presumptive  successor:  John  de  Witt. 
He  was  unwilling  to  let  the  opportunity  pass,  and  urged 
the  other  members  of  the  committee  on  English  affairs 
to  work  for  peace.  It  was  chiefly  due  to  him  that  the 
secret  letter  was  sent  off.  This  had  scarcely  taken  place, 
when  Pauw  died  (February  21st),  and  De  Witt,  who  had 
repeatedly  shown  uncommon  capacity  and  energy  in 
filling  his  place  temporarily,  was  a  few  days  later  again 
invested  temporarily  with  the  important  office  by  an 
almost  unanimous  vote,  a  proof  of  great  confidence  in  the 
young  statesman,  who  might  be  regarded  as  Pauw's 
pupil.  The  secret  letter  carried  to  London  by  Stone 
made  its  way,  but  the  war  party  in  England,  considering 

1  Concerning   this,   see   the   very  important  letter  of  De   Witt   to  Van 
Beuningen  dated  February  13,  1653  (Royal  Archives). 


204  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  battle  off  Portland  as  a  victory,  was  stronger  for  the 
time  being,  and  more  vigorous  action  appeared  necessary 
to  enable  the  peace  party  there  to  assert  itself.  So  De 
Witt  in  March  requested  in  deep  secrecy  the  Estates  of 
Holland  to  send  official  letters  to  Parliament  and  the 
council  of  state,  proving  that  peace  was  really  desired  by 
the  government  of  the  most  powerful  province.  The 
Estates  agreed  to  this,  although  Leyden,  always  favour- 
ing Orange,  objected  to  acting  without  the  other  prov- 
inces. It  was  further  resolved  upon  De  Witt's  motion, 
as  soon  as  Parliament  took  up  the  plan,  to  do  away  with 
secrecy  and  to  reveal  all  in  the  States-General. 

The  affair  appeared  for  a  moment  to  go  wrong.  The 
letter  of  the  Estates  became  known  to  all  England  and 
was  printed  as  a  "humble  supplication"  for  peace,  which 
made  a  very  bad  impression  upon  the  people  in  the 
Orange  provinces  extremely  sensitive  concerning  Eng- 
land. De  Witt  cleverly  righted  this  by  communicating 
quickly  the  whole  matter  to  the  States-General  which, 
contrary  to  his  expectation,  were  soon  reconciled  to  the 
separate  secret  negotiation.  The  Orange  party  violently 
opposed  the  action  as  against  the  provisions  of  the 
Union  regarding  treaties  with  foreign  powers.  But  De 
Witt  surmounted  these  difficulties,  when  the  answer  of 
Parliament  seemed  favourable  and  it  showed  a  readiness 
to  take  up  again  the  negotiations  of  July,  1652.  He 
wanted  to  propose  a  truce  and  send  an  ambassador  at 
once,  but  the  Estates  of  Holland  would  not  go  so  far. 
A  friendly  letter  only  was  sent  requesting  Parliament  to 
indicate  a  neutral  place  for  resuming  negotiations  (April 
30th) ;  De  Witt  accomplished  this  merely  by  a  majority 
of  four  to  three  provinces,  which  was  really  in  conflict 
with  the  Union. 

This  letter  found  conditions  in  England  changed  not 
unfavourably.  Cromwell  with  the  army's  support  had 
dissolved   Parliament    on    the  same   30th    of  April    and 


First  English  War  205 

established  another  government  with  himself  as  actual 
dictator,  until  England  should  give  itself  a  more  mo- 
narchical form  of  government,  either  by  his  restoring  the 
Stuarts,  as  the  royalists  hoped  without  good  reason,  or 
by  his  assuming  the  royal  title  himself  or  some  other 
corresponding  to  it.  The  last  occurred,  and  on  Decem- 
ber 16th  "  His  Highness  Oliver  Cromwell,  Lord  Pro- 
tector of  the  Republic  of  England  "  took  the  oath  as 
such  amid  the  acclamations  of  his  soldiers  and  partisans, 
while  the  English  people  quietly  looked  on,  weary  of 
change  and  longing  for  a  strong  government.  A  peace- 
ful attitude  was  to  be  expected  from  one  who  had  dis- 
approved of  the  war,  but  little  sign  of  this  appeared  at 
first.  The  English  council  of  state,  sufficiently  informed 
of  the  enemy's  desperate  condition,  rejected  De  Witt's 
proposition  and  insisted  simply  upon  taking  up  the 
interrupted  negotiation  over  the  English  demands. 
Meanwhile  the  war  was  to  be  prosecuted  vigorously. 

The  States  resolved  to  venture  the  utmost  to  rescue 
the  rich  fleet  expected  from  France,  before  it  should  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  English  in  the  Channel.  Hope 
for  the  new  year  of  war  was  inspired  by  the  good  news 
still  coming  from  the  Mediterranean,  where  Van  Galen 
on  March  13th  destroyed,  at  the  cost  of  his  own  life, 
Appleton's  British  squadron  off  Leghorn,  the  second 
under  Badiley  immediately  returning  to  England. 
Success  was  most  desirable,  for  should  the  "French 
fleet"  be  captured,  innumerable  people  would  be 
ruined,  and  still  worse  would  become  the  sad  condition 
of  Amsterdam,  where  grass  was  growing  in  the  once 
crowded  streets  and  3000  houses  stood  vacant,  where 
many  wharves,  shops,  and  warehouses  were  closed  and 
the  want  of  work  hurt  all  classes.  Not  alone  Amster- 
dam, but  also  "the  whole  country  was  quite  full  of 
beggars."  ' 

lDe  Jonge,  i.,  p.  420. 


206  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

All  hope  was  fixed  on  Tromp,  but  he  expected  little 
from  a  fleet  that  was  too  weak  in  ships,  men,  and 
armament  to  measure  itself  with  the  ever  stronger  navy 
of  the  enemy.  He  disclaimed  all  responsibility  for  the 
expedition.  But  he  succeeded  in  bringing  the 
"French  fleet"  to  port,  while  another  large  merchant 
fleet  came  safely  along  Shetland  past  the  English  fleet 
of  Monk  and  Deane,  Blake  having  not  yet  entirely 
recovered  from  the  wound  received  in  the  last  battle. 
Early  in  June  he  sailed  out  again  in  search  of  the  Eng- 
lish and  met  them  June  12th  off  Nieuwpoort  on 
the  Flemish  coast.1  The  two  fleets  were  nearly  equal  in 
size,  about  one  hundred  ships,  but  the  English  vessels 
were  larger  and  better  manned  and  armed.  De  Ruyterand 
De  With  commanded  the  van  and  rear,  Tromp  himself 
the  main  division  of  the  Dutch.  During  two  days  the 
fighting  was  desperate,  but  the  English,  reenforced  on  the 
second  day  by  Blake  with  some  fresh  vessels,  won  the 
victory,  and  on  the  morning  of  June  14th  Tromp,  im- 
pelled also  by  his  scarcity  of  powder,  withdrew  among 
the  shoals  where  the  enemy  could  not  follow.  Tromp 
had  lost  twenty  ships,  while  Deane  was  killed  among 
others  on  the  English  side.  The  three  Dutch  admirals 
complained  bitterly  of  the  condition  of  their  vessels  com- 
pared with  those  of  the  enefriy.  De  Ruyter  would  not 
go  to  sea  again ;  De  With  acknowledged  the  mastery  of 
the  English;  Tromp  declared  that  thirty  of  his  ships 
might  be  called  unseaworthy,  and  any  further  attempt 
would  result  in  the  fleet's  destruction. 

The  English  now  blockaded  the  entire  coast  and 
threatened  a  landing  to  the  despair  of  the  population, 
which  resorted  here  and  there  to  insurrection,  loudly 
calling  for  the  restoration  of  the  prince  of  Orange,  the 
magical  remedy  that  was  expected  to  bring  rescue  from 
dire    distress,    although    the   prince  was    still   a   young 

'De  Jonge,  i.,  p.  467;  Gardiner,  ii.,  p.  333. 


First  English  War  207 

child.  The  States  under  these  circumstances  resolved 
in  June  to  send  envoys  to  England.  The  men  chosen 
were  Hieronymus  Van  Beverningh  of  Gouda,  Nieuw- 
poort  from  Holland,  both  intimate  friends  of  De  Witt, 
Van  de  Perre  from  Zealand,  and  Jongestal  from  Fries- 
land.1  The  English  council  of  state  did  not  receive 
them  in  a  very  encouraging  manner,  but  Cromwell  put 
himself  in  touch  with  Nieuwpoort  and  showed  him 
the  way  to  an  agreement,  perhaps  to  a  close  alliance 
between  the  two  republics — the  resumption  of  St. 
John's  plans,  based  now  upon  the  conviction  that  God 
desired  the  cooperation  of  the  two  states  for  the  glorifica- 
tion of  His  name  and  for  the  liberation  of  the  world 
from  the  insupportable  yoke  of  the  Romish  dominion.' 
Furthermore,  the  reestablishment  of  good  friendship 
seemed  to  him  in  the  interest  of  both;  together  they 
might  rule  the  whole  world's  market,  impose  their  will 
on  Europe,  and  regulate  all  commerce.  Thus  spoke 
the  powerful  leader  of  England's  destiny,  mingling 
political  and  religious,  commercial  and  moral  principles, 
as  was  his  custom.  While  influential,  he  was  then  in 
fact  only  a  member  of  the  council  of  state,  which  per- 
sisted in  the  old  demands  for  reparation  on  account  of 
previous  injuries  to  the  English,  although  that  council 
also  wished  una  gens,  una  respublica,  an  idea  that  went 
farther  than  the  close  alliance  between  two  states  pro- 
posed by  Cromwell — one  state  under  one  common 
government,  with  the  same  laws,  possessions,  and 
interests.3  These  demands  were  unacceptable  to  the 
States.  They  desired  no  such  close  union,  and  two  of 
the  envoys  went  home  for  instructions,  while  Beverningh 

1  Especially  important  for  this  negotiation  are  De  Witt's  letters  to  Bever- 
ningh (Royal  Archives),  which  Wicquefort,  ii.,  p.  239,  may  also  have  drawn 
upon,  and  the  Thurloe  Papers  on  the  English  side.  Thurloe  was  then 
English  secretary  of  state. 

8  Geddes,  p.  336. 

3  Gardiner,  ii.,  p.  345;  De  Jonge,  i.,  p.  511. 


208  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

and  Van  de  Perre  remained  in  England,  hoping  for 
Cromwell's  support. 

The  decision  still  rested  with  the  guns.  Once  more 
the  States  had  exerted  all  their  strength  to  free  the  coast 
from  the  blockade,  and  Tromp  early  in  August  sailed 
with  a  part  of  the  fleet  northwards  from  the  Wielingen 
in  search  of  Monk,  who  had  De  With  shut  up  near 
Texel.  On  August  9th  he  outwitted  Monk  and  after  a 
fight  off  Petten  took  advantage  of  storm  and  darkness  to 
unite  with  De  With.  Off  Ter  Heide  on  the  coast  a 
fierce  battle  occurred  August  10th,  in  which  Tromp 
soon  received  a  mortal  wound  in  the  breast  and  died, 
encouraging  his  men  in  his  last  moments.  Despite  the 
bravery  of  Evertsen,  De  With,  and  De  Ruyterthe  result 
was  again  a  severe  defeat  for  the  States,  which  lost 
26  ships,  and  over  6000  men.  The  English  fleet, 
also,  was  so  injured  that  Monk  gave  up  the  block- 
ade and  returned  to  his  own  ports.  This  last  fact 
excited  some  hope  among  the  Dutch  so  badly  hit  by 
Tromp's  death,  and  the  States  showed  slight  inclination 
to  discuss  seriously  the  English  demands,  however 
much  trouble  the  temporary  council  pensionary  took  to 
persuade  them  to  do  so. 

Amid  the  rebellious  disposition  prevailing  at  Rotter- 
dam, Delft,  Haarlem,  Dordrecht,  Medemblik,  Enkhuizen, 
in  the  cities  of  Zealand,  at  The  Hague  itself,  while  prep- 
arations were  making  to  withstand  an  English  landing, 
while  the  whole  government  of  the  States  seemed  about 
to  fall  into  anarchy,  the  young  De  Witt  undismayed  held 
with  a  firm  hand  the  reins  of  authority.  He,  too,  saw 
danger  approaching  ever  nearer;  he  saw  with  anxiety 
the  hundreds  of  ships  confined  in  the  harbours  and  the 
Zuyder  Zee,  the  prices  of  provisions  rising,  the  lack  of 
work  spreading,  the  tumultuous  call  for  the  prince 
becoming  bolder.  But  he  considered  the  prince's  eleva- 
tion a  greater  misfortune  than  all  this,  seeing  in  the  feel- 


First  English  War  209 

ing  of  the  princess  for  her  royal  brother  in  exile  the  germ 
of  a  new  and  relentless  war  with  the  English  republic, 
of  the  destruction  of  freedom  and  the  whole  common- 
wealth. His  own  safety  was  in  peril,  but  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  accept  the  doubly  dangerous  post  of  council 
pensionary,  the  "vexatious  office,"  the  "gilded  slavery" 
now  permanently  offered  him.  His  ambition  and  his 
responsibility  towards  the  fatherland,  whose  prosperity 
he  always  identified  with  his  party's  victory,  impelled 
him  not  to  refuse  the  office.  The  young  man  took  the 
oath  on  July  30,  1653.  Like  his  predecessor  and  in  view 
of  Oldenbarnevelt's  fate,  he  asked  as  a  servant  of  the 
Estates  of  Holland  a  "strong  act  of  indemnity  for  his 
assurance  and  security."  At  once  he  opposed  energetic- 
ally Zealand's  proposition  to  the  States-General  (July 
28th),  backed  by  Friesland  and  Groningen,  to  make  the 
prince  captain-general  and  admiral,  and  his  Frisian 
cousin  his  lieutenant  during  his  minority.  Holland  had 
him  draw  up  a  sharp  "deduction"  against  the  plan. 
Zealand's  scheme  was  frustrated  for  the  time. 

The  report  of  the  two  envoys  returning  from  England 
was  considered  in  the  usual  slow  fashion,  and  De  Witt 
sought  to  gain  even  more  time,  like  a  fisherman  watching 
attentively  for  the  right  instant  to  attain  his  object.1 
He  managed  to  prevent  the  recall  of  the  two  envoys  left 
behind,  while  Beverningh  and  his  colleague  in  London 
kept  Cromwell  and  the  council  of  state  busy,  sometimes 
negotiating  with  both,  sometimes  secretly  with  the 
former  only,  about  the  grand  but  fantastic  plans  going 
through  the  English  statesman's  mind,  and  based  upon 
a  great  Protestant  commercial  alliance  with  a  close 
league  of  England  and  the  Netherlands.  Cromwell  sent 
a  formal  proposition  to  the  two  gentlemen.3  He  offered 
an  offensive    and    defensive   alliance   between  the   two 

1  Geddes,  p.  357. 

2  Gardiner,  ii.,  p.  349. 

VOL.  IV.— 14. 


2io  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

independent  nations,  protected  by  sixty  English  and 
forty  Dutch  ships,  with  a  sacrifice  of  the  English  com- 
merce in  India  for  a  money  indemnity,  with  equal 
rights  for  both  in  Europe  and  Africa,  thus  abrogating 
the  Navigation  Act,  while  America,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Brazil,  was  to  be  left  to  England.  The  alli- 
ance was  to  be  directed  against  the  Catholic  powers, 
and  missionaries  were  to  be  scattered  over  the  whole 
world.  The  practical  Dutch  envoys,  little  favouring 
this  mixture  of  religion  and  commerce,  were  unwilling  to 
go  so  far  and  prolonged  the  negotiations.  When  the 
other  two  in  the  middle  of  November  returned  to  Eng- 
land, they  brought  merely  a  general  offer  for  the 
renewal  of  negotiations  concerning  a  treaty  of  peace  and 
a  subsequent  alliance. 

Little  was  done  at  sea  all  this  time.  The  English 
under  Monk's  direction  endeavoured  to  reorganise  their 
navy,  but  mutinies  in  the  autumn  impeded  this  and  had 
to  be  put  down  by  force.  The  want  of  money  was  also 
felt.  The  Dutch  made  ready  more  speedily.  The  death 
of  the  beloved  hero,  "whose  like  the  earth  has  not  often 
borne  and  possibly  will  not  easily  be  found  in  the 
future,"1  had  put  the  States  into  a  difficult  situation. 
His  natural  successor  was  Johan  Evertsen  or  Witte  de 
With,  both  vice  admirals,  after  whom  ranked  the  com- 
manders, Pieter  Floriszoon  and  De  Ruyter.  The  first 
two  were  not  wanted,  because  one  was  a  partisan  of 
Orange  and  a  Zealander  and  the  other  was  so  hated, 
while  the  last  seemed  too  young  and  could  not  be 
appointed  without  affronting  the  first.  Having  perhaps 
in  mind  Monk  and  Deane  in  England,  who  were 
originally  army  officers,  the  States  chose  for  lieutenant 
admiral  the  head  of  the  Holland  fleet,  Jacob  van 
Wassenaer,  lord  of  Obdam,  governor  of  Heusden,  a 
colonel    of     cavalry    and     nobleman    of     Holland,     an 

1  De  Witt  to  Boreel  {Brieven,  i.,  p.  2);  Wicquefort,  ii.,  p.  226. 


First  English  War  2 1 1 

adherent  of  the  States  party,  but  quite  unexperienced 
in  naval  matters.  He  received  only  a  provisional 
appointment ;  De  Ruyter  and  Pieter  Floriszoon  were 
raised  to  the  rank  of  vice  admiral,  Cornelis  Tromp  and 
two  others  to  that  of  rear  admiral.  An  expedition 
under  Witte  de  With  in  September  and  October 
succeeded  in  protecting  the  East  Indiamen  and  escorting 
home  the  fleet  returning  from  India,  which  had  sailed 
around  Ireland  to  Bergen  in  Norway,  but  his  fleet  as 
well  as  Monk's  was  later  dispersed  by  storm. 

Meanwhile  there  was  a  "restless,  factious,  and 
grievous  time"  in  the  Netherlands,  as  Aitzema  says, 
while  anger  against  England,  the  cause  of  all  the 
trouble,  took  deep  root  among  the  whole  people.  The 
heavy  taxes  awakened  universal  dissatisfaction.  More 
and  more  it  became  evident  that  the  country  needed 
peace.  Cromwell  was  made  Protector  in  December, 
1653;  this  gave  almost  unbounded  power  to  the  man  in 
England,  who  had  always  desired  peace,  and  circum- 
stances there  appeared  more  favourable,  although  the 
most  violent  Independents  wanted  to  carry  through  the 
war.  With  tears  in  his  eyes  the  new  ruler  declared  that 
nothing  had  so  grieved  him  as  this  war.1  Now  he  hoped 
to  realise  his  cherished  plan  for  an  alliance  and  urged  it 
strenuously,  deeming  other  disputed  points  of  minor 
importance.  The  envoys  were  careful  not  to  offend 
him  by  a  refusal,  showed  a  willingness  to  consider,  and 
finally  got  from  Cromwell  the  draft  of  twenty-seven  arti- 
cles. Some  of  them  were  very  aggravating,  stipulating 
that  the  prince  or  any  of  his  family  should  never  hold 
the  offices  of  his  forefathers,  not  even  the  command  of 
a  fortress  or  a  ship,  that  all  attempts  to  elevate  him 
should  be  suppressed  by  force  and,  if  necessary,  with 
English  help,  that  an  annual  sum  should  be  paid  for  the 
fishery  on  the  English  coast,  that  only  a  limited  number 

1  Geddes,  p.  365  ;  Gardiner,  ii.,  p.  353. 


212  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

of  Dutch  war  vessels  might  appear  in  British  waters,  that 
the  flag  should  be  struck  to  English  ships,  etc. 

The  negotiation  was  carried  on  with  the  utmost 
secrecy,  and  even  the  States-General  heard  little  about 
it.  But  such  conditions  were  plainly  "desperate,"  and 
the  envoys  demanded  their  passports.  The  disappoint- 
ment of  De  Witt  was  great,  and  for  a  time  the  only 
expedient  seemed  to  him  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the 
war.  A  strong  fleet,  brought  together  by  a  last  exertion 
of  energy,  efforts  to  secure  an  alliance  with  Denmark, 
France,  Poland,  and  the  Hanse  cities,  were  proposed  by 
him  first  in  Holland  and  afterwards  in  the  States- 
General.1  Cromwell  saw  the  danger  of  this  firmer 
attitude  of  the  States,  and  his  resumption  of  negotiations 
with  Van  Beverningh  showed  it.  He  was  really  anxious 
for  peace,  and  the  English  nation  wished  it  also,  as  it 
had  suffered  heavy  losses  and  was  subjected  to  insupport- 
able taxation.  Early  in  1654  he  therefore  dropped 
several  demands  or  modified  them  considerably,  but  he 
insisted  resolutely  upon  two:  the  prince  of  Orange  must 
be  excluded  from  all  offices,  and  Denmark  was  not  to 
be  included  in  the  treaty  of  peace.  Negotiations  did  not 
advance  beyond  this,  until  in  the  middle  of  January  the 
envoys  returned  home  for  advice.  At  Gravesend  an 
emissary  from  Cromwell  overtook  them  with  the  report 
that  he  yielded  on  the  subject  of  Denmark.  It  was 
already  manifest  that  Cromwell,  fearing  an  Orange  rising 
among  the  people  of  the  republic,  would  be  content 
with  a  secret  article  regarding  the  prince's  exclusion. 
But  the  envoys  despaired  of  ever  obtaining  a  secret 
article  of  this  nature  from  the  States-General,  and  Crom- 
well insisted,  because  he  considered  this  matter  of  vital 
importance  to  the  existence  of  the  English  republic  and 
to  England's  safety. 

De  Witt  was  well  informed  of  the  course  of   affairs, 

1  Aitzema,  iii.,  p.  860. 


First  English  War  213 

having  been  in  secret  correspondence  with  the  two  Hol- 
land  envoys,   particularly  with  Van  Beverningh.       He, 
too,  saw  the  impossibility  of  the  acceptance  of   such  a 
secret  article  in  the  treaty  of  peace  with  England.     Such 
a  treaty  would  be  approved  neither  by  the  States-General 
nor  by  a  single  one  of  the  provinces,  he  wrote  to  Van 
Beverningh.1     Cromwell  appears  privately  to  have  given 
the  latter  to  understand  that,  if  necessary,  he  might  be 
satisfied  with  a  declaration  that  the  province  of  Holland 
would  adhere  to  the  resolutions  previously  taken  concern- 
ing the  stadtholdership  and  the  captain-generalship,  and 
that    any   captain-general   to    be   appointed    should  be 
obliged  to  swear  to  the  treaty  with  England.     It  is  not 
quite  certain  whether  this  expedient  was  suggested  by 
Holland's  envoys  and  De  Witt.a     The  other  stipulations 
of  the  peace  occasioned  no  serious  objection,  but   the 
formal  exclusion  of  the  prince  was  not  to  be  thought  of, 
not  even  in   Holland  alone.     De  Witt's  cleverness  sur- 
mounted all  difficulties  in  a  way  that  proved  his  extra- 
ordinary  diplomatic   talents.      Van  Beverningh  after   a 
week  returned  suddenly   alone  to  London.     Urged    by 
De  Witt,  the  States-General  sanctioned  his  mission,  which 
was  to  keep  an   eye   upon   the  sail  in  London  besides 
secretly    to    appease    Cromwell    with     regard    to     the 
exclusion.     Then    the  council  pensionary    induced    the 
States-General  to  resolve  not  to  send  the  treaty  about  to 
be  concluded  with  Cromwell  to  the  provinces  for  advice 
but  to  ratify  it  immediately  after  its  reception.   The  other 
two  envoys,  Van  de  Perre  having  died,  now  went  back 
also,   being  called  with  Van  Beverningh  "extraordinary 
ambassadors  to  the  Lord   Protector,"  by  which  the  new 
state    of    affairs    in    England    was    recognised.     A    new 

1  Geddes,  p.  387  et  seq.  The  account  by  Geddes  drawn  from  the  best 
authorities  is  very  full  upon  this  entire  matter,  and  has  here  been  followed 
in  its  main  points. 

2  Geddes  and  Gardiner  believe  the  idea  proceeded  from  Cromwell. 


214         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

official  negotiation  then  began,  and  beside  it  in  deep 
secrecy  a  second  one  with  Cromwell,  in  which  De  Witt 
and  Van  Beverningh  played  a  fine  but  dangerous  game. 
By  the  middle  of  April  De  Witt  had  not  been  able  to 
fulfil  his  secret  assurance  to  Cromwell  and  present  the 
exclusion  to  Holland,  but  the  Estates  of  that  province 
adjourned  on  April  20th  for  the  Easter  recess,  and  De 
Witt  so  managed  that  the  treaty  of  peace,  from  which 
the  stipulation  concerning  the  prince  was  left  out,  was 
not  signed  at  London  before  the  day  the  recess 
began.  On  the  following  day  (April  21st)  he  had  the 
treaty  come  from  England  to  The  Hague;  one  day  later 
it  was  ratified  by  the  States-General,  spurred  by  De  Witt 
to  unprecedented  rapidity,  and  sent  signed  on  the  next 
day  to  England. 

The  concluded  treaty  '  spoke  more  of  a  general  friendly 
relation  between  the  two  countries  than  of  a  fusion  such 
as  St.  John  had  desired.  They  were  to  live  in  peace 
and  not  to  support  or  harbour  each  other's  rebels  or 
enemies.  Dutch  ships  in  the  British  seas  were  to  strike 
the  flag  and  lower  their  topsail.  The  States  were  to 
do  justice  in  the  so-called  "massacre"  at  Ambon.  Arbi- 
trators were  to  settle  the  differences  with  Denmark. 
Disputes  concerning  possessions  and  commerce  in  India, 
Brazil,  Muscovy,  besides  those  about  the  Greenland 
fishery,  were  to  be  submitted  to  commissioners  appointed 
by  both  sides  and,  if  they  did  not  agree  within  three 
months,  the  Protestant  cantons  of  Switzerland  were  to 
arbitrate.  The  prince  of  Orange  was  not  mentioned  by 
name  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  but  Article  32  provided 
that  the  States-General  and  the  Estates  of  the  provinces 
should  oblige  every  stadtholder,  captain-general,  general, 
or  admiral  ever  appointed  by  them  to  swear  to  observe 
the  treaty,  as  they  with  their  people  promised  to  do. 

But  something  more  occurred.     Cromwell  had  secretly 

1  Aitzema,  iii.,  p.  918. 


First  English  War  215 

declared  that  he  would  only  ratify  the  treaty  with  this 
"temperament"  concerning  the  prince,  deviating  from 
his  original  demands,  in  case  the  ambassadors  assured 
him  that  within  two  or  three  months  he  should  receive 
the  desired  formal  Act  of  Exclusion  of  the  prince  given 
by  the  Estates  of  Holland  for  that  province.  This  was 
announced  by  the  two  ambassadors  of  Holland  in  a 
special  letter  to  the  Estates,  not  then  in  session, 
together  with  an  account  of  their  promise  to  Cromwell 
to  recommend  the  Act.  A  private  letter  to  De  Witt, 
however,  informed  him  that  there  was  still  hope  of 
persuading  the  Protector  to  renounce  this.  The  council 
pensionary  acted  as  if  he  had  not  received  his  letter, 
pushed  the  treaty  of  peace  through  the  States-General, 
as  related  above,  and  then  summoned  the  Estates  of 
Holland  for  the  28th  of  April.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
meeting  all  the  members  were  sworn  to  secrecy,  and  the 
official  letter  of  the  ambassadors  relating  to  Cromwell's 
wish  was  then  read  to  the  Estates.  The  reading  excited 
indignation  at  their  conduct,  and  although  Dordrecht  and 
Amsterdam  wanted  to  pass  the  Act,  the  deputies  of  nine 
towns  refused  to  take  this  important  step  without  first 
consulting  their  constituents;  the  nobility  appeared 
divided.  Now  the  matter  had  to  go  to  the  towns, 
which  might  have  made  an  end  to  secrecy,  but  De  Witt 
arranged  that  only  the  ruling  burgomasters,  again  under 
oath  of  secrecy,  should  read  the  ambassadors'  letter.  If 
they  did  not  consent  to  assume  the  responsibility,  the 
town  councils  in  their  turn  were  to  be  put  under  an  oath 
of  secrecy  before  they  might  read  the  letter.  Every- 
thing must  be  done  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  on  May 
1st  the  Estates  met  again.  At  the  morning  session 
voting  began,  and  a  majority  was  obtained  for  the  Act, 
when  there  came  a  package  from  Van  Beverningh  for  De 
Witt  and  a  letter  for  the  Estates  from  the  ambassadors 
in  London.     The  letter  asserted  apparently  that  Crom- 


216         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

well  demanded  the  delivery  of  the  Act  within  a  few  days 
after  the  ratification  and  proclamation  of  the  treaty,  and 
that  otherwise  he  would  not  consider  the  peace  binding. 
De  Witt's  package  contained  his  correspondence  with 
Van  Beverningh,  which  he  would  gladly  have  kept  secret, 
and  he  reproached  his  correspondent  for  thus  impru- 
dently returning  it.  The  evening  sitting  brought  four- 
teen votes  for  the  Act;  the  nobility  had  yielded  under 
the  influence  of  Brederode,  who  was  interested  as  field 
marshal  in  not  having  a  captain-general  appointed;  and 
the  deputies  of  five  towns  were  given  until  May  4th  to 
see  their  constituents.  After  a  stormy  discussion  on 
that  day  the  opposition  of  four,  Haarlem,  Leyden, 
Enkhuizen,  and  Edam,  appeared  unconquerable.  Sharp 
words  were  exchanged ;  and  De  Witt  finally  tried  to 
pass  the  Act  by  a  majority  of  votes,  exciting  violent  pro- 
tests from  the  minority.  But  nothing  else  could  be 
done.  De  Witt  drew  up  the  Act  in  the  evening  and 
carried  it  through  by  a  majority  of  fourteen  to  five 
votes,  Alkmaar  having  joined  the  four  towns  mentioned.1 
The  Act  was  sent  to  the  two  ambassadors  of  Holland 
on  the  following  day,  although  they  were  commissioned 
to  deliver  it  only  in  case  of  extreme  necessity.  Mean- 
while the  peace  was  signed  and  proclaimed  by  Cromwell 
in  London  amid  great  popular  rejoicing,  all  honour 
being  shown  to  the  Dutch  ambassadors.  No  less  exulta- 
tion attended  its  proclamation  in  the  Netherlands,  with 
firing  of  cannon  and  ringing  of  bells,  with  bonfires  and 
waving  flags,  while  fervent  prayers  of  gratitude  rose  in 
the  churches,  now  the  suffering  of  the  people  seemed 
past. 

More  was  to  follow.     During  five  weeks  longer  the  Act 
remained    in    the   hands    of   the  ambassadors.     But  the 

1  The  cautious  Brederode,  related  to  the  house  of  Orange,  remained 
absent  in  spite  of  De  Witt's  urgency,  overmits  wyde purgasi  huydtn  morgen 
so  laet  hebben  ingenomen. 


First  English  War  217 

secret  was  already  betrayed.  A  bribed  clerk  of  De  Witt 
had  given  information  to  Count  William  Frederick,  and 
like  wildfire  the  report  spread  of  a  separate  negotiation 
and  secret  agreement  between  Cromwell  and  Holland. 
In  the  States-General  De  Witt  was  asked  for  informa- 
tion, but  he  answered  generally  that  Holland  had  done 
nothing  illegal.  People  began  to  suspect  something, 
and  a  storm  arose.  Friesland  violently  assailed  Hol- 
land ;  the  princesses  wrote  passionate  letters  to  the  States- 
General  ;  there  was  popular  agitation  in  several  provinces. 
De  Witt  stood  firm  as  usual,  but  even  Dordrecht  com- 
menced to  waver  to  his  vexation.  The  deputies  of  this 
town  absented  themselves  from  the  meeting  of  the  Hol- 
land Estates  which,  themselves  fearful  of  the  con- 
sequences, thanked  their  ambassadors  in  London  for  not 
yet  delivering  the  Act.  Enlightenment  was  more  loudly 
demanded  in  the  States-General,  first  from  Holland 
which  evaded  the  question,  then  from  the  ambassadors 
in  London,  who  were  ordered  on  June  5th  to  send  over 
to  the  States-General  all  secret  instructions  received  from 
the  Estates  of  Holland.  De  Witt  succeded  in  getting 
this  order  postponed  until  the  following  day,  but  at  once 
he  informed  the  two  Hollanders  in  London  of  what  was 
to  be  expected,  intimating  to  them  that  it  was  now  time 
to  act,  i.  e.,  to  hand  over  the  Act,  provided  it  were  done 
immediately. 

There  was  again  a  vehement  discussion  on  the  6th  of 
June  in  the  States-General,  but  the  resolution  of  the 
5th  was  definitively  passed,  and  De  Witt  was  obliged  to 
acquiesce  in  having  the  Estates  of  Holland  allow  the  two 
Holland  ambassadors  to  send  over  a  copy  of  the  Act  to 
The  Hague.  But  in  the  evening  of  this  day  he  per- 
suaded the  States-General  at  the  eleventh  hour  to 
transmit  their  order  to  send  over  the  instructions  and 
not  yet  to  deliver  the  Act,  on  account  of  the  importance 
of  the  matter,  in  cipher  instead  of  in  the  ordinary  form — 


218  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

a  master  trick  Geddes  rightly  calls  this.  To  this  letter 
in  cipher  he  joined  another  in  ordinary  writing  to  the 
two  Hollanders,  communicating  the  assent  of  the  Estates 
of  Holland  and  remarking  that  it  would  be  too  late, 
because  the  Act  probably  was  already  delivered.  It 
happened  as  he  expected  after  his  repeated  warnings. 
While  the  ambassadors'  clerk  in  London  was  decipher- 
ing the  letter  with  difficulty,  and  they  were  awaiting  the 
end  of  this  work,  Van  Beverningh,  who  had  understood 
De  Witt's  hint,  left  the  room,  in  company  perhaps  with 
Nieuwpoort,  and  hastily  handed  the  Act  over  to  Crom- 
well. The  thing  was  done,  and  when  the  clerk  finished, 
and  the  ambassadors  could  read  what  was  wanted 
of  them,  the  fulfilment  of  that  wish  was  no  longer 
possible.  Thus  the  young  council  pensionary  attained 
his  end  by  a  devious  way.  Peace  was  concluded  and 
confirmed,  and  Cromwell  was  made  content  with  a 
document  that  seemed  also  to  assure  the  authority  of  the 
government  of  the  States. 

No  doubt  De  Witt  should  have  avoided  the  necessity 
of  delivering  an  Act  which  sanctioned  the  interference  of 
a  foreign  power  in  the  republic's  domestic  concerns. 
The  whole  affair  gives  proof  of  the  consummate  diplo- 
matic ability  of  De  Witt,  but  it  is  only  to  be  justified 
when  one  assumes  his  conviction  of  the  absolute 
necessity  of  the  Act.  That  absolute  necessity  is  not  cer- 
tain, because  from  Cromwell's  doings  and  sayings  it  can- 
not surely  be  made  out  whether  he  would  have  broken 
the  peace,  as  he  threatened,  if  the  Act  were  not 
delivered.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  would  not 
have  ventured  it,  but  it  is  'undeniable  that  he  acted 
towards  the  ambassadors  as  if  he  intended  so  doing  in 
case  they  broke  their  promise.  The  attitude  of  De  Witt 
and  the  two  ambassadors  is,  therefore,  quite  defensible, 
because  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  they  felt  the 
indispensability  of  peace  for  the  republic,  that  they  were 


First  English  War 


219 


willing  to  do  anything  possible  to  obtain  this  peace  and, 
now  it  was  secured,  not  again  to  endanger  it.  Whether 
Cromwell  first  desired  the  Act,  or  De  Witt  originally 
wanted  it,  which  is  less  probable  on  account  of  his  knowl- 
edge of  domestic  politics  and  his  cautiousness,  the  course 
of  events  showed  that  it  would  profit  neither  of  them. 
More  than  anything  else  it  served  to  embitter  the  people 
against  De  Witt  and  his  party.  It  helped  undermine  the 
government  of  the  States  and  finally  strengthened  the 
prince's  party,  which  could  have  been  neither  Crom- 
well's nor  De  Witt's  purpose.  Its  demand  was  an  act  of 
bad  statesmanship. 


CHAPTER  IX 


THE   COUNCIL  PENSIONARY   AT   THE   HEAD   OF   THE 

STATE 

NONE  of  the  earlier  or  later  council  pensionaries  ever 
possessed  such  an  influence  in  the  state  as  John  de 
Witt  obtained  soon  after  the  first  English  naval  war. 
Oldenbarnevelt's  influence  alone  is  to  be  compared  with 
it.  This  was  due  to  John  De  Witt's  rare  personality,  to 
the  extent  of  his  personal  relations,  and  to  the  circum- 
stance that  no  prince  of  Orange  opposed  him.  No  other 
member  of  the  government  of  the  States  could  equal 
him.  There  is  but  one  voice  as  to  the  ability  of  the 
celebrated  citizen  of  Dordrecht  even  among  his  enemies. 
Not  only  as  a  statesman  but  also  as  a  financier,  an 
organiser,  a  scientific  mathematician  and  natural  philos- 
opher he  stood  very  high.  His  statesmanship  may  be 
reproached  with  a  certain  narrowness,  because  he  did 
not  embrace  in  a  masterly  glance  the  past,  present,  and 
remote  future,  like  Oldenbarnevelt,  but  almost  ex- 
clusively watched  the  relations  of  the  Netherlands  to 
France,  England,  Sweden,  and  Denmark,  and  looked 
after  the  immediate  future.  His  financial  measures 
strengthened  the  republic's  credit.  His  talent  as  an 
organiser  raised  the  Dutch  navy  from  its  unsatisfactory 
condition  at  the  time  of  the  first  English  naval  war  to 
the  brilliant  height,  at  which  it  stood  during  the  second 
war,  and  enabled  the  Dutch  admirals  to  measure  them- 
selves with  the  English  upon  not  unequal  terms.     His 

220 


The  Council  Pensionary  221 

repute  as  a  mathematician  was  established  by  his  inven- 
tion of  the  chain  shot  and  his  writings  on  curves,1  highly- 
esteemed  by  such  mathematicians  as  Christiaan  Huyghens 
and  Van  Schooten,  and  treating  of  the  intricate  problems 
of  hyperbolas,  parabolas,  ellipses,  conic  sections,  and  the 
determination  of  place  in  plane  and  space.  His  calcula- 
tions of  the  chances  of  life  and  their  connection  with  life 
and  redeemable  annuities  laid  the  scientific  foundation 
for  the  modern  theories  of  life  insurance.  His  share  in 
De  la  Court's  noted  work  on  the  political  and  economic 
condition  of  Holland  about  1660  proves  his  capacity  as 
an  economist,  and  his  extensive  correspondence  shows 
his  clear  insight  into  many  things.  His  name  has  rightly 
been  given  to  a  period  of  Dutch  history,  because  he  was 
at  once  a  representative  and  leader  of  his  people. 

One  of  the  most  important  events  of  De  Witt's  private 
life  was  his  marriage  (February,  1655)  to  Wendela 
Bicker,  the  daughter  of  a  deceased  burgomaster  of 
Amsterdam,  and  related  to  a  number  of  the  first  families 
of  magistrates.8  The  family  connections  of  De  Witt  were 
thus  largely  extended,  a  great  advantage  in  Holland 
governed  by  comparatively  few  families  of  municipal 
magistrates,  and  De  Witt  did  not  scorn  this  advantage. 
Even  the  appearance  of  bribery  was  always  avoided  by 
De  Witt,  but  he  used  all  means  to  secure  offices  for  able 
members  of  his  family.  The  appointment  of  his  brother 
as  governor  of  Putten  (March,  1654),  of  his  father  as  a 
member  of  the  chamber  of  accounts  (1657),  of  his  relative 
Van  Slingelandt,  later  of  Vivien  as  pensionary  of  Dord- 
recht in  his  own  place,  of  numerous  cousins  to  all  sorts 
of  municipal  and  provincial  posts,  showed  that  he  was 
often  successful  in  widening  the  circle  of  his  family  in 
the  government  of  Holland.  His  letters  on  these  un- 
edifying  affairs  afford  a  certain  enjoyment  by  reason  of 

1  EUmenla  curvarum  linearum  (Lugd.  Bat.  et  Amst.,  1659). 
'  Lef£vre-Pontalis,  i.,  p.  119. 


222  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

his  uncommon  knowledge  of  local  interests  and  of  man- 
kind. A  like  pleasure  is  given  the  reader  of  his  correspond- 
ence with  the  ambassadors  of  the  States,  either  in  the 
printed  edition  of  his  letters,  or  in  the  collections  still 
reposing  in  the  Dutch  archives.  The  Holland  ministers 
sent  missives  of  the  same  tenor  to  the  States-General 
and  the  Estates  of  Holland,  but  the  most  important 
matters  were  written  to  him  alone.  He  always 
maintained  personal  relations  with  the  foreign  am- 
bassadors at  The  Hague.  Concerning  domestic  affairs 
De  Witt  carried  on  an  extensive  private  correspondence 
with  influential  men  in  various  provinces  and  towns. 
He  kept  himself  informed  of  everything  by  this  corre- 
spondence, sometimes  of  a  very  intimate  nature  and 
communicating  the  secret  resolutions  of  governmental 
boards,1  while  he  was  in  personal  touch  with  these  and 
other  gentlemen  during  their  repeated  sojourn  at  The 
Hague  as  deputies  to  the  States-General. 

The  first  domestic  affair  after  the  peace  to  attract 
attention  was  the  sharply  criticised  attitude  of  Holland 
towards  Cromwell's  demand  for  the  Act  of  Exclusion. 
The  excitement  of  May  and  June  continued  for  some 
time,  especially  after  the  copy  of  the  Act  finally  came 
from  England.  Friesland  and  Zealand  openly  complained 
of  Holland  to  the  States-General.  A  cloud  of  pamphlets 
spread  over  the  country,  and  from  the  pulpits  sounded 
the  most  vehement  tirades  against  this  new  attack  of  the 
"Loevestein  faction,"  nothing  else  being  talked  of  in 
taverns,  waggons,  and  boats.  The  Orange  party  tried  to 
make  all  the  capital  possible  out  of  the  matter,  and  Count 
William  Frederick  appeared  at  The  Hague  to  lead  the 
movement  and,  with  the  two  princesses  and  Zealand,  to 
accomplish  something  for  the  young  prince.     But  there 

1  We  even  hear  repeatedly  of  the  bribery  of  municipal  and  provincial 
clerks  by  these  correspondents.  Secret  documents  of  importance  were  thus 
often  obtained. 


The  Council  Pensionary  223 

was  no  harmony  in  the  guidance  of  this  party.  De  Witt 
successfully  replied  to  his  opponents  in  the  States- 
General.  A  letter  from  Cromwell  to  Zealand  exhorting 
it  for  the  sake  of  religion  not  to  endanger  the  treaty 
missed  its  aim  and  occasioned  more  bitterness.  Some 
disturbance  in  North  Holland  was  brought  about  by  a 
journey  of  Count,  soon  Prince,  William  Frederick,  the 
emperor  in  1654  raising  his  entire  house  to  the  rank  of 
imperial  princes.  Amsterdam  and  other  cities  took 
measures  to  guard  against  a  possible  assault.  The 
garrison  of  The  Hague  was  strengthened  ostensibly 
against  the  disorderly  troops  returning  from  Brazil. 

Commissioned  by  the  Estates  of  Holland  De  Witt 
with  the  aid  of  Van  Beverningh  drew  up  a  "Deduction" 
in  defence  of  Holland's  and  his  own  conduct,  the 
manifesto  of  the  existing  government.  This  Deduction 
comprised  an  argument  for  the  necessity  of  Holland's 
action  in  the  interest  of  peace,  which  otherwise  would 
not  have  been  obtained ;  then  a  demonstration  of  the 
legality  of  the  Act ;  afterwards  a  proof  of  the  propriety 
of  Holland's  action  towards  the  other  provinces,  the 
foreign  powers,  and  the  house  of  Orange.  It  went  into 
a  calculation  of  the  thanks  given  to  the  Orange  family 
in  money  and  offices  since  the  insurrection  against 
Spain,  on  the  other  side  alluding  to  the  gratitude  which 
the  other  provinces  owed  to  Holland  for  the  Spanish  as 
well  as  the  English  war.  The  reading  of  the  document 
lasted  for  hours,  first  in  the  Estates  of  Holland,  then  in 
the  States-General  (August  5th),  but  naturally  it  did  not 
convince  the  opposing  party.  Gradually,  however, 
minds  subsided  into  calmness,  because  people  began  to 
understand  that  peace  would  be  imperilled,  if  Holland 
were  forced  to  revoke  the  Act  and  Cromwell  were  thus 
defied. 

The  commotion  assumed  critical  aspects  in  some  prov- 
inces,   particularly  in    Overyssel  and    City  and    Land. 


224  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

There  had  long  been  friction  in  Overyssel 1  between  the 
Orange  party  and  that  favouring  the  Estates  of  Holland. 
Rutger  van  Haersolte,  steward  of  Salland  and  bailiff  of 
Lingen,  headed  the  Orange  party ;  friends  of  De  Witt 
guided  the  other  faction.  The  death  in  October,  1653, 
of  Ripperda,  bailiff  of  Twente,  to  whose  office  Haersolte 
aspired,  gave  rise  to  violent  dissensions.  In  April,  1654, 
Haersolte  was  appointed  by  a  majority,  while  the 
minority  protested  strongly  and  accused  the  majority  of 
intrigues  and  its  candidate  of  murder,  perjury,  and 
bribery.  The  minority  prevented  the  installation  of  the 
candidate  and  absented  itself  from  the  meeting  of  the 
Estates.  Though  the  matter  seemed  of  slight  impor- 
tance, the  resulting  discord  continued  over  three  years 
to  the  great  injury  of  the  entire  province.  Majority 
and  minority  of  the  Estates  met  separately  amid  mutual 
protests  and  threats,  and  each  considered  itself  the  real 
Estates  of  Overyssel.  When  the  States-General  came  to 
discuss  the  affair,  Holland,  standing  of  course  on  the 
side  of  the  minority,  wished  a  deputation  from  the 
States-General  to  restore  peace,  but  the  troubles  were 
declared  "domestic,"  such  as  should  be  settled  with- 
out the  interference  of  other  provinces.  As  the  con- 
fusion went  on  increasing,  the  States-General  in 
September,  1654,  offered  their  mediation  and  tried  to  be 
neutral  by  receiving  delegates  from  both  parties.  But 
Holland  openly  supported  its  friends  of  the  minority, 
when  the  majority,  urged  by  Haersolte,  chose  in  October 
the  young  prince  as  stadtholder  of  the  province,  with 
William  Frederick  for  lieutenant  during  his  minority. 
Prince  William  Frederick  visited  Kampen  and  Zwolle 
and  took  the  oath  as  lieutenant  stadtholder,  but  he  was 
not  received  at  Deventer.  Both  parties  collected  taxes 
and  disposed  of  the  militia,  but  neither  contributed  what 

1  See  Bussemaker,   Geschiedenis  van  Overijsel  gedurtnde  het  eerste  stad- 
houderlooze  tijdperk  (2  vols.,'s  Gravenh.,  188S-89). 


The  Council  Pensionary  225 

was  due  to  the  general  government.  Something  had  to 
be  done,  so  the  States-General  in  September,  1655, 
resolved  to  send  a  deputation  to  the  province,  but  Hol- 
land in  its  turn  now  considered  the  affair  as  "domestic" 
and  prevented  the  deputation.  Other  political  diffi- 
culties had  meanwhile  brought  De  Witt  and  Prince 
William  Frederick  into  closer  relations.  Their  agreement 
was  not  disturbed  by  the  discovery  of  the  treachery  of 
De  Witt's  chief  clerk,  Johan  van  Messen,  who  had  com- 
municated the  most  secret  papers  to  the  prince's  agent, 
Theodoor  van  Ruyven.  An  important  result  of  the 
deliberations  of  De  Witt  and  the  prince  was  a  missive 
from  Their  High  Mightinesses  to  Overvssel,  dated  January 
28,  1656,  requesting  both  parties  to  send  delegates  to  The 
Hague  for  the  purpose  of  settling  their  differences  with 
the  help  of  William  Frederick.  This  was  done,  and  De 
Witt  and  William  Frederick  undertook  mediation.  The 
draft  of  an  agreement  abrogated  the  resolutions  of  the 
Overyssel  Estates  taken  in  the  affair  after  April  8,  1654, 
a  general  amnesty  was  proclaimed,  Prince  William 
Frederick  laid  down  his  lieutenancy  and  Haersolte  his 
office  of  bailiff.  The  matter  remained  under  considera- 
tion in  the  province  during  the  whole  year,  while  Prince 
William  Frederick  and  De  Witt  worked  less  heartily 
together.  Hasselt  had  long  been  at  variance  with 
Zvvolle,  and  early  in  June,  1657,  the  troops  of  Zwolle 
bombarded  Hasselt,  cities  and  country  in  the  province 
preparing  for  civil  war.  Fortunately  Hasselt  gave  up  its 
pretensions  after  a  few  shots  from  the  Zwolle  batteries 
and  made  a  treaty  with  the  majority.  The  minority 
turned  for  justice  to  its  powerful  protectors,  Holland  and 
Amsterdam,  but  De  Witt  presented  a  new  agreement 
which  was  accepted.  Cornelis  de  Graeff  and  John  de 
Witt  were  appointed  mediators  to  settle  everything 
amicably  in  conjunction  with  commissioners  from  both 
parties.     On   August   20th  all  was  finished,  and   in  the 

VOL.   IV.— IS. 


226         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

name  of  the  Estates  of  Holland  a  decision  in  seventeen 
articles  set  aside  opposing  resolutions,  decreed  a  general 
amnesty,  postponed  the  subject  of  the  stadtholdership 
until  the  prince's  majority,  and  annulled  the  election  of 
William  Frederick  and  Haersolte.  New  regulations  for 
the  government  were  introduced.  A  meeting  at  Raalte 
on  October  I,  1657,  sealed  the  agreement  that  restored 
order  in  the  province. 

De  Witt's  influence  here  won  success  in  most  respects 
for  the  party  supported  by  Holland,  and  it  was  not  other- 
wise with  the  disturbances  occurring  about  the  same 
time  in  City  and  Land.1  A  revival  of  old  dissensions 
was  here  to  be  expected  under  the  weak  government 
of  William  Frederick  as  stadtholder.  The  guilds  of 
Groningen,  led  by  the  architect  Gerrit  Warendorp,  op- 
posed the  rule  of  the  city  patricians.  Further  there  was 
a  strong  party  of  malcontents  among  the  country  nobility, 
headed  by  the  ambitious  Osebrand  Jan  Rengers,  lord  of 
Slochteren,  and  voicing  the  ancient  grievances  of  the 
country  against  the  city.  Another  league  hoped  with 
the  help  of  the  municipal  government  to  withstand 
Rengers  and  his  partisans.  In  1655  the  disorder  became 
so  great  in  the  Estates  that  a  general  massacre  seemed 
imminent,  after  Rengers  and  a  colleague  were  expelled 
by  violence.  The  two  parties  in  the  Ommelands  had 
separate  assemblies,  and  government  and  justice  stood 
still.  A  deputation  was  sent  by  the  States-General 
under  the  lead  of  De  Witt  in  concert  with  William 
Frederick.  De  Witt  succeeded  in  restoring  harmony, 
and  both  parties  appeared  satisfied.  But  a  year  later 
the  condition  of  affairs  was  again  bad  in  the  province. 
Rengers  and  the  influential  Rudolf  van  Inn-  und 
Knyphausen,  lord  of  Lutzborg  in  East  Friesland,  formed 
a  league,  as  usual  in  this  province,  with  the  chief  purpose 

1  De  Boer,  De  woelingen  in  Stad  en  Lande  in  het  midden  der  zeventiende 
eeuzv  (Groningen,  1893). 


The  Council  Pensionary  227 

of  securing  all  the  important  offices.  The  action  of  the 
two  lords  led  to  fighting  in  the  assembly,  where  weapons 
were  finally  prohibited  and  a  guard  was  placed.  The 
election  of  officers  in  February,  1657,  was  attended  with 
such  confusion  that  the  deputies  of  the  city  called  for 
the  intervention  of  the  States-General.  Against  the 
plans  of  the  city  government  Rengers  and  Lutzborg 
stirred  up  the  guilds,  and  they  opposed  the  desired 
deputation  by  bribing  Johan  Schulenborgh,  delegate 
from  the  city  to  the  States-General.  A  popular  rising  at 
Groningen  was  led  by  Warendorp,  and  the  plundering 
of  houses  and  assaults  upon  magistrates  compelled  the 
city  government  to  accede  to  the  demands  of  the  league 
of  the  Ommelands.  The  States-General  sent  no  deputa- 
tion, the  league  triumphed,  Rengers  and  Lutzborg  suc- 
ceeded one  another  in  the  highest  offices.  After  a  few 
years  the  city  government  and  its  friends  among  the 
nobles  felt  strong  enough  to  attack  again  Rengers  and 
Lutzborg.  But  they  resisted  and  remained  supreme 
until  the  end  of  1658,  while  the  stadtholder  looked  on 
helplessly  and  De  Witt  from  The  Hague  continued  to 
support  his  friends  in  the  province.  A  new  deputation 
from  the  States-General  in  the  spring  of  1659,  invited 
by  the  party  of  Rengers,  favoured  the  league's  oppo- 
nents and  a  better  enforcement  of  justice,  against  which 
Rengers  and  his  friends  had  often  sinned. 

Dissensions  in  the  other  provinces  were  less  important, 
but  testified  also  to  the  necessity  of  a  stronger  central 
government.1  Everywhere  in  the  republic  differences 
prevailed,  in  which  Holland  secretly  or  openly  sustained 
the  anti-stadtholder  party  and  the  council  pensionary 
made  his  influence  felt.  He  succeeded  usually  in  restor- 
ing order  without  removing  the  root  of  the  evil,  a  policy 
of  dexterity  which  would  lead  not  to  thorough  improve- 
ment but  in  difficult  circumstances  to  great   confusion 

1  Wagenaar,  xii.,  p.  397. 


228         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

and  sudden  upheaval.  De  Witt  avoided  this  upheaval 
for  years  by  many  small  remedies,  but  could  never  flatter 
himself  with  the  hope  of  having  escaped  the  danger  of 
irremediable  confusion.  That  was  only  to  be  done  by 
strengthening  the  government,  either  in  the  separate 
provinces,  or  in  the  collective  state,  which  was  at  variance 
with  the  principles  of  government  adopted  in  165 1. 

Besides  these  provincial  affairs  there  were  other 
domestic  matters  which  disturbed  the  whole  country 
and  were  cleverly  managed  by  De  Witt.  The  first 
concerned  the  office  of  field  marshal.  Brederode  died  in 
September,  1655,  and  his  position  was  eagerly  coveted 
by  the  two  princes  of  Nassau,  William  Frederick  and 
John  Maurice,  the  former  a  general  of  artillery,  the 
latter  a  general  of  cavalry.  But  Holland,  guided  by 
De  Witt,  endeavoured  to  postpone  action,  as  it  saw  the 
germ  of  new  complications  in  the  appointment  of  so 
great  a  lord  to  this  supreme  military  post.  Especial 
objection  was  made  to  William  Frederick,  whose  share  in 
the  Amsterdam  affair  was  neither  forgotten  nor  forgiven, 
and  whose  attempts  to  seize  upon  the  lieutenant  stadt- 
holdership  were  too  evident.  De  Witt  had  a  plan  for 
harmony  adopted  in  the  Estates  of  Holland,  decreeing 
that  all  writings  and  resolutions  in  all  the  provinces 
against  the  Act  of  Exclusion  should  be  destroyed,  that 
Prince  William  Frederick  should  renounce  his  office  of 
lieutenant  stadtholder  in  Overyssel,  that  no  field  marshal 
should  be  at  the  same  time  stadtholder  or  captain- 
general  in  any  province,  that  the  new  field  marshal 
should  swear  to  observe  the  peace  with  England. 
William  Frederick  sought  to  become  more  friendly 
with  De  Witt  to  the  vexation  of  many  of  the  Orange 
party,  who  complained  of  his  treason.  For  a  time  it 
seemed  as  if  the  question  of  this  high  military  post  were 
to  be  joined  to  that  of  Van  Beverningh,  whom  the  States' 
party  wished  to  appoint  treasurer-general  of  the  Union 


The  Council  Pensionary  229 

after  his  return  from  England.  The  Orange  adherents 
would  not  accept  Van  Beverningh,  just  as  Holland 
opposed  the  appointment  of  a  field  marshal,  and  a  com- 
promise for  both  parties  to  agree  to  both  candidates  was 
not  carried  through.  At  the  end  of  1656  De  Witt 
succeeded  in  obtaining  the  appointment  of  his  trusted 
colleague  as  treasurer  by  a  majority  in  the  States- 
General,  but  when  the  other  party  wanted  to  decide 
about  the  field  marshal  by  a  majority  vote,  Holland 
objected  and  appealed  to  the  complete  authority  of  the 
provincial  Estates  in  military  matters  as  one  of  the 
essential  parts  of  freedom.  De  Witt  was  moved  by  fear 
of  too  great  a  military  power  in  one  hand.  The  Orange 
party  was  far  from  being  equal  to  him  and  his  able 
friends.  The  disputes  between  the  two  princesses  of 
Orange,  the  jealousy  between  the  two  princes  of  Nassau, 
the  incapacity  of  the  party  leaders,  gave  De  Witt  the 
finest  chances  to  thwart  their  plans  again  and  again. 

De  Witt  kept  a  watchful  eye  upon  everything,  upon 
the  attitude  towards  the  church,  upon  the  finances  in  his 
province.  Danger  threatened  in  ecclesiastical  affairs, 
because  De  Witt  knew  the  influential  preachers  must  be 
respected,  and  the  government  of  the  States,  mindful  of 
what  had  occurred  in  the  time  of  the  Truce,  feared 
nothing  so  much  as  their  displeasure.  One  of  the  council 
pensionary's  first  letters  aimed  to  remove  the  suspicion, 
which  had  arisen  against  him  as  a  Cartesian,  of  laxness 
towards  "the  papal  superstition  and  other  errors."  The 
apostolic  vicar  of  the  diocese  of  Utrecht,  Jacobus  de  la 
Torre,  could  testify  in  his  Relatio  seu  descriptio  status 
religionis  catholicce  in  Hollandia  (1656)  to  the  flourishing 
condition  of  his  church  in  these  parts  in  spite  of  all  the 
placards  and  resolutions  and  of  the  strife  between  his 
secular  and  regular  clergy,  the  Jesuits  troubling  him  in 
their  struggle  for  greater  influence.  Here  and  there 
persecutions  might  take  place,  but  there  was  generally  a 


230         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

connivance  obtained  by  bribing  the  officials  charged  with 
the  surveillance  of  the  Catholics.1  At  The  Hague  an 
ample  opportunity  was  afforded  in  the  residences  of  the 
ambassadors  of  the  Catholic  powers,  especially  of  France 
and  Spain,  for  the  Catholics  to  hold  their  services,  and 
hundreds  of  them  from  the  country  around  availed 
themselves  of  it.  In  many  cities  and  villages  it  was  an 
open  secret  where  the  Catholics  met,  and  seldom  were 
they  disturbed  by  the  authorities.  This  condition  did 
not  of  course  satisfy  the  Reformed  churches,  and  com- 
plaints were  often  made  of  the  weakness  of  the  magis- 
trates. But  in  executing  the  placards  the  old  principle 
was  adhered  to :  the  States  desired  rest  in  ecclesiastical 
matters. 

In  like  manner  the  ruling  party  treated  the  complaints 
of  the  theologians  about  the  teachings  of  the  Cartesian 
philosophers,  particularly  those  of  the  vehement  Pro- 
fessor Adriaan  Heerebord  of  Leyden.  De  Witt  thought 
the  liberty  of  philosophising  might  remain  untouched, 
but  the  immoderate  zeal  of  those  professing  the  right 
philosophy  ought  to  be  restrained.  The  resolution  of 
the  Estates  of  Holland  of  September  30,  1656,  imported 
that  the  curators  of  Leyden  had  to  watch  over  the 
limits  between  theology  and  philosophy,  and  that  the 
philosophemes  of  Cartesius  should  not  be  taught  for  the 
sake  of  peace  and  tranquillity.  Thus  the  freedom  of 
philosophy  was  maintained  in  general,  only  in  name  it 
was  put  in  bonds  on  behalf  of  rest  and  peace.  De  Witt's 
letters  to  the  moderate  Professor  Heydanus  show  plainly 
that  the  States  were  only  anxious  to  guard  against  reck- 
less extravagance  and  would  allow  all  liberty  to  him  and 
men  of  like  opinions. 

To  the  displeasure  of  the  orthodox  Calvinists  this 
attitude  appeared  in  the  way  the  sects,  such  as  the 
Mennonites,  the  Remonstrants,  and  the  rapidly  increas- 

1Knuttel,  De  toestand  der  katholieken,  i.,  pp.  223,  246. 


The  Council  Pensionary  231 

ing  Collegiants,  were  managed  or  rather  left  unmolested. 
Although  a  zealot  occasionally  insisted  upon  the  deposi- 
tion of  Remonstrant  magistrates,  they  were  constantly 
getting  into  the  government,  even  at  Amsterdam,  and 
were  not  troubled,  if  they  did  not  make  themselves  or 
their  opinions  too  prominent.  The  Collegiants,  resem- 
bling in  many  respects  the  Remonstrants  and  Mennonites, 
remained  at  first  more  in  the  shade,  being  naturally 
quiet  country  people.  Their  chief  seat,  Rijnsburg 
where  the  Van  der  Kodde  family  had  placed  itself  about 
1620  at  their  head,  became  the  centre  of  a  remarkable 
religious  movement  which,  besides  liberty  of  worship, 
accepted  the  principle  of  liberty  of  speaking  or  "proph- 
esying" for  every  member  of  the  community,  and  thus 
opposed  the  ordained  clergy  and  considered  their 
existence  contrary  to  ancient  Christianity.1  The  lack  of 
Remonstrant  preachers  after  1619  under  the  pressure  of 
persecution  helped  this  free  preaching  very  much.  Later 
pious  Remonstrants  joined  the  Collegiants  and  extolled 
their  principles  as  recalling  those  of  the  first  Protestants 
in  the  country.  Laymen  also  championed  zealously  their 
doctrines,  as  the  former  Rotterdam  baker  Frans  Oudaen, 
head  of  the  Rijnsburg  society  about  1660.  Eminent 
men,  Van  Beuningen,  Adriaan  Paets  and  Johan  Hartig- 
veldt  of  Rotterdam,  came  into  close  touch  with  the 
community.  Thus  attention  was  drawn  to  them  more 
and  more,  and  their  following  was  extended  about  the 
middle  of  the  century.3  At  Rotterdam,  Amsterdam, 
Leyden,  Haarlem,  in  some  villages  of  North  Holland, 
similar  "colleges"  arose,  striving  for  a  regeneration  of  the 
Christian  church  without  a  binding  confession  of  faith, 
without  minister  or  prescribed  church  rites  except  baptism 
by  immersion  and  the  communion,  without  wishing  to 
be  called  church  communities,  in  perfect  freedom  resting 

1  Van  Slee,  De  Rijnsburger  Collegianten,  p.  58. 

2  Hijlkema,  Jteformateurs,  p.  10. 


232  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

only  on  the  authority  of  the  Bible  and  with  a  liberal 
conception  of  mutual  toleration,  so  that  many  Mennon- 
ites, Remonstrants,  and  even  Catholics  were  received 
among  them.  A  strong  current  was  felt  among  the 
Mennonites  in  this  direction,  reviving  memories  of  the 
old  Anabaptists.  Dr.  Galenus  led  the  movement,  which 
caused  a  violent  schism  among  the  numerous  Mennonites 
of  Amsterdam,  the  two  parties  formally  separating  in 
1664  after  nine  years  of  strife. 

Other  "reformers"  appeared.  The  mystical  street- 
preacher  Johannes  Rothe,  the  herald  of  the  expected 
"fifth  monarchy,"  was  one  of  the  most  notable  among 
them.  After  the  peace  some  Quakers  came  over  from 
England  and  won  followers.  But  the  greatest  activity 
went  out  from  the  Collegiants,  and  their  steady 
increase  annoyed  the  preachers  of  the  Reformed  com- 
munities. The  complaints  made  by  consistories  and 
synods  of  this  new  sort  of  "erring  minds,"  "Socinians," 
"half  Turks,"  of  these  "blasphemers  of  God's  Holy 
Name,"  these  "foxes  in  the  vineyards,"  to  the  Estates 
and  municipal  governments  accomplished  little  more  with 
those  "rulers  of  the  world"  than  the  complaints  of  the 
"popish  insolences."  There  would  occasionally  be 
some  strictness  or  persecution  by  the  authorities,  but  in 
the  long  run  it  was  toleration.  Into  their  circle  the 
young  philosopher  Baruch  de  Spinoza  at  Amsterdam  was 
taken  up,  when  he  began  about  1654  to  turn  away  from 
the  faith  of  his  fathers.1  He  met  the  Catholic  Cartesian 
Franciscus  van  den  Ende,  who  made  him  and  many 
others  in  Amsterdam  acquainted  with  Cartesian  princi- 
ples. He  found  consolation  in  them  after  his  expulsion 
from  the  Jewish  community  in  1656  and  settled  five 
years  later  in  Rijnsburg,  the  seat  of  the  Collegiants, 
with  whom  he  might  be  considered  as  intellectually 
allied.     The  numerous  freethinkers  in  Holland  also  did 

1  Meinsma,  Spinoza  en  zijn  kring,  p.  102. 


The  Council  Pensionary  233 

not  escape  the  vigilance  of  consistories  and  preachers, 
but  no  kind  of  pressure  could  bring  any  strong  action 
against  them.  The  governing  party  adhered  to  its 
tolerant  principles,  in  part  because  its  members  often 
felt  attracted  to  the  new  dogmas,  in  part  from  a  longing 
for  rest  and  peace. 

De  Witt's  activity  in  financial  affairs  was  important. 
The  heavy  debt,  under  which  Holland  groaned  in  con- 
sequence of  the  Spanish  war,  burdened  its  budget  in 
1650  with  seven  million  guilders  of  interest  upon  a  sum 
of  over  150  millions,  and  the  English  war  considerably 
increased  this  sum.  During  and  immediately  after  the 
war  De  Witt  set  to  work  to  lighten  the  burden  by  a 
reduction  of  the  interest.  Such  reductions  of  interest 
were  not  uncommon.  In  1640  Holland  had  lowered  the 
interest  on  its  debt  from  6|  to  5  per  cent.,  and  the 
States-General  had  followed  that  example  in  1649.  Now 
De  Witt  sought  to  reduce  Holland's  interest  from  5  to  4 
per  cent,  and  encountered  violent  opposition.  But, 
supported  by  Van  Beuningen  and  others,  he  succeeded 
in  convincing  the  Estates  of  the  desirability  of  the 
matter,  especially  when  he  joined  the  reduction  with  a 
plan  of  redemption,  by  which  Holland's  entire  debt 
would  be  paid  off  in  forty-one  years,  and  the  States- 
General  also  reduced  their  interest  from  5  to  4  per  cent., 
so  that  Holland's  securities  yielded  no  less  than  those  of 
the  Generality.  The  credit  of  Holland  was  thus  placed 
on  a  solid  basis,  and  De  Witt  might  well  glory  in  "the 
great  work,  upon  which  I  have  for  some  time  past 
exerted  all  my  strength,"  by  which  his  province  profited 
annually  to  the  amount  of  1,400,000  guilders,  represent- 
ing a  capital  of  twenty-eight  millions. 

If  De  Witt  could  have  had  his  way,  the  maintenance 
of  peace  would  have  been  the  chief  aim  of  the  Dutch 
policy  in  Europe,  because  he  believed  in  his  soul  that 
for  a  country  living  by  commerce  and  navigation  nothing 


234  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

was  so  necessary  as  peace  on  land  and  sea.  Pieter  de 
la  Court's  work,  revised  by  De  Witt  for  the  first  edition 
under  the  title  of  Interest  van  Holland,  said  that  "  Hol- 
land's maxim  ought  to  be  to  seek  after  peace  for  its 
inhabitants  with  all  proper  means  and  to  avoid  war." 
The  general  condition  of  Europe  in  these  years  gave 
reason  for  apprehension  concerning  the  future.  Two 
parties  in  Europe  still  opposed  one  another,  France  with 
England,  now  on  friendly  terms,  and  Spain  with 
Austria,  between  which  the  republic  would  naturally 
have  looked  for  support  from  the  former  party.  The 
coolness  of  France  towards  the  republic,  which  had  left  it 
in  the  lurch  at  Munster,  must  be  overcome  so  far  as 
possible,  and  De  Witt  bent  his  utmost  energy  to  this 
end,  especially  when  French  piracies  in  the  Mediterranean 
in  1657  and  De  Ruyter's  vigorous  action  against  them 
threatened  to  lead  to  serious  difficulties  owing  to  the 
unskilfulness  of  the  Dutch  ambassador  Boreel.  Watch 
had  to  be  kept,  furthermore,  of  the  progress  of  the 
French  in  the  southern  Netherlands,  where  under 
Turenne  in  1658  they  captured  Dunkirk  and  Gravelines 
and  in  cooperation  with  England,  to  which  Dunkirk  was 
ceded,  threatened  Flanders.  The  Spanish  governor,  Don 
Juan  of  Austria,  was  at  his  wit's  end  and  gave  up 
resistance,  so  that  a  conquest  of  the  southern  Nether- 
lands by  both  powers  seemed  imminent. 

What  was  to  become  of  these  lands?  Neighbourhood 
to  France  was  not  considered  desirable,  and  as  little  so  was 
the  rule  of  England  in  the  Flemish  ports  and  Antwerp.  It 
appeared  preferable  to  revert  to  the  old  plan  of  making 
the  southern  provinces  a  "free  republic  "  under  the  pro- 
tection of  both  France  and  the  United  Netherlands.  The 
peace  of  the  Pyrenees  in  November,  1659,  put  an  end  to 
these  complications.  That  peace  left  France  in  posses- 
sion of  a  large  part  of  the  conquered  territory  in  southern 
Flanders,   Hainaut,  Namur,  and  Luxemburg.     But  the 


The  Council  Pensionary  235 

marriage  of  the  young  and  ambitious  Louis  XIV.  to 
the  oldest  daughter  of  Philip  IV.  brought  new  perils, 
although  the  infanta  solemnly  renounced  for  herself 
and  her  descendants  all  claims  to  the  Spanish  crown 
and  its  possessions,  while  the  lands  and  cities  now  ob- 
tained put  France  in  a  position  to  resume  the  sub- 
jugation of  the  Netherlands  at  any  time  with  a 
good  prospect  of  success.  Spain  saw  the  consequences 
of  this  condition  and  understood  that  its  interest  was 
to  retain  the  friendship  of  the  republic  as  much  as 
possible. 

Relations  with  England  left  at  first  little  to  be 
wished.  The  Dutch  ambassador  Nieuwpoort  was  very 
friendly  with  Cromwell  and  his  able  secretary  of  state 
Thurloe,1  and  no  reason  for  discontent  was  given  by 
allowing  the  Stuarts  in  the  Netherlands.  But  there  was 
no  diminution  of  the  commercial  rivalry :  the  Navigation 
Act  raised  up  English  commerce  and  augmented  the 
mutual  jealousy.  During  the  English-Spanish  war 
difficulties  again  arose  through  the  search  of  ships  for 
contraband.  England  also  protected  Portugal,  between 
which  and  the  Netherlands  the  long  threatening  war  broke 
out  in  November,  1657.  This  war  was  limited  mainly 
to  a  naval  demonstration  under  Obdam  on  the  Portu- 
guese coast  and  to  captures  of  Portuguese  merchantmen 
by  De  Ruyter.  Cromwell's  death  in  1658  prevented  any 
strong  action  of  England  against  the  Netherlands,  as  the 
weak  government  of  his  son,  Protector  Richard,  was 
not  equal  to  a  vigorous  guidance  of  England's  policy. 
The  arrival  at  The  Hague  of  the  energetic  George 
Downing,  as  English  ambassador,  who  wished  to  see  the 
commerce  of  England  upheld  with  strength  and  ability, 
gave  occasion  for  all  sorts  of  troubles,  by  which  the  old 
grievances  were  raked  up  again,  the  good  understanding 

'His  papers,  the   Thurloe  Papers  (London,   1742),  are  together  with  the 
ordinary  State  Papers  an  excellent  authority  for  the  history  of  these  days. 


236         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

between  the  two  nations  was  little  promoted,  and  a  new 
war  seemed  in  the  end  unavoidable. 

There  was  more  imminent  danger  for  a  time  on  the  fron- 
tier, near  which  the  turbulent  bishop  of  Munster  constantly 
threatened  his  capital.  The  league  of  the  Rhine,  concluded 
in  August,  1658,  under  the  influence  of  France,  in  which 
the  electors  of  Cologne  and  Mainz,  the  rulers  of  Neuburg, 
Hesse,  and  Brunswick,  and  other  princes  allied  them- 
selves with  Sweden  and  France,  pointed  to  new  perils. 
The  fear  that  the  Catholic  princes  contemplated  a  mutual 
union  for  the  protection  of  Catholic  interests  in  the 
empire  and  the  desire  of  the  land  provinces  to  have  the 
affairs  of  Munster  settled  impelled  the  council  pensionary 
to  vigorous  action  on  behalf  of  Miinster's  people.  The 
siege  of  Munster  by  the  Catholic  princes  gave  the  oppor- 
tunity for  a  deputation  to  Munster,  and,  when  the  bishop 
declined  the  proffered  mediation  of  the  States,  troops 
were  collected  in  October  on  the  eastern  frontier.  The 
resolution  to  this  effect,  passed  in  Holland  notwithstand- 
ing Amsterdam's  opposition,  adopted  also  by  the  States- 
General,  and  the  consequent  movement  of  troops  in 
Gelderland  and  Overyssel  resulted  immediately  in  the 
yielding  of  the  bishop  of  Munster  and  the  relief  of  the  city. 
But  this  attitude  of  the  republic  embittered  the  haughty 
bishop  and  led  later  to  new  and  greater  troubles.1 

Much  more  serious  were  the  complications  in  the  north 
after  the  accession  of  Charles  X.  Gustavus  to  the  throne 
of  Sweden  (1654).  Resuming  the  policy  of  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  he  sought  to  establish  the  supremacy  in 
these  regions  of  Sweden  over  Poland,  Denmark,  and  the 
Hollanders,  who  had  endeavoured  of  late  years  to  unite 
Sweden  and  Denmark  by  an  alliance  and  thus  to  assure 
peace  in  the  Baltic.  The  war  against  Poland  begun  by 
Charles  X.  was  a  critical  affair  for  the  republic,  recognised 

1  See  Der  Kinderen,  De  Nederlandsche  Republiek  en  Munster,  p.  73  tt 
seq. 


The  Council  Pensionary  237 

as  the  protector  of  the  political  equilibrium  hereabouts 
since  the  events  of  1644  and  1645,  particularly  when 
Dantzig,  the  centre  of  the  corn  trade,  was  blockaded  by 
the  Swedish  fleet  and  threatened  by  Swedish  troops. 
The  States  had  already  tried  to  enter  into  closer  relations 
with  Brandenburg  and  had  gathered  troops  on  the  East 
Frisian  frontier  to  watch  the  Swedes  ruling  over  the 
neighbouring  Bremen  territory.  It  was  resolved  to  send 
a  deputation  to  Sweden  and  another  to  Denmark  to  pre- 
serve peace  in  the  Baltic.  In  December,  1655,  Charles 
Gustavus  got  possession  of  Elbing,  and  Brandenburg 
went  over  to  the  Swedish  side  in  the  hope  of  throwing 
off  Poland's  sovereignty  over  Prussia.  Despite  Swedish 
protests,  De  Ruyter's  squadron  in  the  spring  of  16*': 
sailed  for  the  Baltic  and  then  a  fleet  under  Obdam,  v  j 
was  soon  in  command  of  forty-two  ships.  In  July  ie 
appeared  before  Dantzig,  raised  the  blockade  of  the  r  ity 
after  uniting  with  a  Danish  squadron,  remained  t  .ere 
until  October,  and  then  returned  home,  leaving  ',1  the 
city  a  Dutch  garrison  of  1500  men.  The  deputation  to 
Sweden  under  De  Witt's  cousin  and  successor  as 
pensionary  of  Dordrecht,  Govert  van  Slingelandt,  and 
that  to  Denmark  under  the  experienced  Van  Beuningen 
were  likewise  successful.  Sweden  in  September  renewed 
at  Elbing  the  old  treaties  of  friendship  with  a  declara- 
tion of  the  neutrality  of  Dantzig,  and  Denmark  was 
brought  to  a  defensive  league,  evidently  designed  to 
oppose  Sweden  and  in  case  of  necessity  to  restore  peace 
by  force  of  arms.  The  treaties  with  Sweden  and 
Denmark  plainly  did  not  agree  with  one  another. 

De  Witt  had  at  first  taken  up  the  Dutch  policy  in  the 
north  with  great  caution,  believing  with  Amsterdam  in 
the  importance  of  peace.  The  good  understanding 
between  him  and  Van  Beuningen,  who  was  known  to  him 
from  the  pensionary  days  in  Dordrecht,  who  had  resided 
at  the  Swedish  court  as  "extraordinary  deputy"  during 


238         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  English  war  and  had  been  in  intimate  correspond- 
ence with  De  Witt,  influenced  De  Witt  as  much  as 
did  his  consultations  with  his  wife's  uncle,  Cornelis  de 
Graeff  van  Zuid-Polsbroek,  a  prominent  citizen  of 
Amsterdam.  The  opinion  of  De  Witt  and  Van  Beu- 
ningen  had  first  been  that  the  interest  of  the  republic 
would  best  be  served  by  an  alliance  of  the  two  rival 
northern  powers  under  the  mediation  of  the  States,  but 
Sweden's  aggressive  attitude  caused  this  idea  to  be  given 
up  gradually.  In  its  place  Van  Beuningen  matured  the 
plan  of  holding  Sweden  in  check  by  an  alliance  of  the 
States  with  Denmark  and  by  a  display  of  force  upon  the 
part  of  the  Dutch  for  the  protection  of  the  threatened 
-  iltic  states.  DeWitt  incautiously  approved  of  this,  while 
a.\  'Jding  all  aspirations  for  an  actual  war  with  the  power- 
ful Sweden,  now  in  close  friendship  with  England  and 
Fra  ice,  so  that  European  complications  were  to  be  feared 
fron  -a  war  in  the  north,  in  which  besides  Denmark  the 
State;:''  would  have  no  other  allies  but  the  enfeebled 
Catholk  powers,  Spain  and  the  emperor.  This  change  in 
the  Dutch  policy  was  to  be  attributed  to  the  influence  of 
Van  Beuningen  and  Amsterdam.  De  Witt  reproached  his 
old  colleague  for  the  intrigues,  by  which  he  endeavoured 
to  lead  the  republic  into  sharp  antagonism  to  Sweden.1 
Van  Beuningen  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  rejection  of 
the  treaty  of  Elbing  by  the  States,  a  defeat  for  De 
Witt's  prudent  policy,  and  in  persuading  Frederick  III. 
of  Denmark  in  1657  to  don  again  the  "rusty  harness," 
while  Poland,  the  emperor,  and  even  Brandenburg  now 
also  opposed  Sweden. 

This  policy  exposed  the  republic  to  great  dangers,  as 
it  at  the  same  time  had  difficulties  with  France,  waged 
war  on  Portugal,  settled  the  Miinster  affairs  with  a  high 
hand,  and  stood  upon  anything  but  a  firm  footing  with 
England.     The  lamentable   defeat    of    the    Danes,  who 

1  Naber,  De  staatkunde  van  Johan  de  Witt,  p.  118. 


The  Council  Pensionary  239 

were  driven  from  Bremen,  lost  most  of  Schonen,  in  the 
early  spring  of  1658  also  Funen  and  the  small  islands, 
and  soon  saw  the  Swedish  king  attack  Zealand  and  menace 
Copenhagen,    quickly  led    to   the    peace   of    Roeskilde, 
by   which    Denmark  became    almost  wholly  dependent 
upon  Sweden.     The  struggle  of  opinions  in  the  republic 
was  just  decided  in  favour  of  Van  Beuningen,  when  the 
unexpected    news  of  this  peace  came  to  take  away  the 
basis  of  his  policy.     Van  Beuningen  did  not  give  up,  but 
urged  Denmark  to  disregard  the  treaty  of  peace,  promis- 
ing  the   support    of   the  States.     Charles  Gustavus   of 
Sweden,   observing   this,    suddenly   assailed    his   enemy 
anew  in  August  and  laid  siege  to   Copenhagen    by  land 
and  sea,  closing  up  the  Sound  with  his  fleet  and  by  the 
conquered    forts    of    Elsinore    and    Kronenborg.     This 
energetic  attitude  of  Sweden  made  Van  Beuningen  win 
his  cause.     The  Swedish  power  must  now  be  curbed,  and 
De  Witt  offered  no   further  objection  to  helping  poor 
Denmark.     Early  in   October  Obdam  was  sent  to   the 
Sound   with    thirty-five   ships   and    4000   troops    under 
Colonel  Piichler  to  relieve  Copenhagen  and   to  "ruin" 
the  Swedish  fleet,   so  that   no  dangerous  naval  power 
could  arise  in    the    Baltic.     On   the    8th  of   November 
Obdam   met  the  somewhat  larger  Swedish    fleet    under 
Wrangel  in  the  Sound   and    actually  destroyed  a  large 
part  of  it  after  a  bloody  battle,  in  which  the  valiant  Dutch 
vice   admirals,    Witte    De  With  and  Pieter   Floriszoon, 
lost  their  lives,  while  Obdam  himself  with  his  ship  only 
escaped  disaster  through  the  efficient  support  of  Aart 
van  Nes  and  some  other  captains.1     The  small  remnant 
of  the  Swedish  fleet  retreated  to  the  forts,  and  Copen- 
hagen's  siege   was   raised.     The    Dutch   ships   did    not 
return  home  after  this  success  but  remained  in  the  Sound 
on  account  partly  of  the  appearance  there  of  an  English 
fleet,  whose  intentions  were  mistrusted. 

1  De  Jonge,  i.,  p.  558  et  seq. 


240         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

This  English  interference,  backed  up  by  the  French, 
moved  the  Dutch  statesmen  to  act  with  "vigour,"  and  in 
May  a  new  naval  force  was  dispatched  to  the  Sound  under 
De  Ruyter  with  Johan  Evertsen  and  Meppel  as  vice 
admirals,  so  that  in  the  spring  of  1659  no  less  than 
seventy-five  Dutch  ships  with  12,000  men  and  over  3000 
guns  were  collected,  exclusive  of  Piichler's  4000  men. 
Thus  it  was  hoped  to  keep  Denmark  from  making  in 
desperation  a  secret  agreement  with  Sweden.  Mean- 
while a  treaty  concerning  northern  affairs  was  concluded 
with  England  and  France,  chiefly  maintaining  the  peace 
of  Roeskilde,  but  leaving  out  the  closing  of  the  Sound 
to  foreign  vessels.  Much  of  the  year  was  spent  in 
negotiations,  and  Copenhagen  was  still  besieged  upon 
the  land  side.  The  differences  with  England  and  France 
regarding  the  Baltic  policy  were  finally  removed  by  De 
Witt,  and  the  English  fleet  left  the  Sound  to  return 
home.  But  matters  in  the  Baltic  went  little  better  until 
in  the  fall  Denmark,  helped  by  the  Dutch  arms,  began 
to  get  the  mastery.  Obdam,  suffering  greatly  from  the 
gout,  had  also  gone  home  with  some  twenty  ships  after  the 
departure  of  the  English  fleet.  The  rest,  commanded  by 
De  Ruyter,  gave  powerful  support  to  an  attack  by  land 
upon  Funen,  where  the  Dutch  admiral  bombarded  the 
town  of  Nyborg,  November  24th,  and  forced  it  to 
surrender.  Afterwards  he  shut  the  Swedish  fleet  up  in 
the  harbour  of  Landskrona  and  wintered  at  Copenhagen, 
where  honours  were  showered  upon  him.  Some 
difficulties  still  existed  between  De  Witt  and  Amster- 
dam, in  part  because  Amsterdam  complained  seriously 
of  Obdam's  conduct.  De  Witt  took  pains  to  come  to  an 
agreement  in  views  with  Van  Beuningen,  until  the 
latter  finally  approved  of  the  treaty  of  Elbing.  For- 
tunately for  the  course  of  affairs  the  Swedish  king  died 
suddenly  February  23,  1660 ;  his  young  son  succeeded 
him;  and  now  tranquillity  was  quickly  restored  in  these 


The  Council  Pensionary  241 

regions  under  the  mediation  of  the  States,  which 
brought  about  peace  at  Oliva  May  3d  between  Sweden 
and  Poland  and  on  June  3d  peace  at  Copenhagen 
between  Sweden  and  Denmark.  De  Witt  might  well 
be  content  with  the  result,  for  success  had  at  last  come 
to  his  plans  for  the  mediation  of  the  States  between  the 
belligerents.  He  had  raised  higher  than  ever  the  con- 
sideration shown  the  Dutch  in  the  Baltic  without  disturb- 
ing the  general  peace  of  Europe  and  in  conjunction  with 
the  two  great  powers,  whose  enmity  he  most  feared, 
whose  friendship  he  deemed  most  desirable  for  the 
Netherlands. 

A  time  of  peace  seemed  to  have  dawned  upon  Europe. 
The  peace  of  the  Pyrenees,  followed  by  that  in  the 
Baltic,  had  cleared  away  the  greatest  difficulties.  The 
war  with  Portugal  still  remained,  but  the  draft  of  a 
treaty  drawn  up  in  the  Estates  of  Holland  was  soon 
made,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  Zealand, 
Utrecht,  Gelderland,  and  Groningen,  the  basis  of  a 
negotiation  with  Portugal  at  The  Hague,  where  in  the 
name  of  that  kingdom  the  able  Count  de  Miranda 
appeared.  It  was  speedily  evident  that  Brazil  would 
have  to  be  given  up  by  the  West  India  Company,  but 
Zealand  and  Gelderland,  both  interested  in  the  company, 
refused  their  cooperation,  and  the  vote  of  City  and  Land 
could  only  be  obtained,  because  its  representative, 
Schulenborgh,  was  apparently  bribed  by  Portugal  and 
approved  of  the  treaty  against  the  wish  of  his  province. 
The  treaty  with  Portugal  was  signed  (August  6,  1661) 
under  the  vehement  protest  of  Zealand  and  Gelderland, 
which  asserted,  not  without  reason,  that  to  conclude  a 
treaty  of  peace  by  a  majority  of  votes  was  contrary  to 
Article  9  of  the  Union  of  Utrecht.  But  Holland  carried 
first  the  peace  through  and  after  more  negotiation  (at 
the  end  of  1662)  the  ratification.  The  long  delay  was 
owing  to  the  desire  of  the  East  India  Company  in  the 


242  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

interval  to  conquer  as  much  of  the  Portuguese  posses- 
sions in  India  as  possible  and  to  the  hope  of  the  Portu- 
guese for  better  terms.  Brazil  was  ceded  to  Portugal 
for  eight  million  guilders,  free  trade  except  in  Brazil 
wood  with  this  henceforth  Portuguese  colony,  complete 
freedom  of  trade  with  Portugal.  The  West  India  Com- 
pany did  not  recover  from  this  loss. 

England  had  mediated  in  these  negotiations,  but 
circumstances  there  were  much  changed.  Richard 
Cromwell's  weak  government,  the  omnipotence  of  the 
army,  and  the  waxing  confusion  in  the  affairs  of  the 
English  republic  had  turned  popular  opinion  to  the  side 
of  the  exiled  royal  house.  General  Monk,  the  com- 
mander of  the  army  in  Scotland,  soon  put  himself  in 
communication  with  Charles  II.,  who  shortly  before  had 
gone  in  vain  to  the  Pyrenees  to  obtain  help  from  France 
or  Spain  in  the  peace  negotiations,  and  who  was  now 
again  in  Brussels.  Monk  offered  him  in  the  spring  of 
1660  the  crown  of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland. 
Everything  was  prepared  in  deep  secrecy,  and  in  May 
the  recall  of  the  Stuarts  was  a  fact.  Charles  received 
the  news  at  Breda,  the  old  possession  of  the  Oranges, 
whither  he  had  betaken  himself  at  Monk's  request.  This 
important  event  threatened  to  disturb  the  era  of  peace 
just  opening  for  the  republic.  The  government  of 
the  States  had  repeatedly  made  the  English  exile  feel 
its  hostility,  and  regarded  his  house  and  that  of  the 
Oranges  as  its  worst  enemies,  so  how  could  it  now  as- 
sume a  tolerant  attitude  towards  him  without  menacing 
its  own  future?  But  De  Witt,  inexhaustible  in  clever 
moves,  incomparable  in  the  use  of  the  means  of  the 
moment,  managed  to  overcome  these  difficulties  as  well 
as  those  arising  from  the  nearly  contemporary  change  in 
France,  where  Mazarin's  death,  in  March,  1661,  intro- 
duced a  very  monarchical  government. 

In  foreign  affairs  also  the  council  pensionary  was  about 


The  Council  Pensionary  243 

1660  the  recognised  leader  of  the  republic,  the  states- 
man who,  by  his  comprehensive  knowledge  of  political 
conditions,  by  his  rare  capacity  for  work,  and  his  end- 
less resourcefulness,  really  merited  universal  confidence. 
Though  the  genius  of  the  great  advocate  might  be  lack- 
ing in  him,  John  de  Witt  was  never  at  a  loss  for 
expedients  which  could  rescue  the  republic  from  its 
temporary  dangers,  and  he  steered  the  ship  of  state  with 
a  steady  hand  upon  the  surging  waves  of  European 
politics.  His  diplomatic  activity  shows  us  the  cautious 
leader,  the  calm  calculator,  the  acute  judge  of  men, 
and  his  domestic  policy  also  makes  us  admire  him.  He 
was  not  a  man  who  excited  enthusiasm,  who  in  burning 
zeal  conducted  his  party  to  victory  along  the  royal  road 
of  open  strife;  he  is  the  quiet  thinker,  who  seeks  to 
convince  by  plain  argument,  who  yields  where  the 
opposition  appears  too  great,  and  is  moderate  in 
triumph,  the  object  more  of  rational  than  of  passionate 
admiration — the  best  type  of  the  Holland  regent  of 
those  days,  simple  and  worthy,  incorruptible  and  stead- 
fast, cool  of  head  and  heart,  vigorously  doing  his  duty 
to  the  end,  scevis  tranquillus  in  undis  as  few  of  the 
Dutch  statesmen  before  and  after  him. 


CHAPTER  X 


LAND   AND    PEOPLE   ABOUT    l66o 

s 

CONSIDERABLE  in  number  are  the  accounts  of 
the  Dutch  republic  and  its  inhabitants  of  this 
time.  English  and  French  travellers  visit  it  and  describe 
land  and  people  as  they  appeared  to  the  foreigner. 
Native  authors  take  up  the  pen  to  unfold  the  Interest 
van  Holland  in  the  mother  tongue  for  their  countrymen 
principally  or  the  ddlices  de  la  Hollande  in  the  interna- 
tional French.  The  tone  of  all  these  accounts  is  that 
of  high  praise  for  the  many  excellent  and  admirable 
things  furnished  by  the  small  territory.  Twenty,  forty 
years  earlier  the  foreigner  stood  amazed  at  all  manner  of 
sights  here  in  the  midst  of  a  continuous  war  and  in  a 
state,  whose  arrangement  in  consequence  of  this  war 
showed  much  that  was  uncertain  and  temporary.  Now 
everything  was  more  established,  had  become  more  last- 
ing, and  peace  seemed  to  invite  to  an  investigation  of 
the  bases,  upon  which  reposed  the  expectation  of  still 
greater  development  in  the  future. 

Eyes  were  chiefly  directed  to  Holland,  the  richest 
and  most  populous  of  the  provinces,  the  most  powerful 
and  influential,  whose  supremacy  had  replaced  that  of 
the  princes  of  Orange  for  a  time  at  least,  so  long  as  the 
young  heir  of  their  traditions  had  not  yet  arrived  at  the 
years  of  discretion.  Years  must  still  elapse  before 
young  Prince  William  could  act  for  himself;  well 
educated,  residing  alternately  in  the  Binnenhof  at  The 

244 


Land  and  People  about  1660         245 

Hague  and  in  his  castle  at  Breda,  William  III.  of  Orange 
grew  up,  with  a  clear  mind  and  promising  talents,  but 
delicate  in  health  and  needing  the  cares  that  surrounded 
his  youthful  existence.  We  have  a  description  of  his 
appearance  at  this  time:  "very  handsome,  with  a  long 
but  well-formed  face,  a  gentle  eye,  an  aquiline  nose,  and 
an  alert  mind,  he  speaks  well  and  boldly."  ' 

The  regents  now  ruling  powerful  Holland  knew  well 
that  they  could  not  always  prevent  his  rise,  and  although 
theoretically  they  might  regard  him  as  merely  an 
eminent  personage,  as  perhaps  the  most  eminent  subject 
of  their  commonwealth,  although  they  hoped  by  adroit 
measures  to  hinder  the  union  in  his  hands  of  all  the 
dignities  of  his  forefathers,  yet  it  could  not  escape  them 
also  that  the  people  considered  his  elevation  to  those 
dignities  as  a  matter  of  course.  For  the  time  being, 
however,  the  government  of  the  patriciate,  of  the 
municipal  aristocracy,  seemed  to  be  supreme  in  Holland 
at  least,  and  the  government  in  the  other  provinces  was 
more  and  more  modelled  after  it. 

Holland  attracted  the  most  attention  in  the  republic. 
Only  rarely  were  the  steps  of  the  foreign  traveller  directed 
towards  the  other  provinces,  usually  towards  the  neigh- 
bouring Zealand  which  showed  so  much  resemblance  to 
Holland  and  was  so  closely  attached  to  that  province. 
Only  rarely  did  he  penetrate  to  Utrecht  and  Gelderland, 
and  then  he  confined  himself  to  the  chief  places  of  those 
provinces;  the  north,  even  important  Friesland,  was  but 
little  visited ;  the  regions  of  the  south,  the  conquered 
territories,  the  generality  lands,  remained  quite  unknown 
to  the  foreigner.  And  the  writers  of  the  fatherland  paid 
but  slight  attention  to  most  of  the  "seven  provinces"; 
they,  too,  limited  themselves  in  their  accounts  principally 
to  Holland  and  its  cities;  even  the  smallest  of  these  cities 
found  their  admiring  historians,  while  the  larger  places 

1  Voyages  de  Mons.  de  Moneonys,  ii.,  p.  127. 


246         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

in  the  remaining  provinces  often  had  to  wait  long  before 
being  described. 

There  was  a  certain  similarity  to  be  recognised  in  the 
outward  appearance  of  the  cities  even  of  the  more  remote 
sections  of  the  republic.  Whoever  crossed  its  frontiers 
from  the  southern  Netherlands  or  the  German  side  was 
immediately  struck  by  the  neatness  and  prosperity 
prevailing  everywhere.  But  so  considerable  a  city  as 
Utrecht  with  its  numerous  wooden  houses  failed  to 
impress  by  its  exterior  the  traveller,  who  visited  it  after 
Holland,  either  by  the  size  and  beauty  of  the  buildings 
or  by  its  clean  streets,  although  stained  glass  was  here  to 
be  seen  in  simple  dwellings,  although  one  encountered 
here,  as  in  Holland  even  in  the  homes  of  the  peasants, 
the  paintings  of  the  great  and  little  Dutch  masters  of 
the  time  as  the  ordinary  decoration  of  rooms.  Country 
towns  like  Deventer  might  number  some  large  and  tall 
edifices,  they  could  be  compared  with  a  city  of  Holland 
neither  in  extent  nor  in  splendour;  only  as  fortresses 
did  these  "frontier  cities"  surpass  in  situation  and  plan 
since  the  days  of  Maurice  those  of  Holland. 

Going  from  Rotterdam,  which  was  already  called  "the 
second  Venice"  and  attracted  notice  by  its  brisk  com- 
merce with  England,  particularly  by  its  cloth  trade,1  to 
the  elegant  but  quiet  Delft,  a  region  was  traversed  where 
"the  whole  district  seems  rather  one  single  villa  than 
the  country, "  a  with  tree-shaded  canals,  in  which  swans 
and  ducks  swam  freely  around  the  numerous  canal  boats 
and  other  vessels.  From  the  never  sufficiently  praised 
city  of  The  Hague,  the  exquisite  "village  of  villages," 
with  its  magnificent  Voorhout,  Huygens'  "  Batava 
Tempe,"  its  Vijverberg,  and  its  splendid  forest,  the 
'Wood,"  where  birds  warbled  and  princes  and  lords, 
statesmen  and  merchants  "sauntered  gravely"  under  the 

1  The  Dutch  drawn  to  the  life  (London,  1664),  p.  108. 
s  Monconys,  ii.,  p.  132. 


Land  and  People  about  1660        247 

shady  trees,  with  its  stately  palaces  and  bustling  crowd, 
one  travelled  to  Leyden,  learned  and  industrious,  but 
unhealthy  and  repeatedly  ravaged  by  pestilence,  with  its 
umbrageous  Rapenburg,  through  a  glorious  country  rich 
in  trees  and  meadows,  which  found  its  match  in  the 
lovely  downs  above  Haarlem,  in  the  prosperous  region 
between  Hoorn  and  Enkhuizen,  but  was  only  excelled  by 
the  beautiful  banks  of  the  Vecht  with  their  superb  lanes 
and  villas,  then  already  sung  by  the  poets  as  the  ideal  of 
nature  and  rustic  life,  being  continued  in  the  much 
lauded  fields  between  Utrecht  and  Amersfoort,  le  plus 
beau  chemin  du  monde  at  this  time.  What  a  difference 
from  the  heaths  of  Gelderland  and  Overyssel,  from  the 
bad  roads  in  Brabant,  which  could  not  be  passed  over 
even  in  the  middle  of  summer  without  plunging  the 
waggon  up  to  its  axletrees  in  the  water!  Astonishment 
was  excited  by  the  active  traffic  in  Holland,  where 
regular  boats  on  the  canals,  famed  for  their  clear  water 
and  environed  by  trees,  united  the  cities  in  addition  to 
the  waggon  service  as  of  old  ;  only  some  parts  of  Zealand 
and  Friesland  and  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  city  of 
Groningen  could  equal  it. 

These  three  provinces  were  the  ones  which  might 
to  some  extent  be  compared  with  Holland  in  their 
abundance  of  meadows,  drainage,  diking,  and  laying  out 
of  canals.  Zealand,  however,  had  already  seen  its  best 
days,  and  was  beginning  to  suffer  from  the  difficult  com- 
munication between  the  scattered  islands  and  from  the 
continued  emigration  of  the  population  to  the  more 
promising  Holland ;  the  improvement  of  the  fens  and  the 
consequent  building  of  canals  in  Groningen,  though 
undertaken  partly  with  capital  from  Holland,  increased 
at  this  time,  under  the  lead  of  such  energetic  personages 
as  Adriaan  Wildervanck,  the  prosperity  of  the  province  in 
a  great  measure;  the  construction  of  dikes  on  the  islands 
of  Zealand  brought  great  profit  to  many  people  in  Hoi- 


248         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

land  and  Zealand,  those  in  the  northern  quarter  of 
Holland  were  for  the  most  part  completed  before  the 
middle  of  the  century.1  The  improvement  of  the  Eem 
for  the  benefit  chiefly  of  Amersfoort,  the  placing  of  the 
Slaper  dike  in  the  Gelderland  valley  after  1652  for  the 
prevention  of  inundations,  the  plan  for  the  canalisation 
of  the  Grift  at  Apeldoorn,  indicate  great  activity  in  this 
direction  in  other  provinces  also ;  the  clearing  of  the 
fens  northeast  of  Meppel,  begun  in  1625  by  Roelof  van 
Echten,  shows  by  the  name  of  the  "Holland  Field" 
that  Holland  capital  was  here  invested  again  in  the  "high 
fen";  the  continuous  diking  of  the  Lauwers  and  the 
Dollart,  partly  with  capital  from  Holland,  was  ever 
redeeming  more  land  in  the  far  north. 

But  the  strength  of  the  country  lay  in  the  cities  of 
Holland,  chief  among  which  was  Amsterdam,  enlarged 
again  in  1658  and  now  grown  to  a  city  of  nearly  150,000 
inhabitants.  Its  magnificent  canals,  in  crescent  form 
spanning  the  city  in  a  constantly  widening  circle,  its 
"islands"  on  the  side  of  the  Y,  were  set  with  rapidly 
increasing  rows  of  warehouses  and  dwellings,  among 
which  the  splendid  mansions  of  the  rich  merchants  on  the 
Keizersgracht  excelled  above  all.  An  author  proudly 
exclaims:  "whoever  has  not  seen  Amsterdam,  has  seen 
no  ships  and  does  not  know  what  maritime  affairs  are."" 
Its  magazines  and  harbours,  its  churches  and  orphan  asy- 
lums, its  celebrated  house  of  correction,  its  arsenal,  its 
city  hall  especially,  the  "eighth  wonder  of  the  world," 
first  used  in  1655,  all  things  were  worthy  of  the  proud 
city  which  found  its  equal  nowhere  in  the  world. 
Leyden  was  praised  as  the  most  beautiful  city  of 
Europe,  as  among  cities  "what  spring  is  in  the 
seasons,"  flourishing  from  its  trade  in  cloth  and  well 
known  on  account  of  its  renowned  scholars  and  its  more 

1  See  Blink,  Nederland  en  zijne  bewoners,  ii.,  p.  144. 
s(Parival),  Les  ddlices  de  la  Uollande,  p.  92. 


Land  and  People  about  1660         249 

than  2000  students.  Haarlem,  since  1667  connected 
with  Leyden  by  a  canal,  was  the  seat  of  the  beer  and 
linen  industry.  Little  and  quiet  Delft  was  a  prosperous 
town  of  brewers  and  men  living  upon  their  income. 
Ancient  Dordrecht  was  the  centre  of  the  brisk  commerce 
on  the  rivers,  particularly  in  French  and  Rhenish  wines. 
Rotterdam  through  its  English  commerce  had  already 
come  up  as  one  of  the  greatest  cities  of  the  land. 
Pleasant  and  healthful  Gouda,  almost  entirely  spared  by 
the  pestilence  in  this  century  so  often  appearing  in  the 
Dutch  cities,  was  amid  a  watery  region  a  country  town 
frequented  by  men  of  leisure  and  abounding  in  pipe 
factories.  There  were  further  some  thirty  smaller  and 
in  part  walled  towns  and  four  hundred  villages,  many  of 
which  would  have  been  called  cities  in  other  countries. 
And  all  this  was  in  a  territory  scarcely  sixty  miles  in 
circumference,  whose  population  may  be  estimated  at  not 
much  less  than  one  million,  half  of  the  whole  population 
of  the  republic.1 

This  population,  by  its  constant  meeting  with  other 
nations  over  the  entire  world,  by  the  settlement  of  many 
foreigners  in  its  midst,  by  the  influence  of  French 
civilisation  upon  the  upper  circles,  was  already  on  the 
road  to  lose  some  of  its  peculiarities,  at  least  so  far  as  the 
dwellers  in  the  cities  were  concerned,  but  it  still  pre- 
served singularities  enough  to  fascinate  the  foreign 
traveller.  Its  healthy  mind,  its  vigorous  energy,  its 
constancy,  its  inexhaustible  patience,  its  steady  persever- 
ance, its  ardour  and  power  in  work,  its  care  for  the  poor 
and  unfortunate,  its  moderation  in  eating  generally,  the 
respectability  of  its  magistrates,  its  simplicity  of  dress, 

1  Het  Interest  van  Holland  reckons  the  population  at  nearly  2^  millions, 
but  with  a  conjecture  which  the  author  himself  calls  "rough  and  uncertain,1' 
while  the  calculation  of  the  poll-tax  in  1622  makes  out  a  population  of  over 
600,000,  which  is  assuredly  too  small  for  this  time  (see  Interest  van  Holland, 
p.  18  et  sea.). 


250  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

its  interest  in  public  affairs,  its  freedom  of  thought, 
speech,  and  writing,  its  good  laws,  its  wholesome  and 
robust  appearance,  its  intelligent  deliberation,  its 
frugality,  orderliness,  and  honesty,  that  made  it  save 
and  not  squander  what  it  saved  upon  luxury  but  lay  it 
up  or  devote  it  to  the  adornment  of  house  and  garden, 
its  astuteness  and  cleverness  in  intercourse,  the  neatness 
of  its  dwellings,  the  purity  of  its  morals,  the  ennobling 
influence  of  the  women  on  society,  are  highly  praised 
even  by  the  most  prejudiced  critic.1 

Its  mistrustful  nature,  its  inclination  to  scorn  the 
foreigner  and  to  take  advantage  of  his  inexperience,  its 
lesser  reliability  in  affairs,  its  obstinacy,  which  caused  it 
to  be  said  in  an  angry  mood  that  one  could  sooner  con- 
vert a  Jew  to  Christianity  than  convince  a  Hollander  of 
his  error,  its  slowness  in  decision,  its  coolness  and 
reserve,  its  aversion  to  forms  and  compliments,  its  liking 
for  drink  very  strong  among  the  lower  classes  and  not 
rare  in  the  governing  circles,  its  obtrusive  selfishness, 
were,  however,  equally  observed ;  so  also  was  the  rapid 
deterioration  of  its  former  military  virtues  in  years  of 
peace.  It  allowed  its  wars  to  be  waged  by  hired  troops, 
as  had  been  the  case  since  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  so  that  it  became  unaccustomed  to  the  use  of 
arms,  and  its  militia  only  continued  in  existence  for  the 
sake  of  the  shooting  festivals  and  the  manly  uniform 
which  raised  the  wearers  in  the  people's  eyes. 

It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  exceptions  to  the  rule  here 
occur,  and  whoever  considers  the  life  of  this  time  at  The 
Hague'  will  be  struck  by  the  notable  deviations  from  the 
picture  here  presented  of  Holland's  people  and  their 
characteristics.  These  differences:  immorality  in  the 
higher  circles,  idleness  of  the  elegant  ladies  and  gentle- 

1  The  Dutch  drawn  to  the  life,  p.  50;  Temple's  Observations,  Ch.  iv. 
*  See  especially:  Betz,  Het  haagsche  leven  in  de  tweede  helft  der  iyd'  eeuw 
('s  Gravenh.,  1900). 


• 


Land  and  People  about  1660    251 

men,  excessive  luxury,  prevalence  of  gambling,  univer- 
sality of  the  duel  for  insignificant  reasons,  all  proceed 
from  the  development  of  the  court  life  at  The  Hague  in 
Frederick  Henry's  later  days  and  in  the  time  of 
William  II.,  when  a  crowd  of  young  noblemen  from 
France  particularly,  attracted  by  the  military  renown  of 
the  Oranges  and  by  the  brilliancy  of  the  stadtholder's 
court,  settled  in  The  Hague  and  introduced  the  refined 
but  corrupt  French  habits  to  the  aristocratic  society  there, 
which  regarded  Paris  as  the  university  of  civilised  life.1 
And  though  sometimes  the  traces  of  a  like  spirit  may  be 
elsewhere  perceived,  generally  they  are  derived  from  that 
source,  and  facts  show  them  to  be  exceptions.  Memoirs 
like  those  of  Constantijn  Huygens,  the  son,  those  of 
the  lively  Madame  de  Zoutelande,  of  the  wearisome 
rhymester  Coenraet  Droste,  such  correspondence  as  that 
of  Christiaan  Huygens,  present  to  us  the  existence  of 
this  time  at  The  Hague  in  all  its  colours,  but  on  the 
other  hand  stands  the  evidence  concerning  the  life  and 
domesticity  of  old  Holland,  as  it  was  still  to  be  seen 
among  the  great  majority  of  the  population,  in  the 
journals  of  Doubleth,  the  letters  of  John  de  Witt, 
the  biographies  of  the  great  Dutch  naval  heroes,  literary 
personages,  and  statesmen,  in  Cats's  pictures  of  family 
life,  in  the  dramas  and  farces  of  the  time,  in  the  travels 
and  observations  of  foreigners.3 

When  Temple,  the  English  ambassador,  who  spent 
two  years  here,  speaks  of  the  simplicity  of  the  first  sea- 
man and  the  first  statesman  of  the  period,  when  he 
testifies  to  the  plain  life  of  both — De  Ruyter  not  being 
distinguished  outwardly  from  an  ordinary  sea  captain  or 
merchant,  De  Witt  simply  dressed,  living  like  a  common 
citizen,  followed  upon  the  street  by  a  single  servant,  the 

1  Voyage  de  deux  jeunes  hollandais  a  Paris,  ed.  Faugere,  2e  ed.,  p.  5. 

2  See  in  general  :  Schotel,  Het  oud-hollandsch  huisgezin  der  zeventiende 
eeaw  (Haarlem,  1868). 


252  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

one  who  waited  on  him  and  his  family  at  their  plain 
table, — he  intimates  that  so  all  the  magistrates  live.  But 
he  remarks  also  that  the  officers  in  the  Dutch  service  live 
otherwise,  although  in  his  opinion  they  differ  favourably 
from  those  in  other  countries. 

The  same  sharp-eyed  English  statesman  divided  the 
people  here  into  five  classes:  peasants,  mariners,  mer- 
chants, men  living  upon  their  income,  and  noblemen  and 
officers.  He  describes  the  first  as  diligent  and  dull, 
plain  and  honest,  at  least  so  long  as  they  dwell  far  from 
great  towns,  simple  and  temperate,  even  poor  in  their 
way  of  living,  so  that  they  are  content  with  but  little 
nourishing  food  and  may  therefore  be  regarded  as  tall 
but  not  proportionately  strong.  Rougher  and  sterner 
are  the  mariners,  sparing  of  words  as  well  as  in  their  life, 
hardened  and  tough,  more  valiant  in  defence  than  in 
attack.  A  little  more  easy  of  intercourse  are  the  mer- 
chants and  tradesmen  in  the  cities,  constant  and  ener- 
getic, dexterous  and  unreliable  where  their  advantage 
is  at  stake,  standing  upon  their  rights  and  possessed  of 
mercantile  honesty.  The  magistrates  come  from  the 
class  of  men  living  upon  their  property  in  the  cities. 
They  are  former  merchants  grown  rich  or  the  sons  of 
former  merchants,  marrying  into  mercantile  families, 
living  on  the  income  of  their  estates  in  the  country,  on 
life  and  redeemable  annuities  to  the  charge  of  municipal, 
provincial,  or  general  government,  on  the  interest  of 
their  shares  in  the  great  companies,  sometimes  also  on 
the  revenue  from  their  capital  invested  in  large  com- 
mercial affairs.  Great  capital  is  not  so  often  found  among 
them  as  among  the  actual  wholesale  merchants;  their 
wealth,  as  a  rule,  is  only  moderate,  because  interest  is  at 
a  low  rate  and  the  income  from  landed  property  seldom 
exceeds  two  per  cent.,  while  the  salary  of  the  offices  is 
small.  The  young  sons  of  the  magistrates  study  law 
usually  at  Leyden  and  Utrecht  to  prepare  for  government 


. 


Land  and  People  about  1660         253 

positions  and  complete  their  education  by  a  journey  to 
France  and  England  or  to  Italy.  The  class  of  the 
nobility  is  hardly  elevated  in  consideration  above  that  of 
the  magistrates.  In  Holland  it  is  small  in  number,  partly 
in  consequence  of  the  long  Spanish  war  which  extin- 
guished many  families.  Only  a  few  noble  families  remain 
there,  which  proudly  hold  themselves  aloof  from  the 
families  of  the  magistrates,  even  from  those  which  by 
purchase  have  come  into  possession  of  noble  estates  and 
titles.  The  nobles  imitate  principally  the  French 
nobility,  just  as  the  officers  and  the  wealthy  merchants' 
sons  do,  and  like  them  they  would  gladly  shine  in  a 
stadtholder's  court. 

Such  was  the  society  of  Holland.  That  of  the  other 
provinces  showed  about  the  same  type :  somewhat 
rougher,  somewhat  more  uncivilised  in  outward  appear- 
ance as  well  as  in  inward  characteristics,  somewhat  less 
spoiled  also  by  the  less  turbulent  life  and  the  less 
luxury.  The  numerous  nobility  of  Gelderland,  Utrecht, 
and  Overyssel  asserted  itself  vigorously  in  those  three 
provinces  like  the  influential  nobility  of  Friesland  and 
Groningen,  less  polished  than  that  of  the  eastern  prov- 
inces owing  to  the  greater  remoteness  of  the  northern 
provinces,  from  which  its  members  only  went  to  Hol- 
land to  sit  temporarily  in  high  government  boards  and 
were  then  wont  to  adopt  the  customs  of  Holland. 

The  foreigner  saw  all  this  with  interest,  but  Temple 
says  at  the  end  of  his  observations  on  the  people  of 
Holland  that  a  man  would  choose  rather  to  travel  than 
to  live  in  this  country,  where  the  earth  is  better  than  the 
air,  profit  is  more  in  request  than  honour,  where  there 
is  more  sense  than  wit,  more  good  nature  than  good 
humour,  more  wealth  than  pleasure,  where  a  man  finds 
more  things  to  observe  than  to  desire,  and  more  persons 
to  esteem  than  to  love. 

One  of  the  most  striking  peculiarities  of  the  Hollander, 


254  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

of  the  Netherlander  in  general,  was  his  attachment  to 
house  and  garden  and  resulting  therefrom,  with  mutual 
freedom,  the  strong  bond  of  family  not  alone  in  the 
household  but  in  the  larger  circle  as  well.  Some  writers 
are  astonished  at  the  liberty  which  the  children  enjoy  in 
the  street  and  in  the  house,  a  school  for  the  strong 
independence  of  opinion  and  action  appearing  in  youth 
even  towards  father  and  mother.  Others  are  moved  by 
the  free  tone,  the  independent  attitude  of  the  servants, 
who  do  not  allow  themselves  to  be  ruled  by  the  whims 
and  caprice  of  masters  and  mistresses.  Still  others 
testify1  to  the  uncommonly  great  influence  of  the  married 
woman,  mistress  in  the  household,  where  she  sways  the 
sceptre  and  binds  even  her  husband  to  the  strict  rules  of 
neatness  and  good  order,  while  she  not  seldom  meddles 
in  affairs  of  state,  particularly  when  the  appointment  of 
members  of  the  family  to  office  is  in  question.2  But  in 
his  house  the  Dutchman  suffered  no  interference  from 
the  authorities,  no  annoyance  of  any  sort.  It  may  be 
said  of  him  too  that  his  house  was  his  "castle."  Upon 
it  he  spent  gladly  his  hardly  earned  and  carefully 
hoarded  money  to  beautify  it  and  to  arrange  it  according 
to  his  taste. 

The  old  Dutch  house,3  which  as  early  as  the  beginning 
of  the  sixteenth  century  was  distinguished  by  its  gable 
in  the  shape  of  steps,  still  remained  generally  faithful  to 
this  form  of  building  at  this  time,  although  it  was  grow- 
ing higher  and  narrower  and  was  more  lavishly  decorated 
with  images  and  figures,  with  adornments  to  frame  and 
crown  it.  These  ornaments  usually  bore  some  relation 
to  the  trade  or  business  of  the  owner  and  often,  in  the 
absence   of   a  signboard,  gave  a  name   to   the   dwelling 

which  sometimes  derived  its  appellation  from  the  family 

1  Temple,  Observations;  Parival,  p.  25. 

s  See  Bontemantel,  ed.  Kernkamp,  ii.,  passim. 

3  See  Schotel. 


Land  and  People  about  1660         255 

of  the  master  of  the  house  or  from  his  satisfied  or  severe, 
joyful  or  sombre  state  of  mind  at  the  time  of  the  build- 
ing. With  the  increase  of  wealth  and  of  the  number  of 
independent  gentlemen  the  former  penthouses  on  the 
lowest  story  necessary  for  business  disappeared,  and 
there  were  more  windows;  the  simplicity  of  the  decora- 
tion of  gable  and  cornice,  of  inner  chamber  and  rear  of 
the  house,  was  less  striking,  while  the  yard  from  a  bleach- 
ing ground  became  more  and  more  of  a  garden,  adorned 
with  flowers  and  shrubs,  with  statues  and  parterres, 
little  fountains  and  hedges  cut  in  figures,  again  after  the 
French  style,  with  white  sand  and  gravel  artfully 
arranged  in  the  form  of  mosaics.  Formerly  these  gardens 
were  more  frequently  found  outside  the  walls  of  the 
town  in  the  vicinity,  with  a  summer-house  for  the  centre 
and  stiff  beds  of  flowers  and  vegetables.  These  outside 
gardens  continued  in  use  for  nearly  two  centuries  longer, 
but  together  with  the  gardens  near  the  houses  they  were, 
after  the  tulipomania  of  about  1636,  richly  provided 
with  all  sorts  of  flowering  and  bulbous  plants.  The  com- 
mon citizen  also  diversified  his  bleaching  ground  with  a 
little  flower  garden,  preferably  by  the  side  of  the  canal 
where  he  dwelt.  Within  and  without  great  care  was 
taken  to  secure  neatness  and  cleanliness.  Fresh  paint, 
beautifully  scoured  copper  or  painted  iron  knockers  and 
knobs  on  the  door  delighted  the  eye.  Stoop  and  gable, 
passages  and  rooms  were  regularly,  even  daily,  scrubbed 
and  washed,  Temple  ascribing  this  to  the  desirability  of 
avoiding  the  effects  of  the  extreme  moisture  of  the  air  and 
giving  the  same  reason  for  the  striving  after  cleanliness 
and  neatness  in  the  house,  evidenced  by  the  constant 
cleaning  and  polishing  of  furniture  and  metal-work,  the 
favourite  occupation  of  the  Dutch  wives  and  daughters 
who  could  hardly  be  imagined  without  duster  or  washing 
utensils. 

This  cleanliness,  however,  extended  less  to  the  body 


256  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

and  not  always  to  the  clothing.  In  the  highest  circles 
there  was  a  certain  aversion  to  washing,  even  of  the 
hands  and  face,  which  remained  for  days  without  contact 
with  water,  as  did  the  unexposed  parts  of  the  body  often 
for  weeks  and  months.  Uncleanness  of  the  hair  was  very 
common,  and  the  women  in  this  respect  were  quite  the 
equals  of  the  men,  surpassed  them  frequently  in  neglect 
of  personal  cleanliness,  in  carelessness  and  filthiness  of 
apparel.  "Dirty  as  an  eel"  is  the  verdict  on  Holland's 
men  and  women  of  this  time,  and  the  "shining  counters" 
are  compared  unfavourably  with  the  "foul  faces." 

Of  the  ordinary  city  house  the  front  room  was  the 
most  important  apartment,  where  the  family  lived 
mainly,  unless  it  was  used  as  a  workshop,  as  was  the  case 
with  tradesmen.  Then  the  small  and  plainly  furnished 
little  office  just  back  of  it  became  the  living  room,  for 
which  it  was  occasionally  destined  in  more  pretentious 
houses.  The  white  sand  covering  the  wooden  floor  of  the 
rooms,  whenever  a  small  carpet  did  not  render  this  un- 
necessary, heightened  the  impression  of  cleanliness  as 
well  as  the  shining  tiles  setting  off  on  the  walls  the 
brightly  polished  wooden  wainscots.  Mirrors  and  glasses, 
rows  of  tin  and  copper  vessels  and  plates  shone  from  all 
sides  upon  the  visitor,  carefully  arranged  and  scoured, 
resplendent  as  gold  and  silver.  The  sand  was  strewn  in 
beautiful  figures  on  the  floor  and  under  the  chimney 
during  the  summer,  if  floors  of  Italian  mosaic  could  not 
be  afforded.  Paintings  by  more  or  less  known  masters 
hung  upon  the  walls,  a  decoration  that  was  nowhere 
lacking,  not  even  in  the  house  of  the  poor  townsman  or 
of  the  common  peasant  in  the  country.  They  often 
served  as  an  investment  for  money  on  account  of  their 
relatively  high  value.  Such  pictures  were  found  especially 
in  the  rooms  of  state,  which  were  mostly  situated  in  the 
second  story  and  were  distinguished  by  the  paper  or  gilt 
leather  hangings  or  by  the  colour  of  the  painted  wainscot. 


Land  and  People  about  1660         257 

With  plain  citizens  these  rooms  had  mats  on  the  floor,  in 
wealthier  homes  they  were  provided  with  inlaid  floors  or 
with  rich  tapestries   on  floors  and  walls.     Finely  sculp- 
tured cabinets  and  chests,  curiosities  from  east  and  west, 
Frisian  clocks,  elegantly  carved  chairs  and  tables,  artistic- 
ally   stained   window-panes    with    armorial    bearings    or 
figures  from  biblical  or  profane  antiquity,  exquisite  glass 
and   mirrors,  costly  porcelain    and  stone   jars  attracted 
attention    here.     But    the    mistress    of   the    house  was 
reluctant  to  let  the  careless  stranger  enter.     Only  after 
removing  his  boots  or  shoes  was  he  admitted  to  those 
sanctuaries,  however    desirous  the    owner  might    be   to 
have  her  treasures  admired.     In  the  sleeping-room  carved 
bedsteads  with   heavy    curtains   of   green    damask,    fine 
serge,  or  cloth  were  only  seen  in  the  houses  of  aristocratic 
and    very  wealthy  people.     The    ordinary  citizen,  even 
though  quite  rich,  slept  in  the  ancestral  bed  built  into  the 
more  or  less  sculptured   wall,  up  to  which  one  had  to 
climb  with  a  ladder  or  a  stool.     In  all  houses  there  were 
beds  of  down  and  an  abundance  of  clean  linen  which  com- 
forted the  foreigner  as  he  thought  of  those  dark  "sleeping 
closets,"  carefully  hidden  from  sight  during  the  day  by 
painted  or  carved  doors.     Smooth  English  mats  on  the 
floor  augmented  here  the  impression  of  neatness.     Huge 
chests  for  linen  with  fine  copper  or  iron  trimmings,  well- 
stocked  wardrobes  and   cabinets  furnished  the  sleeping 
apartments.     The   kitchen    with   its  shining   vessels,  its 
beautifully  washed  tiled  floor  and  tiled  or  plastered  walls, 
its  caned    chairs,  its    full  "treasury"    or  cupboard    for 
dishes  and  plates,  its  amply  provided  tin  closet  where  the 
daily  tinware  found  a  place    if  not  received  in   the  tin 
closet  of  the  front  room,  its  well-kept  hearth  or  fire-pot, 
testified  to  the  love  of  neatness,  which  was  regarded  as  a 
cardinal  virtue  in  the  servants  no  less  than  in  the  mistress 
of  the  house. 

Thus    the   worthy    Hollander   lived   in   his  home,    to 

VOL.   IV. — 17. 


258  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

which  he  was  attached,  although  he  might  like  to  while 
away  an  hour  at  the  nearest  inn  or  tavern  in  discussing 
with  his  neighbours  the  happenings  of  city  and  country, 
the  vicissitudes  of  the  war  in  remote  parts,  the  interests  of 
commerce  and  industry,  while  enjoying  a  glass  of  beer  or 
wine. 

The  ordinary  drink  of  the  people  was  still  beer,  "small" 
or  "thin"  beer;  the  heavier  Hamburg,  English,  Heusden 
beers,  the  local  brews  of  heavier  kinds  of  beer,  were  also 
not  disliked.  The  Delft  beer  was  in  general  use  from 
the  fifteenth  century  in  the  other  provinces  too,  whither 
much  of  it  was  still  exported  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
as  well  as  of  the  Haarlem,  Deventer,  Harlingen,  and 
Breda  beers,  the  fame  of  the  last  being  on  the  wane.  In 
the  first  half  of  the  century  tea  appeared  chiefly  in  the 
apothecary's  shop  as  a  medicine,  as  a  "universal" 
panacea  "for  all  sicknesses  and  diseases,"  but  about  1660 
it  came  into  fashion  as  a  drink  after  the  example  of 
Paris,  and  soon  the  Chinese  soothing  syrup  and  chocolate 
became  for  women  what  coffee  was  later  and  what 
tobacco  was  from  the  beginning  of  the  century  for  the  men. 
"  Tobacco  sucking  "  from  the  long  Gouda  pipe  might  be 
called  a  masculine  habit  about  the  middle  of  the  century, 
and  "tobacco  houses "  were  in  high  favour,  for  men 
smoked  but  little  at  home,  at  most  on  the  stoop  before 
the  house.  The  Franco-Spanish  custom  of  taking  snuff 
rapidly  penetrated  into  Dutch  parlours,  and  the  snuff-box 
became  a  common  article  for  men  and  women  both. 
The  Paris  fashion  had  great  influence  also  here. 

At  banquets  there  was  anything  but  moderation  so  far 
as  concerns  eating.  The  temperance  of  the  Hollanders 
in  the  eating  and  drinking  of  daily  life,  often  ridiculed  as 
niggardliness  by  foreigners  and  particularly  by  English- 
men, was  as  proverbial  as  their  intemperance  at  feasts 
and  dinners.  Bread  and  butter  with  milk  or  beer  was  the 
ordinary  breakfast    even   of  the  citizen  in   easy  circum- 


Land  and  People  about  1660         259 

stances.  Butter  and  cheese  at  the  same  time  was  a 
superfluity.  The  peasant  drank  buttermilk;  sweet  milk 
was  for  the  inhabitant  of  the  city  and  was  peddled  early 
in  the  morning  through  "Holland  rich  in  cream  and 
milk,"  as  "fine,  pure  morning's  milk."  Of  the  midday 
meal  eaten  at  twelve  o'clock  the  principal  dish  was  soup 
with  peas  and  beans  as  the  chief  ingredients  or  cabbage 
and  bacon,  and  meat  was  comparatively  little  employed, 
mostly  in  hotchpot.  The  upper  classes  made  more  of  a 
ceremony  and  in  "dainty  abundance"  prepared  the  mid- 
day meal  after  the  French  style,  having  usually  fish  for 
the  second  course,  salad  for  the  third,  and  tarts  and  fruits 
of  all  kinds.  Beer  was  commonly  drttnk  at  meals  by  the 
citizen ;  the  higher  classes  added  to  the  heavier  sorts  of 
beer  a  rich  choice  of  French  and  Rhenish  wines.  Brandy 
was  usual  even  among  well-to-do  people  only  at  feasts 
and  sociable  gatherings.  Gin  did  not  make  its  fatal 
appearance  until  later  in  the  train  of  the  potato,  which 
was  little  known  as  a  food  here  at  this  time,  although 
Raleigh  as  early  as  1584  had  brought  it  from  Virginia  to 
England  and  it  had  appeared  some  years  afterwards  in 
the  Leyden  botanical  garden.  Forks  were  in  fashion 
only  among  the  upper  classes ;  the  citizen,  even  though 
well  off,  ate  with  his  fingers.  Supper  was  eaten  towards 
bedtime;  it  consisted  mostly  of  bread  and  butter  again; 
among  the  more  wealthy  people  it  was  enlarged  into  a 
new  repast.  About  ten  o'clock  the  old-fashioned  citizen 
then  went  to  bed,  it  being  the  hour  also  for  closing  gates 
and  taverns.  Few  people  remained  up  longer,  and  many 
retired  earlier.1 

In  general  the  life  of  the  Hollander  in  the  middle  of 
the  seventeenth  century  manifests  a  tendency  to  greater 
luxury,  even  to  extravagance,  which  gave  rise  to  a  rivalry 
in  fine  carriages,  costly  apparel,  furniture,  jewelry,  and 

1  See  Kalff  in  the  work  :  Amsterdam  in  de  ifde  eeuw,  section  "  Domestic 
and  social  life,"  p.  7  et  seq. 


260         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

other  things.     Extravagance  induced  the  daughter  of  a 
merchant  of  this  time  foolishly  to  use  her  expensive  lace 
neckerchief   in  order  to    make  the  fire   blaze  up    more 
merrily.      Luxury   appeared  also   in    the  more  elegant 
clothing  after  the  French  fashion  as  well  as  in  the  fineness 
of  the  superabundant  linen,  hoarded  in  huge  chests  and 
closets  and  forming  the  pride  of  the  thrifty  mistress  of 
the  house.     The  costly  bodices  of  silk  and  velvet  decked 
with  gold,  pearls,  and  precious  stones,  the  short  silken 
jacket,  the  large  red  or  blue  hooped  skirt  bordered  with 
silver  and  gold  thread,  the  "hooped  barrel"  ridiculed  by 
Huygens  in  his  Kostelick  Mai — that  biting  satire  on  the 
fashionable  costume  of  his  time — underneath  the  expen- 
sive satin,  damask,  silk  petticoat,  or  stays  of  all  colours 
edged  with  lace,  became  ever  finer  and  more  magnificent ; 
the  modest  black  cloak  or  mantle  with  a  hood  concealed 
all  this  upon  the  street,  unless  it  were  coquettishly  held 
open,  and  sometimes  the  light  rain-coat  imported  from 
France.     From  the  middle  of  the  century  a  quantity  of 
ribbons  and  bows  adorned  the  dress  of  the  women  in  the 
French   fashion.     Stiff  corsets,  diamond   hairpins,   gold 
and    coral   necklaces,  earrings  and   bracelets,  perfumes, 
fans,  hair    dyes,    cosmetics,    and    patches    made    their 
appearance  to  the  vexation  of  the  old-fashioned  mothers 
and  of  the  preachers  and  censors  in  prose  and  poetry, 
who  often  raised  their  voices  against  all  this  extravagance 
which  caused  the  loss  of  Holland's  "ancient  fame    for 
plain  respectability."     No  less  ire  was  aroused  by  the  fine 
lace  collars — the  "sloping  plaited  ruff,  pride  of  all  the 
peasants,"  says  Huygens — folded  less  stiffly  since  the  end 
of  the  sixteenth  century  but  not  less  richly  ornamented 
and  in  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  worn  in  broad  folds 
around  the  neck  over  the  remarkably  low-cut  dress,  by 
the  lace  cuffs  about  the  wrists,  the  pretty  leather  or  silk 
gloves,   the  numberless  jewels  burdening  the  attire,  the 
gayly  embroidered  stockings,  and  red-heeled  shoes.    Poets 


Land  and  People  about  1660         261 

and  prose  writers  like  Huygens  and  Heemskerk  describe 
the  exaggerated  elegance  of  the  feminine  costume — 
"more  flag  than  covering" — in  inimitable  style,  some- 
times lashing  the  foolish  extravagance  with  cutting 
ridicule,  sometimes  unfolding  with  ironical  admiration  the 
mysteries  of  the  refined  art  of  the  toilet. 

The  costume  of  the  men  was  much  less  extravagant, 
although  the  French  fashion  began  to  make  itself  felt 
here,  too,  more  and  more  among  the  wealthy  class.  The 
round  felt  hat  with  broad  flexible  brim  of  old  times  was 
giving  way  to  the  small  Swedish  head-covering  with 
narrow  brim,  to  the  Polish  cap,  to  hats  of  round  or 
pointed  crowns  with  modish  ribbons,  plumes,  and  tufts  of 
feathers,  such  as  only  fops  had  worn  at  first.  The  short- 
clipped  natural  hair  of  Maurice's  time  was  becoming  old- 
fashioned  in  comparison  with  the  long  and  curly  locks  of 
the  younger  men  unfeelingly  adopting  the  fashion  of  big 
wigs.  The  sober  mantle  of  black  cloth  over  the  modest 
black  doublet,  adorned  only  among  the  rich  with  gold  or 
silver  buttons,  became  gradually  brighter  and  finer  in 
stuff  and  colour  and  was  soon  replaced  by  the  fashionable 
silken  mantle,  while  the  doublet  now  slashed  and  trimmed 
with  gold  lace  was  of  costly  velvet,  silk,  and  satin,  and 
the  stiff  linen  Spanish  collars  and  sleeves  since  the  time 
of  Frederick  Henry  made  way  for  all  sorts  of  French  lace- 
work,  the  rings  and  bracelets  compressing  hands  and 
fingers  giving  evidence  also  of  refined  luxury.  The 
breeches,  decked  with  ribbons  and  bows,  slashed  and 
pulled  up  in  the  French  manner,  vexed  old-fashioned 
people  who  in  the  "laced  flapping  tattered  smallclothes" 
of  the  younger  men  saw  incorporated  the  frivolity  and 
wickedness  of  their  century  and  shunned  the  dangerous 
appearance  of  effeminacy  and  immorality  presented  by 
the  borrowing  of  fashions  for  men  from  the  dress  of 
women  and  the  reverse.  The  gilded  swords  of  state,  the 
cosmetics  and  patches  used  also  by  the  dandies,  the  red 


262  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

stockings,  the  expensive  garters,  the  elegantly  buckled 
high-heeled  shoes,  perfumery  and  hair  powder  became 
more  and  more  the  fashion  for  men.  In  all  these  things 
of  beauty  men  went  farther  in  the  Netherlands  than 
in  France,  where  young  Louis  XIV.  set  an  example  of 
simplicity  in  dress  to  the  court  and  issued  placards  against 
extravagant  splendour,  so  that  the  Dutchman  and  the 
German  in  Paris  were  recognised  by  the  lace  and  ribbons 
of  their  costume  and  were  consequently  openly  laughed 
at.1 

The  country  people  alone  retained  generally  the  old 
national  dress  as  well  as  the  captains  and  sailors  with 
their  great  baggy  breeches  of  the  ancient  time,  but  the 
dweller  in  the  city  began  to  imitate  more  the  elegant 
costume  of  the  wealthy,  though  he  adhered  usually  to 
the  tasteless  Dutch  cut.  The  pamphlets  repeatedly 
mention  tradesmen  and  storekeepers  who  run  about 
dressed  like  "bannerets"  and  decorate  their  houses  like 
burgomasters. 

All  this  luxury  was  naturally  the  result  of  the  remark- 
able prosperity  prevailing  among  the  wealthy  classes  of 
the  population  at  this  time,  of  the  much  discussed 
flourishing  state  of  commerce  and  industry,  which  ever 
filled  the  foreigner  with  amazement  and  admiration,  the 
native  with  pride  and  pleasure.  This  prosperity  was  not 
quite  universal,  for  here  also  the  labourer  was  not  want- 
ing, who  had  little  share  in  the  luxury,  but  the  fact  that 
he  could  easily  make  twelve  to  fifteen  stivers  in  a  day 
testifies  to  the  relative  welfare,  while  the  abundant  care 
of  the  poor,  the  constantly  increasing  number  of  hospitals 
and  refuges  for  the  indigent  in  the  cities  and  large 
villages  prevented  actual  misery.  Not  to  mention  some 
exceptions,  the  wealth  was  quite  evenly  distributed  over 
the  well-to-do  class,  so  that  an  estate  of  40,000  to  50,000 

1  Voyage  a  Paris,  pp.  31,  56,  no. 


Land  and  People  about  1660         263 

guilders  might  be  considered  as  the  smallest  fortune  of  a 
rich  man. 

People  began,  however,  as  elsewhere  to  comprehend 
the  harm  of  this  growing  extravagance,  and  not  only 
writers  and  ministers  opposed  it,  but  the  municipal 
governments  commenced  thinking  again  of  renewing  the 
old  statutes  against  excessive  luxury  at  weddings  and 
feasts,  in  dress  and  costly  things,  and  even  set  about 
making  new  regulations.  Repeated  reference  to  this 
occurs  in  the  pamphlets,  and  the  luxury  of  some  is  con- 
trasted with  the  dearness  of  bread  and  the  indigence  of 
others.  Measures  are  demanded  for  preventing  the 
gnawing  poverty  that  threatens  the  needy,  when  the 
necessities  of  life  grow  dearer.  In  the  trying  time  of  the 
English  war  poverty  rose  to  a  critical  height  among  the 
working  class.  And  after  that  came  in  1655  the  evil  of 
the  pestilence  to  scourge  the  country.  Over  13,000 
people  died  then  in  Leyden,  about  one-fourth  of  the 
population,  and  nearly  18,000  next  year  at  Amsterdam. 
The  large  disbursements  of  the  almonries,  amounting  in 
1660  at  Amsterdam  for  the  Reformed  alone  to  238,000 
guilders,  exclusive  of  the  distribution  to  the  indoor  poor 
which  sometimes  ran  up  to  600,000  guilders,  indicate  the 
great  number  of  the  poor,  as  do  the  countless  exhortations 
to  charity  and  the  establishment  of  poorhouses  and 
work-houses  that  were  no  sooner  erected  than  filled.1 
Foreigners  note,  however,  that  poverty  in  the  Neth- 
erlands was  relatively  not  so  prominent  as  in  other 
countries. 

The  general  prosperity  depended  mainly  upon  the  com- 
merce which  is  depicted  for  us  in  a  vivid  but  certainly 
not  impartial  mariner  by  the  already  mentioned  Interest 
van  Holland,  written  by  the  Leyden  manufacturer  Pieter 
de  la  Court  and   carefully   revised,  improved,  and  aug- 

1  De  Bosch  Kemper,  De  armoede  in  ons  vaderland,  p.  97. 


264  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

merited  by  John  de  Witt  and  Pieter  de  Groot.1  This 
presentation  starts  from  a  fair  consideration  of  Holland's 
natural  condition,  situation,  and  population,  which  is 
thrown  upon  the  sea  for  support.  Comparing  the  Hol- 
land of  those  days  with  that  of  Raleigh's  time,  the 
writer  assumes  that  fishery  and  maritime  commerce  with 
everything  connected  therewith  had  increased  to  one- 
third  more,  an  estimate  that  can  hardly  be  regarded  as 
far  wrong,  though  it  must  of  course  be  taken  in  the 
rough.  The  circumstance  mentioned  by  De  la  Court,  that 
a  half  more  ships  sail  to  the  east  than  to  the  west,  seems 
to  show  that  the  carrying  trade  over  all  Europe  was  large 
and  commerce  in  transit  was  the  main  affair,  but  that 
the  consumption  in  the  country  itself  must  have  been 
considerable,  though  allowance  be  made — which  the 
author  neglects  to  do — for  the  great  share  of  the  goods 
arriving  in  Dutch  ports  from  the  east  that  was  then 
exported  along  the  rivers  to  Germany  and  the  southern 
Netherlands.  Commerce  was  very  much  helped  by  the 
low  rate  of  interest,  3  to  4^  per  cent.,  which  the  Holland 
merchants  paid  for  their  borrowed  capital  in  consideration 
of  their  well-deserved  credit.  This  low  interest  resulted 
partly  from  the  small  income  of  real  property  on  account 
of  heavy  taxes  and  from  the  relative  absence  of  very  rich 
landlords  and  extensive  landed  possessions. 

Dutch  commerce  had  at  this  time  reached  its  highest 
point  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  most  capable 
writers.  It  did  not  extend  further  than  a  score  of  years 
earlier,  but  the  merchant  secured  an  opportunity  to 
develop  his  plans  unmolested  now  that  peace  was 
enjoyed,  the  dissensions  with  England  had  temporarily 


1  De  la  Court's  little  book  first  published  in  1662  under  this  title,  although 
prohibited,  was  speedily  reprinted,  and  later  made  over  by  the  writer  into 
his  Aanwysingh  der  politike  gronden  en  tnaximett  van  de  Republike  van 
Holland  en  Westvriesland  (Leiden  &  Rotterdam,  1669).     See  J.  Heemskerk 


Land  and  People  about  1660         265 

ceased,  the  state  of  war  in  north  and  south  was  ended, 
the  Dutch  ships  of  war  were  often  making  the  Moorish 
corsairs  on  Africa's  northern  coast  feel  the  power  of  the 
States,  and  were  upholding  the  honour  of  their  flag  on 
the  seas  of  the  world.1  English  rivalry  began  to  come 
up  seriously  in  consequence  of  the  Navigation  Act, 
which  continued  in  full  force  under  Charles  II.  also  to 
the  disappointment  of  the  Dutch  merchants,  but  for  the 
time  being  Dutch  commerce  was  a  match  for  that 
rivalry.  It  was  even  more  so  for  the  French,  Danish, 
Swedish,  and  German  competition,  which  could  not  be 
so  well  measured  against  it  chiefly  for  want  of  the  capital 
so  abundant  here  and  so  easily  obtainable.  The  princi- 
pal aim  of  Dutch  policy  must  be  the  preservation  of  the 
"blessed"  state  of  peace  according  to  De  la  Court  and  to 
De  Witt  himself,  and  the  "interest  of  Holland"  seemed 
to  profit  by  everything  working  in  that  direction.  The 
rise  of  a  stadtholder's  power,  therefore,  had  to  be 
opposed  in  every  way,  because  experience  in  the  past  had 
taught  that  another  political  tendency  was  to  be  expected 
from  it,  which  would  not  be  determined  by  commercial 
interests  but  by  general  politics  and  even  by  dynastic 
motives,  inspiring  naturally  slight  sympathy  in  the  mer- 
chant, whenever  he  saw  in  them  no  advantage  to  him- 
self. De  la  Court's  book,  which  exhibited  this  tendency 
most  plainly,  excited  as  much  satisfaction  and  agreement 
in  the  ruling  party  as  indignation  and  protest  in  their 
Orange  opponents,  as  appears  from  the  violent  pamphlets 
published  for  and  against  it  in  these  years.     The  author's 


Bz.  in  the  Gids  of  1853;  Van  Rees,  Verhandeling  over  de  politike  gronden 
en  maximen;  Veegens,  in  Historische  Studien,  ii.,  p.  30;  Fruin,  in  the 
Gids,  1865,  ii.,  p.  459. 

1  Pringsheim,  Beitrdge  zur  wirthschaftlichen  Entwickelungsgeschichte  der 
Vereiniglen  Niederlande,  p.  14,  shows  an  increase  of  commerce  from  1660 
after  a  temporary  depression,  evidently  the  result  of  war. 


266  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

person  and  principles  were  vehemently  assailed  in  them ; 
he  was  in  his  native  town  repelled  from  the  communion 
table  as  an  immoral  person  and  had  to  be  protected  from 
the  popular  fury.1  This  did  not,  however,  prevent 
him  from  issuing  in  1669  a  new,  rewritten  edition  of 
his  work  with  the  title — Exposition  of  the  salutary 
political  principles  and  maxims  of  the  republic  of  Holland 
and  West  Friesland. 

The  extraordinary  rise  of  the  East  India  Company,  by 
which  nearly  all  Indian  wares  "are  fixed  to  Holland," 
appeared  to  the  author  no  less  a  reason  for  the  great 
prosperity  than  peace.  This  assertion  is  not  worthy  of 
full  belief,  and  De  la  Court  himself  really  understood 
this,  as  is  evident  from  his  views  concerning  the  evil 
consequences  of  the  strict  maintenance  of  the  monopoly 
of  the  "close  companies"  and  concerning  their  endeavour 
to  secure  the  highest  profits  with  the  least  trade. 

Regarding  the  East  India  Company,  the  "flourishing 
century,"  spoken  of  by  Van  Diemen's  successor,  the 
governor  general  Cornelis  van  der  Lijn,  after  the  restora- 
tion in  1646  of  peace  on  Java  with  the  susuhunan  of 
Mataran  and  the  sultan  of  Bantam,  had  dawned  upon  it 
more  in  appearance  than  in  reality.  Van  Diemen's 
strong  government  had  made  the  company's  name  every- 
where dreaded  and  established  its  authority  both  in  the 
Archipelago  and  upon  Ceylon,  Malacca,  and  Formosa 
on  solid  foundations.  The  renewal  of  its  charter  in 
1647  seemed  to  put  it  in  a  position  for  obtaining  large 
gains  during  twenty-five  years  more,  especially  if  it 
would  enter  upon  new  paths.  The  company,  however, 
adhered  to  its  old  commercial  principles.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  representations  of  many  members  of  the  Indian 
government,"  the  chamber  of  seventeen,  for  fear  of  its 

1  See  Wttewaall,  Proeve  van  De  la  Court's  Welvaren  van  Leiden,  p.  xiii. 
See  Van  Rees,  Gesch.  der  Staaihuishoudkunde,  i.,  p.  367. 

2  De  Jonge,  Opkomst  van  het  Ned.  gezag  in  Qost-Indie,  vi.,  p.  iv. 


Land  and  People  about  1660         267 

beloved  monopoly,  would  not  hear  to  greater  freedom  for 
private  commerce,  while  by  the  small  salaries  of  its  officials 
it  gave  occasion  for  secret  trading  and  dishonest  practices 
of  all  kinds. 

Van  der  Lijn  and  his  successor  Carel  Reinierszoon, 
under  whom  the  rule  of  governor  and  councils  was  again 
regulated  and  fixed  after  the  old  style,  supported  by 
justice  and  police  under  their  management  and  connected 
with  the  exclusive  maintenance  of  the  Reformed  religion, 
were  not  the  men  by  vigorous  action  to  lead  the  com- 
pany into  new  ways  or  even  to  bring  it  to  a  more  flourish- 
ing condition  along  the  old  ways.  They  obeyed  the  orders 
of  the  seventeen,  kept  up  the  monopoly,  and  manifested 
towards  the  native  princes  at  the  request  of  their  masters 
"a  benevolent,  modest,  humble,  and  friendly  attitude," 
towards  the  English  and  other  rivals  a  cautious  reserve 
in  order  to  afford  no  opportunity  for  grievances.  Peace 
seemed  the  best  means  for  the  promotion  of  commerce. 
So  far  as  possible  the  seventeen  desired  to  avoid  the  costly 
wars  of  Van  Diemen's  time.  Tney  wished  thenceforth 
exclusively  to  see  efforts  made  for  an  increase  of  the 
dividends,  not  for  an  increase  of  power  and  territory. 
The  days  of  Coen  and  Van  Diemen  were  gone  forever. 
It  was  forgotten  that  in  these  regions  commerce  and  a 
display  of  force  irrevocably  went  together. 

The  appearance  of  Johan  Maetsuycker,  as  the  successor 
of  Reinierszoon  who  died  in  1653,  able  as  he  was,  did  not 
open  a  new  epoch.  A  clever  diplomatist  and  a  careful 
magistrate,  quite  after  the  heart  of  his  "principals"  in 
the  fatherland,  more  than  a  brilliant  warrior  and  an 
organiser  as  Coen  and  Van  Diemen  were,  he  upheld  the 
company's  authority  during  twenty-five  years  upon  the 
whole  with  great  success.  With  the  help  of  the  talented 
Rijklof  van  Goens,  governor  of  Ceylon  for  a  long  time, 
he  drove  the  Portuguese  from  their  last  footholds  upon 
that  island  and  the  shores  of  Hither  India;  only  Goa  and 


268  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

a  part  of  Timor  remained  in  their  hands  at  the  peace 
with  them,  which  did  not  take  effect  in  India  until 
1663.  The  important  Formosa  gave  way  before  the  might 
of  the  enterprising  and  cruel  Chinese  pirate  Coxinga, 
owing  also  to  the  bad  conduct  of  the  commander  Coyet 
who  was  punished  by  banishment  to  a  remote  island,  but 
Palembang  in  1659  and  Macassar  chastised  in  1660  and  con- 
quered some  years  later  by  Speelman  atoned  for  this  loss  to 
a  certain  extent,  and  on  the  Moluccas  the  company's  sway 
continued  undisturbed.  The  pliable  governor  general 
sought  as  much  as  possible  to  shun  difficulties  with  the 
English  and  the  native  princes  in  accordance  with  the 
wishes  of  his  masters  and  the  policy  of  his  immediate  pred- 
ecessors. But  the  company's  commerce  did  not  increase 
under  his  administration,  and  it  was  quite  to  the  contrary. 
The  spice  trade  of  the  Moluccas  went  first  to  Macassar, 
thence  quickly  to  other  parts,  having  been  much  limited 
by  the  company's  measures,  particularly  during  the  sway 
of  the  governor  De  Vlaming  van  Oudshoorn,  who 
destroyed  the  clove  crop  everywhere  except  upon 
Ambon  and  the  Oeliassers  and  punished  and  even 
exterminated  unmercifully  the  rebellious  population  for 
its  opposition.  Batavia  itself  languished  by  reason  of  the 
vigorous  competition  of  Bantam,  where  an  active  and 
able  sultan  with  the  help  of  Arabs,  Englishmen,  and 
Danes  brought  about  an  important  commercial  movement 
that  seriously  threatened  the  company's  trade.  Coen's 
plan  for  bringing  colonists  to  Batavia,  supported  by 
Maetsuycker  as  an  excellent  method  of  raising  the 
rapidly  sinking  Batavia,  began  again  in  1662  to  be  carried 
into  effect,  but  the  number  of  colonists  still  remained 
small. 

The  chief  concern  for  the  seventeen  was  that  the 
dividends  continued  at  a  good  height,  25,  30,  sometimes 
40  per  cent.,  although  they  fell  some  years  to  12^  per 
cent.,  especially  at   the  time  of   the    first  English    war 


Land  and  People  about  1660         269 

which  stopped  all  commerce    temporarily.1     We  know 
that  these  large  dividends  cannot  be  considered  a  criterion 
for  the  flourishing  condition  of  the  company,  as  they  did 
not  always  proceed  from  actual  earnings,  but  could  often 
be  paid  only  from  money  collected.     It  was    precisely 
these  dividends,  however,  that  brought  the  profits  most 
in  evidence,  and  therefore  De  la  Court  could  say  for  this 
time  that  the  company  notably  increased  the  prosperity 
of  the  country,  although  these  profits  were  not  based 
upon  the  company's  real  progress.     Outside  of  the  circle 
of  the  company's  high  officials  and  its  highest  directors  the 
actual  condition  of  the  great  commercial  corporation  was 
as  good  as  unknown.     The  mysterious  bookkeeping  of 
the  company  and  the  confusion  pervading   it  made   it 
extremely  difficult  for  any  but  the  initiated  to  see  that 
neither  the  large  dividends  nor  the  resulting  high  prices 
of  the  shares  of  the  company  were  infallible  proofs  of  its 
prosperity.     But  aside  from  the  large  dividends  it  was  the 
considerable  clandestine  profits,  enjoyed  by   officials  in 
India  and  the  fatherland,  by  the  managers  even  of  the 
company's  business,  that  contributed  to  the  growth  of 
wealth  in  the  fatherland,  a  fact  which  redounded  as  little 
to  the  credit  of  those  officials  and  managers  as  did  to 
Holland's  forefathers  the  often  wild  speculation  in  the 
company's  shares  on  the  Amsterdam  Bourse,    bringing 
naturally  great  gains  to  some  but  quite  as  great  losses  to 
others. 

Very  important  for  the  company  was  the  establish- 
ment of  a  small  colony  of  Netherlanders  at  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  where,  under  the  lead  of  the  energetic  ship's 
doctor,  Jan  van  Riebeek,  who  governed  there  during  ten 
years,  a  fort  was  built  and  land  was  distributed  to  the 
company's  officers.  A  beginning  of  colonisation  was  thus 
made  for  the  benefit  of  the  East  Indiamen  sailing  to  and 
from  the  Indies,  the  Cape  from  this  time  becoming  for 

1  Klerk  de  Reus,  Uebersicht,  Beil.  vi. 


270  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

them  a  much  desired  resting  place,  where  they  could  take 
in  provisions,  such  as  water,  fresh  meat,  and  vegetables, 
and  tarry  for  a  time  for  the  restoration  of  health.  On 
Riebeek's  departure  in  1662  there  was  already  a  nucleus 
of  cattle-raising  European  colonists  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  fort,  and  people  were  beginning  to  penetrate 
farther  into  the  unknown  interior.  The  colonies  formed 
about  the  same  time  on  Mauritius,  Ceylon,  and  Cochin, 
sustained  by  Maetsuycker  in  the  beginning  with  good 
result,  seemed  to  open  a  new  future  for  the  development 
of  these  promising  islands  and  coasts,  a  boundless  field 
of  development  for  the  Dutch  nation. 

Much  less  important  were  both  commerce  and  colonisa- 
tion in  the  regions  over  which  the  West  India  Company 
extended  its  activity.  Its  charter  also  was  prolonged  in 
1647  for  twenty-five  years,  but  it  then  fell  into  a  sad 
state,  mainly  by  reason  of  the  complete  ruin  of  its  power 
in  Brazil.  On  January  26,  1654,  the  company's  dominion 
here  ended  with  the  surrender  to  the  Portuguese  of 
Recife  and  three  other  forts  still  occupied.  General 
Schkoppe,  who  had  conducted  the  defence  in  recent 
years,  stipulated  for  himself  and  his  men  transportation 
to  Holland  with  arms  and  baggage.  At  the  trial,  after 
his  return,  of  him  and  his  two  chief  civil  officials  it  was 
very  plainly  evident  that  a  longer  defence  had  been 
impossible.  Brazil  was  lost  for  good  by  the  peace  of 
1661,  but  freedom  of  trade  for  the  Dutch  with  that 
country  and  Africa  was  secured  from  the  Portuguese,  and, 
besides  the  artillery  left  behind  and  returned,  a  sum  of 
eight  million  guilders  came  as  an  indemnity  to  the  com- 
pany. But  this  arrangement  could  not  save  it.  Re- 
peatedly it  had  been  upon  the  point  of  bankruptcy,  and 
neither  the  very  lucrative  slave  trade,  the  main  resource 
of  its  possessions  on  the  Guinea  coast,  nor  the  commerce 
in  certain  products  of  the  small  islands  in  the  Antilles 
still  owned  by  it  could  more  than  postpone  its  fall.     With 


Land  and  People  about  1660    271 

difficulty  it  dragged  out  its  existence,  while  its  shares, 
obstinately  falling,  began  to  approach  the  zero  point, 
and  most  of  its  possessions,  neglected  and  impoverished 
like  itself,  led  a  miserable  life.  The  greatest  gains  in  its 
territories  were  obtained  by  private  merchants,  partly 
through  the  secret  evasion  by  the  company's  poorly  paid 
officials  of  what  still  remained  of  its  monopoly.  The  slave 
trade  furnished  rich  revenues  to  some  houses,  notably  to 
the  firm  of  Coymans  in  Amsterdam,  and  anger  was  fre- 
quently displayed  when  people  ventured  to  discuss  openly 
this  "unchristian"  but  profitable  commerce.1 

One  only  of  its  colonies  formed  an  exception  to  the 
unfavourable  rule,  New  Netherland  governed  since  1647 
by  Peter  Stuyvesant.  Under  his  vigorous  and  intelligent, 
though  ofttimes  arbitrary,  rule  an  end  was  made  to 
the  wars  incessantly  waged  with  the  Indians  under  his 
predecessors,  Van  Twiller  and  Kieft.  Security  in  the 
territory  occupied  and  the  generally  friendly  relations 
with  the  neighbouring  English  colonies  of  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  and  Virginia  made  the  population  of  the 
colony  slowly  increase,  so  that  by  1660  it  had  risen  to 
about  10,000  souls,  chiefly  settled  upon  Manhattan  Island 
and  along  the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  The  capital — it  had 
been  prophetically  named  New  Amsterdam — then  con- 
tained 1600  inhabitants.  Great  dissatisfaction,  however, 
prevailed  in  the  colony  with  Stuyvesant's  arbitrary 
administration  and  with  the  almost  complete  absence  of 
any  influence  of  the  people  upon  it.  Moreover,  the 
West  India  Company  gave  itself  little  concern  about 
its  extended  possession,  except  so  far  as  this  procured 
some  gains  by  the  revenue  from  the  trade  in  beaver 
skins.  A  great  danger  for  New  Netherland  lay  in  the  fact 
that  the  English  government  had  never  recognised 
actually  the  legality  of  the  settlement  and  from  1606  had 

1  See    pamphlet    Thys.  7374,    entitled :      Tsamenspraeck    tusscheti    een 
hollantsch  ende  brabantsch  koopman. 


272  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

claimed  for  itself  the  entire  coast  from  Virginia  to  the 
St.  Lawrence  River,  while  the  white  population  of  New 
England  bordering  in  the  west  on  New  Netherland  was 
ten  times  as  large  as  that  of  the  territory  taken  possession 
of  by  the  company.  During  the  first  English  war  the  fate 
of  the  colony  had  hung  by  a  silken  thread,  and  the  Eng- 
lish colonists  were  still  clamouring  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  presumed  English  rights.  It  was  to  be  foreseen 
that  the  weak  colony,  virtually  left  to  itself  and  enclosed 
on  the  north  and  south  by  English  possessions,  would  be 
unable  to  withstand  a  serious  attack  by  the  English.1 

The  fishery  was  still  regarded  ever  as  the  nurse  of  Hol- 
land's commerce  and  industry.  The  herring  fishery  and 
the  catching  of  cod  in  particular  were  called  "  very  power- 
ful means  of  subsistence,"  and  a  number  of  other  trades 
depended  upon  them  as  of  old.  There  was  no  sign  of  a 
falling  off  in  these  branches  of  industry  at  this  time.  De 
la  Court  estimates  the  number  of  persons  in  Holland 
employed  in  them  as  about  the  same  as  those  living  by 
commerce.  Enkhuizen,  Maaslandsluis,  and  Vlaardingen 
were  still,  according  to  Temple,  the  chief  fishing  towns. 
The  Greenland  fishery  had  become  established  mainly  in 
West  Friesland  and  flourished  greatly  since  the  fall  of  the 
Northern  Company  in  1642.  At  first  it  seemed  as  if  the 
whale  fishery  would  dwindle  away.  But  it  revived 
speedily.  De  la  Court  says  that  over  12,000  fishermen 
went  north  every  year  to  engage  in  this  fishery  and  that 
the  product  since  1642  had  increased  ten  to  fifteen  times. 
The  development  of  this  fishery  was  very  favourably  in- 
fluenced by  the  protection  bestowed  upon  it  by  the 
Estates  of  Holland  which  prohibited  Netherlander  from 
taking  part  in  any  foreign  whale  fishery,  by  the  preven- 
tion of  the  export  of  fishing  apparatus,  casks,  boats,  and 
other  things  necessary  to  the  business   and   best  to  be 

1  For  affairs  in  America  see  the  excellent  studies  of  Fiske,  especially  The 
Dutch  and  Quaker  colonies  in  America  (2  vols.,  New  York,  1899). 


Land  and  People  about  1660    273 

obtained  in  this  country,  by  the  obligation  for  the  fisher- 
men to  bring  the  whales  caught  and  the  oil  and  whale- 
bone into  Dutch  ports  and  to  sell  them  there,  by  the 
strong  guard  given  the  whalers  by  the  war  ships  of  the 
States.  Coupled  with  this  industry  there  was  a  small 
trade  with  the  Eskimos  of  Greenland's  coasts  and  Davis 
Strait  in  wood,  copper  kettles,  axes,  knives,  and 
trinkets.1  "Commissioners  of  the  Greenland  fishery," 
composed  of  the  principal  shipowners,  had  the  super- 
vision of  these  interests. 

The  branches  of  industry  connected  with  navigation 
and  the  fishery,  not  only  shipbuilding  on  the  Zaan  but 
also  the  manufacture  of  nets,  ropes,  sails,  anchors,  and 
cables,  flourished  naturally  as  much  as  did  navigation 
and  fishery  themselves.  Industry  in  general  seems  in 
these  years  to  have  given  slight  grounds  for  complaint, 
although  De  la  Court  earnestly  urged  a  reduction  of  the 
oppressive  imposts  and  abolition  of  the  restrictions  that 
held  almost  every  branch  of  industry  in  chains.  The 
halls  and  guilds  in  his  native  city  and  elsewhere,  keeping 
the  woollen  and  cloth  manufacture  under  the  guardian- 
ship of  the  municipal  government,  appeared  to  him  in 
conflict  with  the  principles  of  freedom,  from  which  he  • 
expected  the  richest  fruits  for  commerce  as  well  as  for 
industry.  He  believed  not  unjustly  that  without  great 
harm  an  attack  could  never  be  made  upon  liberty  of 
worship,  which  had  promoted  the  commerce  and  industry 
of  the  country  in  great  measure  by  attracting  hither  so 
many  manufacturers  and  merchants  expelled  from  other 
lands. 

These  free  economic  principles  were  far  from  being 
applied  to  industry.  It  still  remained  locked  in  the 
fetters  of  the  guiids  of  the  Middle  Ages.  The  immense 
importation  of  raw  materials   from  all  countries  of  the 

1  See    Zorgdrager,     Groenlandsche     Walvischvangst ;    Luzac,    Holland's 
Hijkdom,  ii.,  p.   277. 
Vol.  IV.— 18 


274  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

world,  the  facility  for  the  Netherlander  of  transporting 
his  manufactures  elsewhere  on  his  numerous  ships  made 
less  palpable  for  the  moment  a  large  portion  of  the 
annoyances  of  the  ancient  limitation  of  industry  in 
countless  laws  and  ordinances.  Obstructive  regulations 
were  in  many  cases  accompanied  by  measures  of  protec- 
tion against  foreign  competition  or  that  even  of 
other  cities,  which  were  helpful  to  the  manufacturer. 
In  the  long  run  the  restrictions  were  not  to  be  a  match 
for  the  universal  longing  for  liberty  felt  by  the  mer- 
chant. 

The  foreigner  at  this  time  was  struck  by  the  flourish- 
ing condition  of  all  industry,  particularly  of  the  cloth, 
linen,  and  woollen  manufacture,  of  the  brewing  of  beer, 
of  bleaching,  and  of  everything  connected  with  trade,  as 
well  as  by  the  enormous  commercial  activity  in  the  small 
territory.  The  character  of  Dutch  industry  still  remained 
in  general  that  of  small  industry,  divided  among  a 
number  of  small  masters.  Large  factories  were  only 
exceptionally  found  in  the  cities,  though  appearances 
looking  to  a  change  in  this  respect  were  beginning  to  be 
noted  especially  after  the  settlement  here  of  emigrant 
manufacturers  from  France.  Narrow  individual  under- 
standing, the  absence  of  a  proper  distribution  of  work, 
continued  to  prevail  in  manufacturing ;  the  exclusiveness 
and  limitation  of  the  Middle  Ages  were  still  felt  strongly, 
while  commerce  had  long  since  cast  off  such  bonds  and 
was  making  an  ample  use  of  its  freedom,  if  necessary  to 
the  detriment  of  the  industry  of  the  moment.  The  time 
was  soon  to  come — undoubtedly  harmful  to  the  excellence 
of  the  product  but  not  to  the  temporary  interests  of  the 
producer — when  the  manufacturer  also  would  learn  that 
the  sale  of  goods  is  influenced  not  so  much  by  their 
"inner  quality"  as  by  the  purchaser's  taste,  a  principle 
that  was  held  up  by  the  worldly-wise  De  la  Court  to  his 
fellow-citizens  in  his  remarkable  Welvaren  van  Leiden% 


Land  and  People  about  1660         275 

not  published  until  our  day  and  in  many  ways  the  basis 
of  the  later  written  Interest  van  Holland. 

The  Leyden  author  so  well  informed  on  economic 
matters,  who  is  considered  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
economists  of  the  seventeenth  century,  was  not  so  observ- 
ant of  the  religious  phenomena  about  him,  to  which  he 
gave  attention  only  so  far  as  they  might  serve  to  explain 
the  economic  principles  championed  by  him. 

He  would  have  been  the  last  to  deny  that  religion 
played  a  great  part  in  his  time.  With  his  liberal  concep- 
tion of  religion,  which  brought  him  into  the  odor  of 
atheism,  he  knew  very  well  that  the  inhabitants  of  his 
city  and  country  were  in  general  little  helped  by  that 
liberality.  He  refers  repeatedly  to  the  self-interest  that 
ought  to  prevent  the  ruling  Reformed  party  from  using 
their  power  to  suppress  people  of  other  opinions,  who  even 
in  Holland  were  in  the  majority  by  far.  Not  half  the 
population  of  that  province  is  of  the  Reformed  faith,  he 
says  of  his  days;  in  particular  most  of  the  "old  inhabit- 
ants," peasants,  monied  men,  and  nobles  are  still 
Catholics,  many  indeed  Protestants  but  Mennonites  or 
Rijnsburgers.  In  Utrecht,  Gelderland,  and  Overyssel 
Catholicism  was  unquestionably  far  in  the  majority,  al- 
though some  districts,  as  the  Veluwe  since  John  of 
Nassau,  counted  many  of  the  Reformed  religion.  The 
number  was  very  small  in  the  three  northern  provinces  and 
Zealand,  as  appears  from  De  la  Torre's  report  of  1656. ' 
The  Catholics  above  the  Meuse  at  this  time  may  be 
estimated  at  about  half  a  million. 

The  freedom  of  worship  in  this  country  astonished  all 
foreigners  extremely  on  comparing  it  with  conditions 
elsewhere,  but  no  less  astonishing  was  the  large  number 
of  Protestant  sects  resulting  therefrom.  Most  attention 
was  attracted  by  the  numerous  Mennonites  among  the 

1  Reprinted  in  the  Ar chief  van  het  aarlsbisdom  Utrecht,  x.,  p.  95  ;  xi., 
PP.  57.  374- 


276  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

tradesmen,  fishermen,  and  sailors,  especially  in  North 
Holland  and  the  country  of  Friesland.  Much  less 
numerous  but  proportionally  not  a  little  influential  by 
their  rank  and  fortune,  abilities  and  possession  of  offices, 
were  the  Remonstrants  in  some  cities  and  villages  of 
Holland,  besides  the  less  prominent  Lutherans  and 
smaller  sects. 

The  mercantile  government  of  the  United  Netherlands 
understood  that  by  bringing  religious  differences  to  the 
fore  it  would  in  time  make  native  and  foreigner  averse  to 
inhabiting  and  visiting  these  regions,  and,  considering 
the  fact  that  in  all  Europe  the  number  of  the  Reformed 
faith  could  scarcely  be  calculated  as  one-twentieth  of  the 
population,  it  regarded  its  interest  to  lie  in  the  adoption 
of  freedom  of  worship  for  all,  so  far  as  possible,  for  one  of 
its  maxims.  The  Reformed  Church  remained  privileged 
above  all,  and  it  alone  enjoyed  complete  freedom  in 
accordance  with  the  Dort  principles  fixed  in  1618  and 
1619,  which  the  government  repeatedly  declared  its  wish 
to  maintain,  but  all  attempts  to  carry  these  principles  to 
their  utmost  consequences  were  steadily  thwarted,  and 
the  actual  rights  of  an  exclusive  state  church  were  never 
obtained  by  it.  The  placards  against  adherents  of  other 
opinions  continued  to  be  upheld  in  name,  and  the  govern- 
ment apparently  listened  now  and  then  to  those  who 
desired  measures  against  the  heterodox  and  dissenters, 
but  the  latter  could  be  sure  of  toleration,  provided  they 
did  not  assert  themselves  too  publicly.  "No  man  can 
here  complain"  testifies  Temple,  "of  pressure  in  his 
conscience :  of  being  forced  to  any  public  profession  of 
his  private  faith:  of  being  restrained  from  his  own 
manner  of  worship  in  his  house,  or  obliged  to  any  other 
abroad."  Better  acquainted  evidently  with  the  higher 
than  with  the  lower  circles,  he  exaggerates  somewhat  the 
mutual  toleration  found  here,  the  absence  of  religious 
dissension,  and  the  friendly  attitude  between  the  sects, 


Land  and  People  about  1660    277 

but  he  does  not  say  too  much,  theoretically  at  least, 
when  he  affirms  that  as  elsewhere  every  man  could  eat, 
lodge,  and  market  where  he  chose,  here  every  man  could 
pray  with  whom  he  pleased  without  any  notice  being 
taken  of  it.  He  had  seemingly  heard  little  of  the  great 
conflict  that  shortly  before  his  arrival  in  the  republic 
had  shaken  the  entire  Reformed  Church  to  its  founda- 
tions, the  fierce  dispute  between  Cocceians  and  Voetians, 
which  might  have  caused  a  revival  of  the  old  discord  of 
Arminians  and  Gomarists. 

After  a  quarrel  over  the  Sabbath  agitating  men's 
minds  during  years,  a  new  important  difference  came  up 
about  1660  between  the  theologians  of  Leyden  and 
Utrecht,  that  concerning  the  forgiveness  of  sin  and  the 
doctrine  of  grace,  in  which  Voetius  himself  strongly 
opposed  the  "Leyden  heretic,"  being  soon  helped  by 
Maresius  of  Groningen,  who  forgot  his  former  disputes 
with  Voetius  to  join  him  in  combating  Coccejus  and  his 
friends,  whose  doctrine  resembled  the  Arminian  con- 
ception of  predestination.  Coccejus's  moderate  opinion 
found  support  in  the  government  hostile  to  theological 
faction  and  composed  to  a  large  extent  of  elements  half 
or  wholly  Arminian.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Voetians 
depended  upon  the  partisans  of  Orange,  in  old  times  the 
protectors  of  the  stricter  orthodox  tendency.  Political 
and  ecclesiastical  dissensions  thus  threatened  to  bring 
the  republic  into  trouble  again,  and  in  particular  the  strife 
over  the  "public  prayer"  gave  occasion  to  violent  com- 
motion in  church  and  state,  when  the  Estates  of  Hol- 
land (1662)  took  up  anew  the  subject  of  naming  the 
prince  of  Orange  in  public  and  church  prayers  and  for- 
mulated a  prayer  making  no  mention  of  the  house  of 
Orange.  But  resolutions  and  the  clever  avoidance  of 
dangerous  points  of  dispute  succeeded  still  in  conjuring 
the  peril  of  a  renewal  of  former  factions,  although  the 
internal  contentions  in  the  church  could  not  be  ended. 


278  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Outside  of  the  Reformed  Church  the  odium  theologicum 
was  no  less  powerfully  active  as  is  manifest  from  the 
dissensions  among  the  Mennonites.  Among  the  Catholics 
also  the  serious  difference  of  opinion  regarding  the 
validity  of  the  ordained  clergy  as  opposed  to  the  secular 
priests  had  increased  greatly  of  late  years,  and  the  adroit- 
ness of  the  apostolic  vicar,  De  la  Torre,  and  the  caution  of 
his  successor,  Johannes  van  Neercassel,  could  only  with 
difficulty  preserve  a  certain  measure  of  the  outward 
harmony  so  necessary  here  in  the  ever  dangerous  situation 
of  the  Catholic  Church.  Although  the  bepraised  mutual 
toleration  left  much  to  be  desired,  it  is  positive  that  the 
government's  policy  in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  aiming  so  far 
as  possible  to  bestow  freedom  upon  all,  providing  public 
order  was  not  disturbed,  succeeded  in  preventing  the 
dissensions  from  becoming  too  evident,  and  in  compel- 
ling the  varying  opinions,  however  sharply  opposed  to 
one  another,  to  keep  an  actual  but  sometimes  only  super- 
ficial peace.  Thus  the  country  could  remain  what  it  had 
been  since  the  revolt  against  Spain,  a  refuge  for  all 
opinions  notwithstanding  religious  quarrels,  an  asylum 
for  the  foreigner  exiled  from  elsewhere  on  account  of 
his  faith. 

De  la  Court  speaks  of  science  still  less  than  of  religion, 
and  in  his  book  on  Leyden  our  manufacturer  seems  but 
little  convinced  of  its  importance  to  the  commonwealth. 
He  considers  it  mainly  from  the  point  of  view  of  the 
material  advantages  procured  by  it  for  his  native  city 
and  perceives,  therefore,  the  interest  of  enticing  there  as 
many  students  as  possible.  "Excepting  holy  theology, 
mathematics,  history,  and  languages"  he  judges  it  quite 
useless,  "nowhere  serving  but  to  obtain  among  the 
ignorant  a  step  to  practice."  He  has  a  particular  dislike 
for  philosophy  which  he  thinks  "ridiculous"  and  adapted 
"to  extinguish  all  human  wisdom."  But,  he  says, 
although  the  students  should  wish  to  hear  the    Koran 


Land  and  People  about  1660         279 

explained,  they  must  be  given  what  they  want,  because 
only  in  that  way  are  they  attracted.  Fortunately  the 
men  in  power  thought  otherwise.  Strongly  under  the 
influence  of  the  Cartesian  ideas  penetrating  more  and 
more  among  the  developed  class,  they  had  more  than 
formerly  an  eye  and  ear  for  the  progress  of  natural 
science. 

The  universities,  Leyden  first  of  all,  which  early  in  the 
century  were  especially  noted  for  the  flourishing  state  of 
the  classical  and  theological  studies,  had  not  lost  their 
renown,  although  the  number  of  students  no  longer 
assumed  such  proportions  as  had  been  the  case  about 
1640.  This  was  a  result  both  of  the  restoration  of  peace 
in  Germany  and  of  the  disappearance  of  the  matchless 
philological  geniuses,  who  constituted  Leyden's  glory  in 
the  first  half  of  the  century,  possibly  also  of  the  exten- 
sive exploitation  of  the  foreign  students  mentioned  by 
some  authorities  and  of  a  certain  love  of  ease  that  had 
arisen  with  the  university's  success.1 

Coccejus  still  lived  at  Leyden,  the  acute  and  com- 
passionate author  of  the  Summa  doctrines  de  fcedere  et 
testamento  Dei.  In  Utrecht  Voetius  still  swayed  his 
heavy  sceptre  with  unabated  adherence  to  the  principles 
of  Dort.  The  vehement  Maresius  of  Groningen  con- 
tinued to  stand  in  the  breach,  since  1641  as  the  successor 
of  Gomarus  on  the  watch  for  all  heretical  doctrines, 
whether  Arminianism  or  Cartesianism  or  whatever  else 
must  be  to  the  strictly  orthodox  mind  from  the  devil. 
They  upheld  the  fame  of  dogmatic  studies  in  the  Nether- 
lands, against  which  the  philosophy  of  the  Cartesians, 
proclaimed  by  Regius  and  Franciscus  Burman  at 
Utrecht,  by  Heydanus  and  his  protege  Arnold  Geulinx 
at  Leyden,  managed  to  defend  itself  successfully,  being 
sure  of  the  support  of  the  friendly,  ruling  party  in  the 
States  and  in  spite  of  the  mild  prohibition  of  1656  that 

1  Wttewaall,  Proeve  van  De  la  Court's  Welvaren  van  Leiden,  p.  148. 


280  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

was  not  strictly  enforced.  The  death  of  Salmasius  after 
his  return  from  Sweden  to  Leyden  had  been  a  great  loss 
to  classical  literature,  but  the  old  tradition  was  brilliantly 
maintained  by  Gronovius  moving  from  Deventer  to 
Leyden,  while  Golius  as  a  student  of  oriental  languages 
followed  in  the  steps  of  his  noted  predecessor  Erpenius. 
Nicolas  Heinsius  was  indisputably  the  greatest  and  most 
many-sided  of  the  Dutch  philologists  of  this  period, 
although  he  spent  a  long  time  in  Sweden  and  devoted 
himself  there  more  to  diplomacy  than  to  philology.  The 
Deventer,  later  Utrecht  professor,  Graevius,  came  after 
him  and  Gronovius  not  without  distinction.  With  all 
these  special  mention  may  be  made  of  such  famous  jurists 
as  Antonius  Matthaeus  and  Paulus  Voetius  of  Utrecht, 
Ulric  Huber  of  Franeker,  Dirk  Graswinckel,  secretary  of 
the  Chambre  Mi-partie  and  heir  of  De  Groot's  renown  as 
a  student  of  international  law,  in  which  he  was  far  from 
equalling  his  celebrated  predecessor. 

But  not  one  of  them  attained  such  a  European  fame  as 
that  of  the  ingenious  Christiaan  Huygens,  the  great 
mathematician  and  physicist,  brilliant  among  the  first 
students  of  natural  science  of  all  times.  A  pupil  of 
Frans  van  Schooten,  the  noted  Leyden  professor  of 
mathematics,  from  whose  school  came  also  John  de 
Witt,  Jan  Hudde  a  member  of  the  Amsterdam  govern- 
ment, and  the  little  known  but  skilful  physician  Hendrik 
van  Heuraet,1  he  far  surpassed  those  excellent  men  of  the 
second  flourishing  period  of  mathematical  studies  in  the 
Netherlands  following  that  of  Stevin.  De  Witt's  admi- 
rable studies  on  curves  and  the  calculation  of  proba- 
bilities, Hudde's  application  of  pure  mathematics  to 
"more  useful"  questions  of  daily  life  in  his  native  city, 
Heuraet's  promising  first  essays  are  not  to  be  compared 
with  what  Huygens  accomplished.     He  looms  up  over 

1  See  Korteweg,  Het  bloeitijdperk  der  wiskundige  ivetensc happen  in  Neder~ 
land  (Amsterdam,  1894). 


Land  and  People  about  1660         281 

them  all  like  a  giant,  the  victorious  refuter  of  the  theory 
of  the  quadrature  of  the  circle,  the  successful  solver  of  the 
most  difficult  problems  in  numbers,  the  founder  of  the 
calculation  of  chance,  the  inimitable,  clear  thinker,  who  in 
mathematics  put  "the  firmness  of  the  rhetorical  connec- 
tion and  the  plainness  of  the  demonstration"  far  above 
the  results,  the  discoverer  of  the  law  of  the  conserva- 
tion of  the  vis  viva  of  motion  and  of  the  conservation  of 
motion  of  the  centre  of  gravity,  of  the  pendulum's  laws 
of  motion,  of  Saturn's  ring  and  moon,  the  inventor  of 
pendulum  clockwork,  of  the  gunpowder  machine,  pre- 
cursor of  the  gas  machine  and  consequently  of  the  steam 
engine,  the  talented  expounder  of  the  phenomena  of 
light,  of  gravitation,  of  magnetism,  the  greatest  mathe- 
matician, physicist,  mechanician  of  his  time,  "the  new 
Archimedes."1  In  the  spring  of  1666  he  settled  in  Paris 
and  helped  establish  there  the  Acacttmie  des  Sciences,  of 
which  he  was  one  of  the  first  and  foremost  members.  In 
his  fatherland  he  found  but  few  among  the  many 
dilettanti  to  understand  and  appreciate  his  work,  so  he 
left  it  in  order  from  a  more  central  place  to  let  the  light 
of  his  genius  shine  over  the  world,  surrounded  by  men 
with  whom  he  had  been  for  years  in  close  scientific 
relation,  until  the  strict  Catholicism  prevailing  at  the 
court  of  Louis  XIV.  made  life  there  difficult  for  him 
also,  the  liberal  thinker,  and  drove  him  back  to  the 
fatherland. 

The  Netherlands  swarmed*  with  men  who,  under  the 
influence  of  Cartesian  ideas,  devoted  themselves  to  the 
natural  sciences,  mostly  estimable  dilettanti  like  old 
Constantijn  Huygens  himself,  who  in  his  letters  and  post- 
humous writings  displays  a  remarkable  insight  into 
scientific  problems  and  had  long  kept  up  a  correspond- 

1  See  on  him  in  general:  Bosscha,  Christiaan  Huygens  (Haarlem,  1895). 

2  See  Sorbiere's  account  of  his  travels  through  Holland  in  1660  (Bijdr.  en 
Meded.  Hist.  Gen.,  xxii.,  p.  57). 


282  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

ence  with  learned  men  of  other  countries.  The  famous 
Anna  Maria  van  Schuerman,  versed  in  all  branches  of 
erudition  and  art,  may  be  mentioned  in  this  connection. 
No  stranger  staying  in  Utrecht  neglected  the  opportunity 
of  trying  to  meet  this  noteworthy  lady,  which  was  not 
always  easy  owing  to  her  aversion  to  such  visits.  Almost 
every  important  city  in  Holland  counted  one  or  more 
celebrities  who  sometimes  inclined  to  charlatanry  like 
the  Rotterdam  anatomist  and  chemist  Lodewijk  de  Bils. 
The  notorious  search  for  the  philosopher's  stone,  one  of 
the  chief  elements  in  the  rise  of  scientific  chemistry,  had 
a  great  influence  upon  this  tendency  to  quackery.  An 
important  place  among  the  chemists  of  the  time  was 
taken  by  the  foreigners — Glauber,  a  physician  at  Amster- 
dam, and  the  singular  Frenchman  Borri.  Inventors  of 
all  sorts  found  interested  hearers  in  the  republic  and 
could  easily  obtain  there  a  patent  for  their  inventions. 
Thus  the  French  mechanician,  Du  Son,  became  the 
object  of  universal  attention  at  Rotterdam  in  1653  on 
account  of  the  wonderful  ship  devised  by  him,  which 
seemed  destined  to  take  the  place  of  sailing  vessels  but 
soon  proved  useless,  although  great  expectations  had 
been  at  first  excited. 

The  great  interest  in  scientific  study,  which  showed 
itself  more  and  more  in  the  Dutch  provinces,  had  also  a 
favourable  influence  upon  bookselling  and  the  pub- 
lisher's business.  In  the  sixteenth  century  Frankfort 
had  been  the  great  market  for  books,  the  centre  of  the 
book  trade,  but  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  which  converted 
Germany  far  and  wide  into  a  desert  and  made  its  ravages 
felt  on  the  Rhine  no  less  than  elsewhere,  had  robbed  this 
city  of  the  largest  part  of  its  business.  Leyden,  the  seat 
of  learning,  where  hundreds  of  students  gathered  every 
year  and  famous  representatives  of  science  met,  appeared 
for  a  time  destined  to  enter  upon  the  rich  inheritance. 
Its  booksellers  and  publishers  travelled  over  Europe  to 


Land  and  People  about  1660  283 

buy  old  books  and  to  sell  new  ones;  its  book  auctions 
obtained  great  renown  like  those  of  Frankfort  formerly. 
The  peace  of  Miinster,  the  waning  splendour  of  philo- 
logical studies  at  Leyden,  above  all  the  decreasing  number 
of  foreign  students  there  injured  this  flourishing  trade, 
but  the  Elzeviers  succeeded  in  maintaining  their  old 
fame.  Leyden  and  Amsterdam  were  long  known  over 
the  whole  world  as  the  foremost  seats  of  printing,  where 
under  the  protection  of  Dutch  liberty  many  works  were 
printed  and  published  that  were  elsewhere  prohibited  by 
the  arbitrary  decision  of  governments  or  the  influence  of 
the  clergy.  With  Paris  they  possessed  the  largest  share 
in  the  book  business  of  those  days. 

If  the  republic  might  be  called  the  promised  land  of 
inventors,  dilettanti,  publishers,  booklovers,  no  less  was 
it  the  land  of  painters  and  engravers.  The  aristocrat 
and  the  common  man,  the  dweller  in  cities  and  the 
peasant,  were  accustomed  to  decorate  their  houses  with 
art  works  of  more  or  less  importance.  A  portion  of  capital 
was  invested  in  paintings,  and  they  formed  a  consider- 
able item  of  inventories  and  inheritances.  There  was 
almost  no  board  of  government  or  guild  which  did  not 
own  several  portraitures  of  its  members  past  or  present, 
in  full  consciousness  of  their  dignity  seated  in  their 
meeting  room  amid  the  emblems  of  their  business  or 
office.  There  was  no  officer  of  militia  but  he  wanted  to 
be  immortalised  upon  canvas.  Every  family  of  conse- 
quence had  its  portrait  gallery.  At  every  fair  of  any  note 
pictures  and  prints  by  well-known  masters  were  offered 
for  sale.  Every  notable  event  in  the  life  of  the  family 
or  in  the  state  was  commemorated  by  a  painting,  a 
print,  or  a  medal.  Every  city  of  any  extent  could  show 
its  art  amateurs  and  collectors  of  paintings.  From  no 
period  of  Dutch  history  are  so  many  masters  of  art  to  be 
named,  have  so  many  art  works  of  importance  come  down 
to  us  as  from  these  days,  when  an  abundance  of  money 


284  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

allowed  people  to  indulge  in  the  luxury  of  art  collecting. 
It  requires  no  demonstration  that,  wherever  art  becomes 
to  such  an  extent  the  fashion  of  the  time,  much  that  is 
mediocre  is  furnished  as  well  as  much  that  is  excellent. 
Even  for  the  best  artists  of  those  days  this  result  of  over- 
production has  been  verified  by  competent  connoisseurs, 
while  the  equally  proved  fact,  that  some  studios  became 
factories  of  art  works,  where  the  master  with  rapid  hand 
touched  up  the  productions  of  his  promising  pupils  and 
disposed  of  them  afterwards  as  his  own  works,  testifies 
to  the  same  striving  to  satisfy  an  unusually  heavy  demand 
by  a  proportionate  supply. 

Of  many  of  those  pupils  the  masters  of  the  preceding 
period  might  be  proud,  while  they  themselves  continued 
to  work  with  undiminished  skill.  Rembrandt  was  still 
in  his  prime  and  at  this  time  he  created  perhaps  his  most 
beautiful  works:  the  unsurpassed  "Syndics  of  the  Cloth 
Guild"  (1662),  the  profound  "Homer"  (1663),  the  series 
of  family  portraits  of  Amsterdam  patricians,  the  oft- 
repeated  portraits  of  his  Saskia,  the  striking  Jewish  and 
popular  types  of  the  Bible  pictures  on  canvas  and  copper, 
which  continually  reveal  new  beauties  to  the  beholder. 
Among  his  pupils  he  could  point  to  a  Govert  Flinck  who 
decorated  the  city  hall  of  Amsterdam  with  masterpieces, 
to  the  excellent  portrait  painter  Ferdinand  Bol,  to  the 
landscape  artist  Philips  de  Koninck,  to  Samuel  van 
Hoogstraten  portraitist  and  writer  of  the  remarkable 
book  InleydingJi  tot  de  Hoogeschoole  der  Schilderkonst,  to 
Nicolaes  Maes  fertile  in  admirable  portraits,  and  to 
many  others.  Scarcely  any  of  his  artistic  contemporaries 
escaped  the  great  master's  powerful  influence,  but  his 
last  years,  until  his  death  in  1669,  were  darkened  by 
financial  and  domestic  troubles.  Nobody  approached 
him,  unless  it  might  be  Johannes  Vermeer  of  Delft,  the 
exquisite  colourist,  who  knew  how  to  conjure  up  the 
most    splendid    lights    in    landscape   and    interior.     At 


Land  and  People  about  1660         285 

Leyden  Dou  had  excellent  pupils  and  imitators  of  his 
fine  style  of  painting  in  Frans  van  Mieris,  Gabriel  Metsu, 
Godfried  Schalcken,  Quiringh  Brekelenkam.  The  "can- 
dlelights," the  cabinet  genre  pictures,  and  the  interiors 
of  the  Leyden  school  belong  to  the  most  attractive  speci- 
mens of  painting  of  this  period.  Jacob  van  Ruysdael 
excelled  his  uncle  and  teacher  Salomon  in  the  reproduc- 
tion of  the  poetry  of  the  water  and  the  dunes  in  the 
vicinity  of  Haarlem  and  is  esteemed  the  first  landscape 
artist  of  the  century,  the  best  expert  in  the  beautiful 
atmospheric  and  light  effects  of  Holland.  The  reveller 
Jan  Steen,  Van  Goyen's  son-in-law,  passing  his  life  in 
poverty  and  miserable  circumstances,  created  at  Haarlem 
and  Leyden  those  humouristic  pictures  of  tavern  and 
kirmess  jollity,  of  household  disorder  and  delights  which 
made  his  name  proverbial.  The  sons  of  Frans  Hals  and 
his  able  pupils  Jan  Miense  Molenaerand  Philip  Wouwer- 
man,  the  latter  himself  the  founder  of  a  numerous  school 
of  landscape  painters  and  world-famous  for  his  hand- 
some horses,  recalled  the  great  portrait  painter  of 
Haarlem.  Gerard  Ter  Borch  of  Overyssel  established  his 
great  name  as  a  portrait  and  genre  painter.  Johannes 
Lingelbach  happily  imitated  Wouwerman,  Claes  Berchem 
more  Van  Goyen  ;  Ostade  had  excellent  pupils  in  Dusart 
and  Brakenburg.  Meindert  Hobbema,  little  known  in 
his  time,  is  now  celebrated  as  the  equal  of  Ruysdael.  Aert 
van  der  Neer,  as  little  considered  in  his  days  as  Hobbema 
was,  is  now  highly  praised  for  his  exquisite  moonlights 
and  night  conflagrations.  The  court  and  fashionable 
painter  Gerard  van  Honthorst,  whose  portraits  have 
survived  in  large  numbers  and  testify  to  his  fertile  but  too 
industrious  talent ;  the  Delft  painter  of  churches,  Gerard 
Houckgeest ;  the  many-sided  Karel  du  Jardin — they  all 
can  only  be  named  here.  Ludolf  Backhuysen  of  Emden 
and  especially  Willem  van  de  Velde  the  younger  im- 
mortalised the  great  sea  fights  of  the  English  wars  and 


286  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  fame  of  the  Dutch  navy.  Many,  very  many  more 
names  might  be  mentioned  here,  of  animal  painters  like 
Melchior  d'Hondecoeter,  of  painters  of  flowers  and  still 
life  like  the  De  Heems  and  Willem  van  Aelst,  of  the 
productive  painter  of  landscapes  with  animals  and  figures, 
Adriaen  van  de  Velde,  who  was  regarded  as  the  best  in 
his  line,  of  the  versatile  painter  and  draughtsman  of 
landscapes,  portraits,  and  small  pictures,  Adriaen  van  der 
Venne.  No  side  of  Holland's  rich  life  of  those  days 
remains  unrepresented  in  the  works  of  its  artists,  no 
expression  of  Dutch  nature  but  finds  its  reflection  in  the 
immortal  productions  of  Dutch  art. 

But  other  branches  of  the  fine  arts  may  look  back 
too  upon  this  time  as  a  flourishing  epoch.  The  en- 
gravers and  etchers  of  the  second  half  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  a  Rembrandt,  a  Willem  Jacobszoon  Delff,  can 
measure  themselves  with  those  of  the  first  half.  A 
number  of  painters,  particularly  portrait  painters,  are  also 
world-renowned  as  engravers  and  prove  themselves 
experts  at  drawing,  but  the  superabundance  of  ornament 
around  the  engravings  shows  already,  though  the  technic 
is  still  undiminished,  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  the 
great  time.  The  fine  Suyderhoef  reproduces  upon 
copper  the  tints  of  the  painters  in  an  inimitable  manner; 
the  etcher-engraver  Bloteling,  the  poet-etcher  Luyken, 
are  ranked  but  little  lower.  Among  the  sculptors  stands 
in  the  foreground  Rombout  Verhulst,  the  greatest  of 
Dutch  sculptors,  the  creator  of  the  monuments  to  Tromp, 
De  Ruyter,  the  Evertsens,  and  Van  Ghent  in  the 
churches  of  Holland,  to  Clant  and  Knyphausen  in 
Groningen,  to  Polyander  van  Kerchoven  and  burgomaster 
Van  der  Werff  at  Leyden.  Arthur  Quellinus  of 
Antwerp,  his  equal,  adorned  the  new  Amsterdam  city 
hall  with  forceful  statuary. 

In  the  department  of  architecture  the  men  coming  up 
at  the  close  of  the  preceding  period  continued  for  a  long 


Land  and  People  about  1660         287 

time  to  set  the  fashion.  The  many  architectural  works 
necessary  in  extending  and  beautifying  the  cities:  gates, 
public  buildings,  houses  of  private  individuals  in  old  and 
new  quarters  of  the  towns,  an  increasing  number  of  the 
last  excelling  in  architectural  style  and  adornment,  gave 
the  city  architects  as  well  as  the  carpenters  working  for 
their  own  account  an  opportunity  to  display  their  taste 
and  talent.  The  Hollander's  love  for  his  dwelling,  the 
desire  to  let  some  of  the  prevailing  prosperity  appear  on 
the  outside,  the  fashion  of  renovating  the  gables  brought 
into  existence  those  numerous  more  or  less  beautiful 
gables  of  the  seventeenth  century,  whose  abundance  helps 
to  form  the  peculiar  type  of  the  Dutch  cjties.  Artists  like 
Salomon  de  Bray  of  Haarlem,  painter,  draughtsman,  archi- 
tect, author,  all  at  once,  could  at  this  time  give  expression 
to  the  inspiration  of  their  genius  to  their  hearts'  content. 
The  genuine  Dutch  Renaissance  style  still  flourishing 
about  1640  is,  however,  more  and  more  lost  in  the 
tendency  to  the  classical  style  followed  after  the  example 
of  France.  The  old  peaked  gable  is  given  up  for  the 
horizontal  cornice;  instead  of  the  sharp  gable  running  up 
to  a  point  comes  the  heavy  monumental  horizontal  line; 
luxurious  decoration  with  pilasters  and  leafy  ornament, 
with  baskets  of  fruit  on  the  cornice,  with  wreaths  and 
garlands  upon  the  gable  above  and  near  the  windows, 
takes  the  place  of  the  former  charming  simplicity  and 
prepares  for  the  reign  of  the  rococo  which  is  soon  to 
dawn. 

If  we  thus  see  traces  of  an  approaching  decline  in 
some  arts  notwithstanding  their  brilliancy,  this  is  very 
distinctly  perceptible  in  literature.  The  somewhat 
rugged  national  strength,  that  spoke  from  Roemer 
Visscher,  Bredero,  and  the  young  Vondel,  that  animated 
Huygens  and  Cats  to  their  best  works,  has  ceased  to 
inspire  the  literature  of  this  time.  Vondel,  Huygens,  and 
Cats   still   live  —  the  last   died  in    1660,  the  other  two 


288  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

survived  him  a  score  of  years, — but  Cats  amuses  himself 
in  his  last  years  with  tedious  reflections  on  his  old  age 
and  his  tranquil  life  in  the  country.  Huygens's  Zeestraet 
(1667)  is  far  from  being  equal  in  wit  and  form  to  his 
Voorhout,  and  his  Cluyswerck  (1680)  does  not  reach  the 
height  of  his  Hofwijck.  Vondel's  imperishable  poetical 
power  alone,  not  visibly  reduced  after  his  conversion  to 
the  Romish  Church  and  the  domestic  troubles  of  his  later 
years,  rose  after  the  Lucifer  (1654)  and  the  Jephta  (1659) 
once  more  in  1667  to  the  height  of  the  famed  swan  song 
in  the  Noach,  noble  fruit  of  his  genius,  which  may  be 
placed  with  the  best  poems  of  his  earlier  days,  just  as 
the  ScheepskrooTi  voor  Van  Galen,  the  proud  Uitvaart 
voor  Tromp,  the  Zeetriomf  der  Vrij'e  Nederlanden  (1666), 
and  many  a  passionate  song  of  triumph  of  this  glorious 
time  may  be  compared  with  the  songs  in  honour  of 
Frederick  Henry's  victories.  But  those  who  followed : 
Anslo,  Brandt,  Oudaen,  Vollenhove,  Antonides  van  der 
Goes  even,  who  unquestionably  occupies  the  first  place  as 
poet  among  the  younger  ones  with  his  IJstroom,  did  not 
fulfil  the  promise  of  their  youth;  the  last  died  too  early 
to  allow  of  the  development  of  his  fine  poetical  gifts, 
excelling  in  strong  imagination  and  pure  diction.  The 
unbridled  romanticism  of  a  Jan  Vos,  whose  Aran  en 
Titus  seemed  for  a  time  to  open  a  new  epoch  for  the 
drama,  soon  degenerated  into  a  display  of  "art  and 
machinery,"  which  fascinated  the  multitude  more  than  it 
cultivated  their  taste  or  awakened  fine  thoughts  in  them, 
feasting  their  eyes  upon  murderous  spectacles  in  desolate 
mountain  regions,  upon  dragons,  infernal  spirits  and 
monsters,  upon  bolts  of  lightning,  pillars  changing  into 
bears,  tigers  springing  out  of  trees,  celestial  chariots 
drawn  by  peacocks  and  swans.  The  days  were  coming 
when  the  toiling  poets  would  place  "unwearied  work," 
which  "conquers  everything,"  above  inspiration  often 
far  to  be  sought,  when  dramas  and  poems  fashioned  after 


Land  and  People  about  1660         289 

the  French  pattern  would  drive  out  both  the  classicism 
of  Vondel  and  Hooft  and  the  romanticism  of  Vos.     With 
the  foundation  of  the  society  Nil  volentibus  arduum  at 
Amsterdam    in    1669  under    the    management    of   Dr. 
Lodewijk  Meijer  began  a  new  period  of  Dutch  literature, 
that   of  a  formal  art  bound  down    to    fixed    rules   and 
models,    soon   overpowering    all    true    art    wherever    it 
appeared,  as  did  the  rhetoricians  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
In  the  department  of  prose  the  affected  style  of  Hooft's 
Historien  had  a  great  influence  on  the  historical  writings 
of    Brandt    and    others.     The    grave    stiffness    of   the 
ordinary  written  language  was  little  adapted  to  lead  to  a 
rapid  development,  the  less  so  because  men  soon  imitated 
the  French  novel  of  those    days  and    deviated    further 
from  the  free    forms,  of   which   Marnix  had    given  the 
example  in  his  Byencorf 'and  which  are  only  to  be  found 
again  in  some  well-written  pamphlets  of  the  seventeenth 
century.      In    those    pamphlets,    whose    language    has 
hitherto  attracted  too  little  attention  from  Dutch  philolo- 
gists, are  often  found  the  best  productions  of  the  easy 
prose  of  those  days,  much  more  natural  than  the  prolix 
language  of   the  learned  men,  than  the    complimentary 
forms  of  the  epistolary  style  of  the  cultivated    classes 
larded  with  French  words  and  turns  of  expression,  than 
the  more  or  less  conventional  tone  of  the  popular  books 
of  the   time.     There  is  to  be   heard   the   proud    Dutch 
burgher  of  the  most  flourishing  period  in  his  real  shape, 
coarse  and  rough  sometimes  but  round  and  open,  proud 
of  his  freedom,  jealous  of  his  rights. 

Vol.  IV.— 19 


CHAPTER  XI 


YEARS   OF   PEACE 


AT  last  the  happy  time  seemed  to  have  dawned,  for 
which  men  had  thirsted  so  long.  The  peace  of 
Miinster  had  been  followed  by  temporary  domestic 
dissensions,  then  the  English  war  had  brought  the 
republic  into  great  danger,  the  northern  war  had  again 
menaced  its  most  important  interests,  the  Portuguese 
difficulties  had  constantly  attracted  attention,  the 
Miinster  troubles  had  threatened  war  on  the  east,  and 
the  war  between  Spain  and  France,  so  closely  related  to 
the  long  war  of  independence,  had  continued  to  disturb 
the  quiet  of  Europe.  Now  all  appeared  to  be  over:  the 
peace  of  the  Pyrenees  was  concluded ;  Miinster,  for  the 
time  being,  was  made  to  see  reason ;  Portugal  was 
satisfied ;  the  north  was  pacified  ;  in  England  the  revolu- 
tionary epoch  was  ended;  little  was  to  be  feared  from 
the  young  prince  and  his  party.  De  Witt  and  his 
friends  could  now  enjoy  their  victory.  So  it  seemed. 
But  much  still  impelled  the  Dutch  statesmen  to  vigi- 
lance, and  not  for  a  moment  could  the  council  pensionary 
give  his  active  mind  rest,  because  new  troubles  were 
threatening.  Spain  and  Portugal  did  not  have  to  be 
guarded  against :  the  former  was  crippled  permanently, 
and  the  latter  was  scarcely  able  to  protect  the  scanty 
remnants  of  its  greatness.  The  northern  affairs,  too, 
were  out  of  the  way:  Sweden,  Denmark,  Poland,  were 
exhausted,    and    the     smaller     powers,     Muscovy    and 

290 


Years  of  Peace  291 

Brandenburg,  counted  for  little.  The  emperor,  assailed 
by  the  Turks,  was  obliged  to  turn  all  his  attention  to 
that  side.  The  mighty  States-General  believed  they 
could  without  danger  neglect  the  claims  of  Miinster, 
Cologne,  and  Neuburg. 

Feeling  with  regard  to  France  and  England  could  not 
be  so  secure.  The  way  the  young  Louis  XIV.  took  full 
possession  of  the  royal  power  after  Mazarin's  death,  his 
marriage  to  the  oldest  daughter  of  the  king  of  Spain,  who 
was  nearing  the  grave,  and  whose  only  son  was  a  weak 
child,  warned  such  a  statesman  as  De  Witt  of  what  was 
to  be  expected  from  Henry  IV.  's  grandson,  the  heir  of  the 
French  pretensions  to  the  southern  Netherlands.  To 
obtain  these  provinces  would  have  satisfied  one  of  the 
great  monarch's  dearest  wishes.  Like  many  of  his  pred- 
ecessors and  successors  he  regarded  the  possession  of 
the  Walloon  portion  at  least  of  the  Netherlands  as  indis- 
pensable to  the  safety  of  his  own  northern  frontiers. 
Louis's  attempts  to  make  himself  master  of  the  princi- 
pality of  Orange  could  not  be  disagreeable  to  the  party 
now  ruling  in  the  republic.  The  occupation  of  the  city 
and  castle  by  French  troops  in  March,  1660,  with  the 
secret  and  well-paid  cooperation  of  the  governor  Dohna, 
was  viewed  by  the  States  with  apparent  indifference. 

The  ambassadors  sent  to  France  under  the  lead  of  Van 
Beuningen  to  prepare  a  close  alliance  between  England, 
France,  and  the  republic  soon  saw  that  this  was  im- 
possible but  that  a  separate  alliance  with  France  might 
be  obtained.  After  Mazarin's  death  an  offensive  and 
defensive  league  with  France  was  concluded  April  27, 
1662,  for  twenty-five  years  with  promise  of  a  mutual 
guarantee  of  treaties  made,  of  possessions  and  rights  in 
Europe,  with  reciprocal  commercial  advantages,  and 
with  limitation  of  the  number  of  troops  each  should 
furnish  for  the  other's  aid  to  12,000  men  on  the  Freuch 
side  and  6000  men  on  the  Dutch  side.     The  replacement 


292  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

of  de  Thou,  Sommelsdijk's  friend,  as  French  ambas- 
sador at  The  Hague  by  d'  Estrades  was  sure  to  strengthen 
the  alliance.  The  new  ambassador,  who  had  first  brought 
about  in  England  the  cession  of  Dunkirk  to  France, 
seemed  the  proper  person  to  renew  the  old  friendly 
relations  with  the  republic.  The  mission  of  d' Estrades, 
who  reached  The  Hague  at  the  end  of  1662,  was  further 
to  tranquillise  the  States-General  with  regard  to  the 
French  plans  about  the  southern  Netherlands,  of  which 
he,  the  French  government's  former  emissary  to  Fred- 
erick Henry  and  William  II.,  was  fully  informed.  Those 
plans  were  far  from  innocent.  The  French  queen  at  her 
marriage  had  renounced  her  rights  to  the  Spanish  throne, 
but  the  renunciation  had  been  closely  connected  with 
Spain's  promise  to  pay  a  considerable  dowry.  The 
renunciation,  as  stipulated  in  the  treaty  of  the  Pyrenees, 
was  not  to  be  valid,  if  the  dowry  were  not  paid.1  Now 
exhausted  Spain  was  not  in  a  condition  to  pay  this 
dowry,  or  at  least  it  failed  to  do  so,  and  France  had  thus 
a  good  excuse  for  declaring  the  renunciation  null,  which 
it  would  have  done  in  any  case,  as  it  had  never  seriously 
intended  to  keep  the  young  queen's  promise.  Before 
the  treaty  with  the  States  Louis  XIV.  had  repeatedly 
sought  to  obtain  from  Spain  the  voluntary  cession  of  a 
part  of  the  Netherlands  under  promise  of  support  against 
England  and  Portugal. a  But  Spain  perceived  that  with 
the  loss  of  the  Netherlands  its  influence  in  central  Europe 
would  entirely  disappear,  and  it  refused  just  as  it  had 
declined  to  pronounce  the  renunciation  of  the  French 
queen  void.  So  Louis  XIV.  did  not  hesitate  to  ally  him- 
self with  the  republic  in  order  with  its  help  to  attain  his 
purpose. 

The    French    king  comprehended    the    necessity  for 
caution  and  for  respecting  the  fear  of  the  proximity  of 

1  Lonchay,  La  rivalile"  de  la  France  et  de  V ' Espagne  aux  Pays-Bas,  p.  193. 

2  Legrelle,  La  diplomatic  francaise  et  la  succession  dy  Espagne,  i.,  p.  49. 


Years  of  Peace  293 

France  felt  by  the  States'  party  as  far  back  as  the  days  of 
the  partition  treaty.  De  Witt,  the  pupil  of  Adriaan 
Pauw,  shared  this  fear  and  believed  that  the  annexation 
of  the  southern  Netherlands  to  France  "would  be  a  very 
dangerous  and  frightful  matter  for  this  state."  He 
considered  what  was  to  be  done  for  the  States.  Two 
plans  came  to  the  front:  the  raising  of  the  southern 
provinces  "to  a  free  and  independent  republic,  allied 
with  this  state  as  a  Catholic  canton"  and  supported  by 
an  alliance  with  France;  or  a  partition  of  the  southern 
Netherlands.  If  France  would  not  consent  to  the 
"cantonment"  or  the  partition,  the  provinces  might  be 
put  in  the  hands  of  the  less  formidable  German  emperor, 
soon  married  also  to  an  infanta,  or  with  the  help  of 
Spain,  England,  and  the  emperor  they  might  be  defended 
against  France  and  finally  be  converted  into  a  separate 
state.  He  regarded  the  "cantonment"  as  the  most 
desirable  solution.  Should  Spain  be  unwilling,  now  its 
king  was  still  living,  to  set  up  the  new  republic,  then  the 
attempt  must  be  made  to  obtain  it  through  a  secret 
agreement  with  France  for  the  contingency  of  the 
Spanish  throne  becoming  vacant  or  to  compel  France  to 
accept  it  at  that  event  with  the  help  of  the  allies  by  force 
of  arms.  De  Witt  thought  best  to  present  some  of  these 
plans  to  the  French  ambassador. 

De  Witt  opened  negotiations  by  an  unexpected  visit  to 
d'Estrades,  on  March  30th,  and  informed  him  that  he  had 
received  two  secret  emissaries  from  six  prominent  cities 
of  the  southern  Netherlands  offering  to  drive  out  the 
Spaniards  and  to  establish  a  republic  after  the  model  of 
the  Swiss  cantons.  The  ambassador  let  fall  some  hints 
of  his  sovereign's  secret  plans,  though  he  was  soon 
directed  to  keep  them  concealed  as  much  as  possible,  lest 
Spain  and  the  republic  from  fear  of  France  might  agree 
to  a  closer  connection  between  the  seventeen  provinces. 
It  was  known  in  Paris  that  Spain  had  long  had  such  a 


294  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

connection  in  view  and  that  the  Spanish  ambassador  at 
The  Hague,  Don  Estevan  de  Gamarra,  was  making  every 
effort  to  come  to  a  good  understanding  with  the  States.1 
Spain  saw  that,  if  it  were  not  to  lose  all  chance  of 
ever  regaining  its  old  place  in  Europe,  the  southern 
Netherlands  must  be  secured  even  with  the  assistance  of 
the  mercantile  government  at  The  Hague.  But  De  Witt 
went  further  and  proposed  on  April  12th  to  d'Estrades 
the  formal  annexation  of  several  fortresses  with  what  was 
left  of  Artois  to  France  and  of  Bruges,  Ostend,  and  the 
northwest  coast  as  far  as  Sluis  to  the  republic,  while  the 
rest  of  the  southern  Netherlands  was  to  be  "cantonised." 
The  Paris  government  saw  in  this  proposal  a  manoeuvre 
to  learn  the  French  plans  and  maintained  a  cool  attitude, 
though  d'Estrades  praised  De  Witt's  sincerity  and  ad- 
vised against  an  immediate  rejection  of  the  Dutch  prop- 
ositions. De  Witt  did  not  give  up  notwithstanding  this 
first  opening  proceeded  no  farther.  In  May  he  made  a 
formal  proposal  to  d'Estrades  for  the  establishment  of  a 
Catholic  republic  in  the  south  or,  should  this  appear 
impracticable,  for  the  complete  division  of  the  southern 
Netherlands  between  the  States  and  France.  When  the 
French  government  declared  itself  ready  to  negotiate  on 
these  bases,  he  began  to  discuss  matters  with  the  in- 
fluential De  Graeff  and  other  statesmen,  meeting 
privately  at  De  Graeff' s  castle  of  Ilpendam.  The  parti- 
tion plan  was  here  objected  to,  especially  by  Amsterdam, 
which  feared  to  see  the  competition  of  Antwerp  spring 
up  again  and  brought  up  the  old  motto :  amicus  Gallus, 
non  vicinus.  De  Witt  on  account  of  this  opposition  went 
back  to  the  more  limited  plan  of  April  12th,  which  might 
be  carried  out  during  the  life  of  Philip  IV.  or  at  his 
death,  or  at  the  speedily  expected  demise  of  his  weak 
successor.     But  Louis  XIV.   would  not  consent  to  any 

1  Legrelle,    i.,    p.   77;    Mignet,  Negotiations   relatives  a    la    succession 
{fEspagne,  I.,  p.  183. 


Years  of  Peace  295 

such  plan  for  robbing  his  father-in-law  and  brother-in-law 
during  their  life  and  declared  he  would  not  settle  the 
affair  until  their  death. 

D'Estrades  in  these  discussions  incautiously  mentioned 
the  law  of  succession  or  devolution,  of  which  the  French 
government  had  already  secretly  determined  to  avail 
itself,  if  it  should  seem  necessary  to  prove  the  queen's 
rights  to  the  southern  Netherlands.  The  so-called 
devolution  law,  in  the  provinces  of  Brabant,  Mechlin,  and 
Namur  a  fundamental  principle  of  the  law  of  inheritance, 
decreed  that  only  children  of  the  first  marriage  had  a 
right  to  the  father's  estate  with  complete  exclusion  of  the 
children  by  the  second  marriage.  Louis  XIV.  believed  he 
might  appeal  to  this  law  on  behalf  of  his  wife,  who  was 
the  daughter  of  Philip  IV. 's  first  marriage,  even  against 
the  young  successor  to  the  Spanish  throne,  who  was  the 
offspring  of  his  father's  second  marriage.  It  remained  to 
be  seen  whether  this  law  of  private  inheritance  in  some 
provinces  was  applicable  also  to  the  succession  of  the 
sovereign  of  all  the  provinces.  The  rights  of  the  queen, 
based  upon  the  non-payment  of  the  dowry  and  upon  the 
law  of  devolution,  were  now  named,  and  De  Witt  and 
Spain  might  consider  themselves  warned.  De  Witt 
denied  very  strongly  the  validity  of  the  devolution  law, 
although  he  did  not  cease  to  negotiate  over  the  partial 
annexation.  If  France  were  ever  to  obtain  the  southern 
Netherlands,  it  must  owe  them  not  merely  to  its  own 
rights  but  to  an  agreement  with  the  States. 

Thus  ''the  great  affair"  remained  on  the  tapis,  and  De 
Witt  did  his  best  to  convince  the  States  of  the  necessity 
of  an  early  agreement  with  France.  But  the  French 
government,  resting  its  claims  to  the  entire  inheritance  of 
the  Spanish  king  on  the  non-payment  of  the  dowry  and 
the  devolution  law  unreservedly  brought  forward,  was  no 
longer  inclined  to  enter  into  such  an  agreement  as  might 
conflict  with  these  asserted  rights.     "His  Majesty's  real 


296  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

purpose  is  to  remain  free,"  wrote  Lionne,  the  clever 
leader  of  the  French  policy  from  the  school  of  Mazarin, 
in  April,  1664,  to  d'Estrades,  though  he  too  was  ready, 
if  necessary,  to  respect  the  republic's  dread  of  French 
proximity  that  it  might  not  unite  with  Spain  or  the 
emperor.  This  necessity  would  be  felt  less  urgently,  if 
the  republic  were  threatened  from  another  side,  and  this 
was  already  the  case.  Furthermore,  what  could  be 
opposed  in  war  to  the  immense  power  of  France?  De 
Witt  knew  only  too  well  that  Spain  was  nothing  more 
than  "a  broken  reed"  and  the  German  empire  "a 
skeleton,  the  parts  of  which  are  held  together  not  by 
sinews  but  by  iron  wires  without  natural  movement." 
What  was  to  be  expected  from  such  allies?  An  im- 
mediate agreement  with  France  was  the  only  thing  left, 
but  France  itself  would  not  hear  to  this  now  that  the 
republic  was  getting  into  serious  difficulties  and  finally 
into  a  new  war  with  England,  its  only  other  possible 
ally.  Thus  the  affair  of  the  southern  Netherlands 
remained  unsettled,  and  the  sword  of  Damocles  was 
suspended  over  the  threads  of  Dutch  policy  to 
fall  whenever  France  should  see  a  favourable  oppor- 
tunity—  an  extremely  dangerous  state  of  things, 
whose  threatening  development  De  Witt  watched  with 
anxiety. 

Relations  with  England  after  the  restoration  of  the 
Stuarts  were  not  so  good  as  the  statesmen  at  The  Hague 
had  at  first  imagined.  The  honours,  with  which  it  was 
hoped  to  make  Charles  II.  forget  the  humiliations  of  his 
exile,  the  complimentary  speeches  greeting  him,  the 
friendly  conversations  with  De  Witt  and  other  statesmen, 
accomplished  really  but  little.  Never  was  a  royal  per- 
sonage received  in  the  republic  with  such  distinction  as 
Charles  II.  at  that  time.  The  States-General  and  the 
Estates  of  Holland  vied  with  one  another  in  courtesies. 
In   a  brilliant   procession   the  English  retinue  was  con- 


Years  of  Peace  297 

ducted  from  Delft  to  The  Hague  on  May  25,  1660.1  The 
king  was  lodged  in  the  palace  of  Maurice  of  Nassau, 
where  the  States,  the  governmental  boards,  and  the 
republic's  chief  statesmen  were  received  in  audience  by 
him.  The  feasts  in  his  honour  during  a  week  surpassed 
anything  ever  before  seen  in  the  country.  On  June  2d 
the  monarch  departed  from  Scheveningen  for  England, 
after  he  had  made  on  the  preceding  day  a  visit  of 
ceremony  to  the  States-General  and  the  Estates  of  Hol- 
land to  thank  them  for  the  attentions  and  presents  be- 
stowed upon  him  and  his.  He  had  used  the  opportunity 
to  recommend  warmly  to  the  States  the  "interests"  of 
his  nephew,  the  young  prince,  and  of  his  sister,  the 
widowed  princess,2  and  De  Witt  had  answered  with  words 
of  gratitude  to  the  young  prince's  ancestors,  whose 
merits  were  still  so  fresh  in  the  memory.  In  his  private 
conferences  with  De  Witt  the  king  had  also  spoken  about 
his  nephew,  but  De  Witt  would  make  no  positive 
promise,  though  he  seems  to  have  expressed  himself  to 
the  effect  that  the  young  prince  must  undoubtedly  at 
some  time  obtain  the  dignities  of  his  forefathers.  Amid 
the  roar  of  the  cannon  of  the  English  fleet  and  the  shouts 
of  the  multitude  assembled  on  the  dunes  the  king  took 
his  departure,  accompanied  to  the  last  moment  by 
deputies  from  the  States  and  by  the  most  eminent  men 
of  the  country.  All  these  compliments  and  honours, 
however,  could  not  remove  the  political  and  commercial 
opposition  between  England  and  the  republic,  however 
great  pains  were  taken  on  the  Dutch  side  to  maintain  a 
good  understanding  with  England,  a  question  of  life  or 
death    for    Dutch    commerce.      Many    people    already 

1  Wicquefort,    Verhael  in  forme  van  yournael    van  de  reys  ende  V  ver- 
toeven  van  den  seer  doorluchlige  ende  machtigePrins   Car  el  de  II.,  Koning, 
etc.  (Den  Haag,   1660).     See  Japikse,  De  verwikkelingen  tusschen  de  Re~ 
publiek  en  Engeland  van  1660  tot  1663  (Leiden,  1900),  p.  4  et  seq. 

2  Aitzema,  iv.,  p.  601. 


298  History  of  the  Dutch  Pe 

doubted  the  possibility  of  this.  StelliivvrtT  of  Enk- 
huizen  is  reported  to  have  said  at  the  recetion  that  the 
hundreds  of  thousands  expended  would  bc::r  have  been 
spent  for  powder,  lead,  and  ships. 

An  extraordinary  embassy  to  Englan.  headed  by 
Beverweert,  the  prince's  cousin,  was  t  adeavour  to 
bring  about  the  good  understanding.  Bet  p.-  the  embassy 
was  formed,    Beverweert  started   imme  after  the 

king's  departure  to  promote  a  friendly  feelig  at  the  Eng- 
lish court.  But  the  renewal  of  Cromwe  Navigation 
Act  and  the  revival  of  the  old  complaint  -  I  the  English 
and  Dutch  merchants  showed  that  enogh  points  of 
difference  still  existed  after  all  the  complirnots  exchanged 
to  cause  fear  for  the  future  The  failr:  ■  f  the  king's 
efforts  to  borrow  money  in  the  Xetherinds  displeased 
further  the   English  court.      Complai  n  both   sides 

began  to  grow  sharper,  although  the  of  >ne  remained 

in  general  cordial.  Difficulties  attended  Qe  drawing  up 
of  the  embassy's  instructions,  because  5  feared   the 

desired  alliance  with  France  might  be  cnangcred  by  too 
close  a  connection  with  England,  and  a  alliance  with 
both  powers  seemed  also  not  easy.  The  rovinces  finally 
agreed  that  it  would  be  best  to  strive  ic  1  triple  alliance 
with  both  the  powers,  as  Holland  h  -  ished,  while 
from     England    should    be  obtained  ition   of   the 

advantageous  Magnus  Inter  cur sus  of  as  a  basis  of 

commercial  relations.  The  Navigatio  Act  and  other 
restrictive  laws  would  then  disappear.  he  work  must 
be  crowned  by  a  defensive  alliance  In:  hat  hoped  for 
with  France.  With  all  these  discussion  it  was  Novem- 
ber, 1660,  before  Beverweert  in  Englan  was  joined  by 
the  other  ambassadors:  Van  Hoorn  c  Holland,  Van 
Gogh  of  Zealand,  Ripperda  of  Gronin 

During  nearly  two  years  they  negcated  in  England 
and  had  ample  opportunity  to  see  th  impossibility  of 
reconciling  the  conflicting  interests  o     .ngland  and  the 


Years  of  Peace  299 

republic.  ner    Beverweert's     pliability,    nor    Van 

Hoorn's  knov/idge  of  commerce,  nor  De  Witt's  incom- 
parable art  01  iscovering  expedients  could  remove  the 
serious  difficiues  in  the  way  of  an  alliance.  The  old 
differences  wcr  constantly  coming  up  again  :  the  English 
Dominium  Mats  with  regard  to  fishery  and  commerce, 
England's  umvlingness  to  recognise  the  principle  of  the 
"free  sea,"  trobles  in  the  Indies,  the  relations  between 
the  English  an  Dutch  companies,  commercial  grievances 
in  Africa  and  America  had  to  be  considered  at  length. 
After  Charles  I.'s  marriage  to  the  Portuguese  princess, 
Catherine  of  raganza,  the  strained  attitude  of  the 
republic  towarG  Portugal  became  of  consequence.  And 
soon  the  diffic/aes  were  to  be  increased  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  Downing  the  champion  of  Cromwell's  commer- 
cial policy  so  cstile  to  the  republic,  as  mediator  for 
Portuguese  afiirs  at  The  Hague  (June,  1661).  The 
faithless,  brut;,  varicious  diplomatist,  who  cleared  his 
way  with  the  v.*r  ruler  just  in  time,  was  little  suited  to 
prepare  for  friedly  relations,  although  on  his  arrival  he 
poured  out  ovc  the  States  such  fine  words  as  "particu- 
lar confidence,  "very  singular  affection,"  "very  hearty 
thanks,"  "ver  _jood  and  clear  understanding,"  and 
"interest  of  rei'ion  and  neighbourhood."  His  presence 
impeded  negotkons  with  Portugal,  as  he  sought  to  pro- 
mote English  coimerce  at  the  expense  of  Dutch  interests 
and  exercised  ressure  upon  Portugal,  so  that  all  De 
Witt's  talent  \vs  necessary  to  conclude  the  Portuguese 
affair  in  a  mannr  not  too  injurious  for  the  States. 

During  the  ncotiations  with  England  the  question  of 
the  prince  of  Oacnge  soon  came  into  the  foreground. 
Adroit  manageicnt  of  the  Orange  party  might  have 
accomplished  mch  for  the  prince.  But  this  was  still 
lacking,  and  dissnsion  between  the  two  princesses  pre- 
vented use  of  th  favourable  circumstances.  The  Act  of 
Exclusion  was   :   course  repealed  immediately,  and  in 


300  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

June  Nimwegen  resolved  to  designate  the  prince  for  the 
office  of  captain-  and  admiral-general  and  to  urge  the 
States-General  to  take  charge  of  his  education.  Amster- 
dam in  the  summer  received  the  prince  and  his  mother  in 
the  most  festive  fashion.  Through  the  secretary  of  the 
prince's  council,  Buysero,  and  with  the  help  of  De 
Graeff  van  Zuid-Polsbroek,  De  Witt  influenced  the 
princess  royal  and  persuaded  her  to  drop  the  affair  of  the 
designation  and  to  ask  the  Estates  of  Holland  to  under- 
take her  son's  education  with  a  view  to  the  dignities 
later  to  be  given  him.  Holland  showed  itself  willing, 
but  in  August  the  designation  of  the  prince  for  the 
military  posts  was  taken  up  by  Zealand,  whose  Estates 
resolved  to  name  him  also  for  stadtholder  and  to  induce 
Holland  to  do  likewise.  Gelderland,  Friesland,  and 
Groningen,  perhaps  also  Utrecht  and  Overyssel,  would 
be  disposed  to  join  Zealand,  and  then  Holland  would 
find  it  hard  to  persist  in  its  opposition.  But  De  Witt 
anticipated  his  adversaries  and  procured  from  Holland  in 
September  the  resolution  to  take  up  the  prince's  educa- 
tion in  order  to  prepare  him  "as  an  instrument  of  great 
hope  for  the  service  of  the  high  commissions  and  employ- 
ments" of  his  forefathers.  The  princess  gave  up  Zea- 
land's plan,  expressed  her  thanks  to  Holland,  and 
named  Zuid-Polsbroek  and  De  Witt  himself  among  the 
gentlemen  to  look  after  the  education.  Princess  Amalia, 
on  the  contrary,  proposed  a  purely  Orange  commission. 
After  great  disputes  the  princess  royal  obtained  her  way. 
Then  she  departed  for  England  to  concert  further 
measures  with  her  brother  for  securing  the  designation, 
now  that  Holland  had  taken  the  first  step  towards  it. 

The  commission  of  education  set  to  work  at  once, 
although  it  encountered  opposition  from  Princess 
Amalia  and  the  elector  of  Brandenburg.  De  Witt  and 
his  friends,  instead  of  letting  the  prince  study  longer  in 
Leyden  so  devoted  to  the  Orange  party,  wished  to  have 


Years  of  Peace  301 

him  live  at  The  Hague  "in  the  house  and  under  the 
eyes"  of  the  States  and  to  appoint  one  of  their  partisans 
as  his  tutor  in  place  of  his  bastard  uncle,  Zuylesteyn. 
Thus  William  II. 's  son  was  to  be  brought  up  in  the  ideas 
of  the  States.  The  princess  offered  objections.  The 
matter  remained  undecided,  when  the  sudden  death  of 
the  princess  in  England  from  the  smallpox  changed  the 
whole  state  of  the  question  in  January,  1661.  In 
accordance  with  her  desire  Charles  II.  took  her  place  as 
guardian,  and  the  spring  of  1661  saw  a  drawing  together 
of  the  three  authorised  guardians,  who  desired  a  change 
in  the  commission  and  its  enlargement  with  Orange 
members  under  the  supervision  of  Princess  Amalia.  At 
the  same  time  a  new  movement  for  the  designation 
began  in  the  republic.  The  States  showed  unwillingness 
to  take  any  further  trouble  about  the  prince  and  revoked 
the  resolutions  concerning  his  education.  Zuylesteyn 
and  the  preacher,  Trigland,  continued  to  have  charge  of 
the  education,  and  the  youthful  object  of  all  these 
intrigues  pursued  his  studies  quietly  in  the  shadow  of 
academic  learning  at   Leyden. 

English  efforts  to  secure  the  prince's  designation  in  one 
way  or  another  persisted.  Even  the  support  of  France 
and  Brandenburg  was  sought  for  them,  but  the  former 
saw  more  advantage  in  an  alliance  with  the  party  now 
ruling,  and  the  latter  was  too  desirous  of  the  friendship  of 
the  States  to  help.  The  relations  between  Charles  II. 
and  Princess  Amalia  grew  more  strained,  and  the 
princess  soon  showed  herself  as  ready  as  her  daughter-in- 
law  had  previously  been  to  agree  with  Holland  regarding 
the  treatment  of  the  young  prince.  In  March,  1663,  she 
requested  Holland  again  to  undertake  her  grandson's 
education,  and  Charles  II.  joined  in  this  request,  being 
prepared  then  to  retire  from  the  guardianship.  But 
Holland  refused  once  more.  The  dissensions  between  the 
guardians  made  it  plain  to  the  leading  statesmen  that 


302  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Charles  II.  after  the  death  of  his  beloved  sister  would  be 
much  less  disposed  to  take  to  heart  the  young  prince's 
cause. 

How  strongly  Holland  felt  in  opposition  to  the  Orange 
party  is  apparent  from  the  affair  of  the  "public  prayer," 
the  prayer  for  the  magistrates,  among  whom  the  prince 
of  Orange  was  still  named  in  some  provinces.1  In  1657  a 
commission  was  appointed  to  investigate  the  subject. 
Its  findings  were  reported  in  December,  1662,  and  after  a 
long  discussion  it  was  resolved  in  the  following  March  to 
settle  the  matter  so  that  the  preachers  thenceforth  should 
pray  first  for  the  Estates  of  the  province,  "as  being  the 
indisputable  sovereign,"  then  for  the  Estates  of  the  other 
provinces,  "their  allies,"  further  for  all  their  representa- 
tives in  the  general  assembly  of  the  States  and  in  the 
council  of  state,  in  The  Hague  only  for  the  commissions, 
courts,  and  chamber  of  accounts,  and  finally  everywhere 
for  the  municipal  government.  This  resolution  produced 
much  excitement.  De  Witt  and  the  preacher  Lydius  of 
Dordrecht  drew  up  a  historical-political  deduction  con- 
cerning the  affair.  General  uneasiness  was  felt  at  the 
asserted  attack  upon  the  sovereign  rights  of  the  States- 
General,  but  Holland  compelled  its  preachers  to  adhere  to 
the  new  rule.  De  Witt's  deduction  and  the  larger  work 
of  his  cousin  of  the  same  name,  John  de  Witt,  on  the 
subject  take  a  prominent  place  among  the  pamphlets  of 
these  years. 

Although  the  interest  of  the  prince  dropped  out  of  the 
differences  with  England,  the  others  assumed  a  more 
acute  character,  and  as  early  as  1661  there  was  fear  of  a 
rupture  of  the  negotiations  for  the  treaty  of  friendship 
desired  by  the  Dutch.  Indignation  was  aroused  by  the 
fitting  out  of  ships  in  England  under  Admiral  Holmes  to 
take  possession  of  the  African  coast  at  the  Gambia  and 
Cape  Verde,  where  the  West  India  Company  had  settle- 

1  See  over  the  whole  question  :  Veegens  in  Hist.  Studien,  ii.,  p.  68. 


Years  of  Peace  303 

merits,  for  the  Royal  Company  of  Adventurers,  of  which 
the  king's  brother,  the  duke  of  York,  was  the  head. 
Holmes's  rough  way  of  accomplishing  his  task  did  not 
improve  the  feeling.  A  long  list  of  English  claims  was 
offered  the  Dutch  ambassadors  in  London,  calling  for  an 
indemnity  of  eight  million  guilders  from  Netherlanders, 
especially  from  the  East  and  West  India  Companies. 
The  States  did  their  best  to  keep  the  peace  thus  menaced. 
They  even  allowed  the  capture  of  three  regicides  of 
Cromwell's  time,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  Holland,  an 
act  of  weakness  shocking  Dutch  ideas  of  liberty  and  feed- 
ing popular  discontent  with  De  Witt.  In  September, 
1662,  the  treaty  of  friendship  was  signed,  and  the  am- 
bassadors and  Downing  returned  to  their  respective 
countries.  Questions  regarding  the  seizure  of  vessels, 
etc.,  were  to  be  submitted  to  a  court  of  arbitration,  but 
there  was  no  commercial  advantage  for  Netherlanders  in 
England  and  no  final  settlement  of  the  old  points  of 
dispute  now  raked  up  again. 

This  conclusion  of  the  long  negotiations  was  critical, 
because  it  had  appeared  that  a  strong  party  in  England, 
including  the  duke  of  York,  the  heir  to  the  throne, 
desired  nothing  more  ardently  than  a  new  war  with  the 
republic  in  order  permanently  to  cripple  its  commerce 
and  sea  power.  The  peace  party,  led  by  the  duke's 
father-in-law,  Lord  Clarendon,  still  had  the  upper  hand, 
but  Clarendon's  powerful  influence  was  decreasing, 
particularly  after  the  sale  of  Dunkirk  to  France,  like  the 
loss  of  Calais  felt  as  a  blow  by  the  English  people.  New 
comolaints  and  difficulties  soon  arose  when  Downing, 
who  secretly  belonged  to  the  war  party  and  considered 
the  condition  of  the  republic  as  extremely  favourable  for 
a  war  with  England,  had  returned  to  The  Hague 
(September,  1663).  Differences  about  old  privateering 
affairs,  about  the  violation  of  English  commercial  regula- 
tions, about  the  lack  of  promptness  in  striking  the  flag, 


304  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

etc.,  were  to  be  found,  and  satisfaction  was  always 
demanded  in  an  arrogant  tone  by  the  man  who  was  well 
known  as  "the  most  quarrelsome  of  the  diplomatists  of 
his  time."  The  dread  of  France's  growing  might, 
personally  shared  by  Clarendon,  led  at  first  to  sympathy 
between  the  two  maritime  nations.  Downing  and  De 
Witt  seemed  for  a  time  to  work  in  perfect  harmony. 
England  and  the  republic  stepped  together  into  the 
breach  for  the  oppressed  Waldenses  in  Savoy.  But  the 
constant  bringing  up  of  old  questions  by  Downing  showed 
that  England  attached  more  importance  to  jealousy  of 
the  republic  than  to  the  interest  cf  general  European 
policy.  New  disputes  between  the  Royal  African  Com- 
pany and  the  West  India  Company  added  fuel  to  the  fire. 
The  English  government  complained  further  of  the 
sojourn  of  English  exiles  in  the  Netherlands,  of  the  lack 
of  a  Dutch  envoy  in  London  with  the  rank  of  ambas- 
sador, of  insults  to  the  duke  of  York  in  the  press,  of  the 
slow  progress  of  negotiations,  of  the  want  of  cooperation 
with  England.  The  feeling  of  the  English  government 
and  people  continually  grew  more  unfavourable,  and  in 
the  autumn  of  1664  a  war  seemed  to  many  only  a 
question  of  time.  England's  internal  condition  and  the 
government's  need  of  money  opposed  an  explosion,  but 
the  tone  among  the  people  and  in  Parliament,  the  com- 
plaints of  the  oppressions  of  the  Dutch,  became  ever 
more  vehement.  In  April  Parliament  demanded  im- 
mediate redress  of  the  dishonours,  indignities,  and 
grievances  suffered,  and  offered  the  government  the  lives 
and  fortunes  of  the  people. 

The  presence  at  The  Hague  of  such  an  ambassador  as 
Downing  was  a  great  danger.  Charles  II.  and  Clarendon, 
however,  were  not  the  men  to  calm  the  warlike  sentiment 
in  England,  for  ^hey  deemed  it  a  means  of  turning  at- 
tention from  unpleasant  domestic  conditions.  Down- 
ing confirmed  them  in  the  opinion  that  the  States  on 


Years  of  Peace  305 

account  of  commerce,  internal  disturbances,  and  the 
heavy  burden  of  debt  were  afraid  of  a  war  and  would 
consent  to  anything  to  avoid  it.  This  opinion  was  not 
entirely  unfounded,  but  there  were  bounds  to  the 
patience  of  the  States,  and  England  was  fast  approach- 
ing those  bounds.  This  appeared  from  the  resolution  of 
the  States-General  in  the  spring  of  1664  to  keep  De 
Ruyter  at  home  instead  of  sending  him  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean to  combat  privateering,  a  resolution  that  was  not 
carried  out  owing  to  more  favourable  news  from  England. 
De  Witt  hoped  to  remove  the  differences  and  considered 
with  Downing  a  speedy  investigation  of  England's  pre- 
tensions. Reports  of  English  preparations  continued, 
and  in  May,  1664,  the  Dutch  at  last  resolved  to  fit  out 
thirty  ships,  ostensibly  against  the  Spanish  pirates,  and 
to  make  ready  for  a  large  loan.  Rumours  of  war  were 
rife;  uneasiness  in  commercial  circles  was  shown  by 
fluctuations  in  the  shares  of  the  East  India  Company,  and 
they  fell  from  500  to  440  per  cent.  Some  of  the  English 
claims  were  found  to  have  not  the  slightest  foundation, 
others  were  to  be  satisfied  as  quickly  as  possible.  Van 
Gogh,  a  weak  and  inefficient  man,  was  appointed  ambas- 
sador to  London.  The  equipment  of  the  fleet  went  on  in 
order  to  be  prepared  for  any  emergency.  Intelligence 
came  that  England  was  enlisting  sailors,  building  ships, 
and  displaying  great  activity,  so  that  it  was  feared  she 
would  assail  the  unsuspecting  merchantmen  returning 
from  India  without  first  declaring  war. 

Then  arrived  indisputable  proof  that  Holmes  in 
February  had  attacked  the  possessions  of  the  West  India 
Company  on  the  coast  of  Guinea  and  had  taken  the 
island  of  Goree  and  some  ships.  It  appeared  that  the 
Royal  African  Company  was  busily  engaged  in  execut- 
ing its  plans  in  Africa  with  the  support  of  its  numerous 
stockholders  among  the  royal  family  and  the  high 
aristocracy,  who  hoped  to  improve  the  company's  bad 

VOL.  IV. — 20. 


306         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

condition  by  a  war  with  the  republic.  The  complaints  of 
the  States-General  were  answered  by  the  English  govern- 
ment with  counter  complaints  respecting  the  usurpations 
of  the  West  India  Company  in  Africa  and  its  efforts  to 
destroy  English  commerce  there.  It  was  plain  that  Eng- 
land wished  to  do  a  larger  business,  and  that  the  republic 
was  expected  to  furnish  the  means.  The  Navigation  Act 
had  not  been  sufficient  to  raise  England's  commerce  to 
the  desired  height.  The  long  wished  and  now  expected 
humiliation  of  the  hated  republic  was  to  accomplish  this. 
But  the  States  would  not  submit  to  such  treatment  and  re- 
solved to  support  their  company  vigorously  with  twelve 
war  ships  to  be  newly  equipped.  As  these  vessels  could 
not  be  ready  to  sail  for  some  time,  the  speedy  dispatch 
of  De  Ruyter  to  Africa  was  prepared  in  deep  secrecy. 
In  the  States-General  on  the  I  ith  of  August  De  Witt  clev- 
erly tacked  this  resolution  to  the  equipment  of  the  twelve 
ships,  so  that  nobody  but  the  initiated  paid  attention  to 
it.  Even  the  president  of  the  week,  who  signed  the 
resolution,  did  not  notice  it,  and  Downing's  temporary 
absence  in  England  helped  to  keep  the  affair  secret. 

The  possibility  of  such  secrecy  may  be  attributed  to  an 
important  change  in  the  method  of  government  made  by 
De  Witt  after  the  example  of  what  had  occurred  now  and 
then  under  Frederick  Henry,  to  the  introduction  of  the 
"Secret  Works."  These  committees,  originally  estab- 
lished to  make  reports  and  to  prepare  resolutions,  were 
clothed  from  June,  1663,  with  full  power  in  certain 
matters.  Thus  they  were  a  delegation  of  the  authority  of 
the  States-General,  and  through  them  it  became  possible 
to  carry  out  important  resolutions  with  great  rapidity 
and  in  deep  secrecy.  The  council  pensionary  repeatedly 
made  use  of  them.  They  consisted  of  one  member  for 
each  province  except  Holland,  which  had  two,  one  being 
usually  the  council  pensionary  himself.  Soon  they 
secured  the  right  to  act  in  special  affairs  as  if  they  were 


Years  of  Peace  307 

the  States-General  themselves.  The  council  pensionary's 
influence  was  uncommonly  great  in  these  committees 
owing  to  his  experience.  Thus  he  became  more  and 
more  the  minister  of  the  States-General  and  guided  them 
according  to  his  views.  De  Witt  in  this  way  satisfied  the 
necessity  for  a  central  power  in  the  state. 

Meanwhile  negotiations  were  continued  at  London. 
While  the  African  question  was  considered,  while  the 
Dutch  demands  were  formulated  in  a  long  list,  containing 
seventy-three  points  to  thirty-three  on  the  English  list, 
while  Van  Gogh  in  London  and  Downing  at  The  Hague 
offered  draughts  and  held  conferences  with  representatives 
of  the  companies  and  the  respective  governments,  minds 
on  both  sides  grew  more  heated,  and  the  States  and  the 
English  government  went  on  clandestinely  with  their  prep- 
arations. A  new  proposal  to  submit  the  differences  to 
arbitrators  was  made  by  the  States  and  coolly  received 
by  England.  The  justifiable  quarantine  in  England  of 
Dutch  vessels  on  account  of  the  plague  raging  in  Amster- 
dam and  elsewhere  excited  anger  in  the  republic  at  the 
obstructions  to  commerce,  and  complaint  was  made  of 
these  "unneighbourly  and  unusual  proceedings."  The 
determination  to  have  the  twelve  ships  for  Guinea 
escorted  through  the  Channel  «by  the  fleet  under  Was- 
senaer-Obdam  showed  that  the  States  had  no  intention 
of  playing  a  passive  part,  however  much  England  warned 
that  contingencies  might  arise  similar  to  those  in  1652 
leading  to  war.  News  came  in  October  that  Holmes  had 
also  taken  the  important  Cabo  Corso  and  had  threatened 
St.  George  d'Elmina,  then  that  another  fleet  had  crossed 
from  England  to  America  and  on  September  6th  had 
seized  all  New  Netherland  and  incorporated  it  with  the 
English  possessions.  The  West  India  Company  uttered  a 
passion?te  cry  of  distress  at  the  loss  of  nearly  all  its 
territor  -*  ror  the  West  Indian  islands  also  were  seriously 
menaced. 


308  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

The  conquest  of  New  Netherland  had  cost  little 
trouble.  The  director-general  Stuyvesant  in  spite  of  all 
the  English  claims  had  hitherto  preserved  his  province 
undiminished  and  maintained  order  in  the  colony  with  a 
strong  hand,  but  it  was  certain  that  the  weak  garrison 
must  yield  to  a  vigorous  attack.  And  such  an  attack 
was  to  be  expected.  Charles  II.  had  never  officially 
recognised  the  colony's  existence,  and  Downing  had  even 
said  that  he  could  not  find  anything  of  that  name  upon 
the  map.  On  March  22,  1663,  the  king  gave  to  his 
brother,  the  duke  of  York,  an  extensive  English  territory 
in  America  as  a  present.  The  country  on  the  Hudson 
River  with  Manhattan,  i.  e.,  all  New  Netherland,  was 
mentioned,  and  in  May  Colonel  Nicolls  departed  with 
three  war  ships  lent  by  the  king  to  his  brother  and 
500  men  to  take  possession  in  the  interest  of  English 
commerce.  The  colonel  first  settled  affairs  in  Connecti- 
cut and  appeared  before  New  Amsterdam  at  the  end 
of  August.  The  undismayed  Stuyvesant  wanted  to  re- 
sist to  the  utmost  with  his  weak  force,  but  the  colo- 
nists refused  to  engage  in  the  unequal  struggle  and 
without  opposition  surrendered  town  and  province  to 
the  enemy.1 

The  States-General  protested  against  all  this  but  not 
with  much  energy,  awaiting  the  result  of  De  Ruyter's 
expedition  still  kept  secret.  In  the  late  autumn  some- 
thing leaked  out  slowly  of  De  Ruyter's  mission.  De 
Witt  answered  Downing's  question  about  it  evasively, 
but  could  not  remove  suspicion.  When  it  became  known 
that  De  Ruyter  had  been  on  the  coast  of  Morocco,  people 
in  England  realised  they  had  been  hoodwinked  and 
manifested  great  indignation.  Soon  a  fleet  appeared  in 
the  Channel  under  York,  afterwards  a  second  one  under 
Prince  Rupert  of  the  Palatinate  designed  to  combat  the 
proposed    Dutch    expedition    to    Guinea.       With    this 

1  Fiske,  The  Dutch  and  Quaker  Colonies,  i.,  p.  284. 


Years  of  Peace  309 

attitude  of  England  the  Dutch  set  about  making  their 
fleet  ready.  They  still  hoped  for  peace,  however. 
Perhaps  it  might  be  secured  by  the  intervention  of 
France.  But  Louis  XIV.  showed  slight  inclination  to  in- 
tervene, because  his  own  plans  could  never  suffer  in  a  war 
between  the  two  maritime  powers.  Despite  the  treaty  of 
offensive  and  defensive  alliance,  he  sought  to  remain 
neutral  in  order  to  take  advantage  of  any  opportunity 
that  might  be  offered  in  the  southern  Netherlands. 

De  Ruyter  succeeded  without  much  difficulty  in  recon- 
quering the  West  India  Company's  African  possessions. 
The  English  government  replied  to  the  first  reports  of 
this  success  by  laying  an  embargo  upon  all  vessels, 
especially  the  Dutch  ones,  in  English  ports  in  order  to 
provide  sailors  for  its  fleet.  Downing  began  now  to  ask 
indemnification  for  England's  expenses  in  making  prep- 
arations. The  attitude  of  France  caused  Charles  II. 
some  uneasiness,  until  he  was  certain  that  this  country 
would  not  go  to  war  with  England  for  the  sake  of  the 
republic.  English  war  ships  commenced  to  bring  in 
Dutch  merchantmen.  The  States  on  their  side  now 
seized  English  vessels  in  Dutch  ports,  though  but  few  of 
them  remained  after  a  warning  from  Downing.  The 
Dutch  fleet,  being  dismantled  for  the  winter,  could  not 
capture  English  merchantmen.  The  war  party  in  Eng- 
land was  unquestionably  supreme,  and  Parliament  readily 
granted  all  the  money  asked,  even  to  the  unprecedented 
sum  of  two  and  one-half  million  pounds.  The  London 
Exchange  exulted,  the  people  railed  at  the  Dutch, 
Parliament  was  praised  for  its  "brave  vote"  against  the 
"insulting  and  injurious  neighbours"  who  committed  the 
crime  of  surpassing  England's  commerce. 

A  slight  chance  for  peace  lay  in  England's  hesitation 
on  account  of  the  attitude  of  France.  Memorials  by 
Downing  and  deductions  by  the  States,  designed  to 
prove  their  authors  in  the  right,  were  addressed  to  foreign 


3io         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

powers,  particularly  to  France.  The  tendency  was  to 
war,  and  every  day  an  explosion  was  expected.  In 
January  finally  the  English  captain,  Allen,  attacked  the 
fleet  returning  from  Smyrna  in  the  latitude  of  Cadiz,  but 
the  brave  resistance  of  the  commander,  Van  Brakel,  at  the 
head  of  the  convoy,  saved  nearly  all  the  vessels.  This 
was  the  signal  for  giving  out  letters  of  marque  in  the 
Netherlands,  while  the  naval  vessels  gathered  in  the 
harbours.  England  now  also  issued  the  letters  of 
marque  long  lying  ready.  France  made  one  more  feeble 
attempt  to  mediate  by  proposing  that  England  should 
receive  Van  Beuningen  in  London  with  new  conditions 
from  the  States,  but  Charles  II.  answered  evasively. 
The  States  looked  forward  to  a  war  with  quite  different 
feelings  from  those  of  a  few  years  earlier.  Courage 
began  to  rise  as  danger  approached,  and  confidence  in 
themselves  augmented,  now  the  fleet  was  collected  and 
the  sailors  were  streaming  to  it.  There  was  not  a  trace 
of  the  discord,  upon  which  Downing  had  calculated. 
Relying  with  common  accord  on  the  fleet,  thoroughly 
prepared  by  De  Witt's  care  and  commanded  by  excellent 
officers,  men  were  determined  to  resist  the  hated  enemy. 
England's  declaration  of  war  on  March  4,  1665,  put  an 
end  to  all  hesitation,  and  the  States  boldly  took  up  the 
gauntlet. 

While  war  disturbed  anew  the  tranquillity  of  the 
republic,  the  fire  of  dissension  began  once  more  on  its 
eastern  side.  The  bishop  of  Munster  had  a  grievance  in 
the  rejection  of  his  claims  to  the  lordship  of  Borculoo.1 
In  1406  this  lordship  was  granted  in  fief  to  Munster  by 
the  house  of  Bronkhorst.  After  the  death  of  the  last 
Bronkhorst's  widow  in  1579  Munster  took  possession  of 
the  territory,  but  the  Limburg-Styrum  family,  related 
by  marriage  to  the  extinct  Bronkhorsts,  pretended  to  the 
lordship.     The  court  of  Gelderland  in   161 5    decided  in 

1  Der  Kinderen,  De  Nederlandsche  Republick  en  Munster,  i6jo-i666,  p.  I. 


Years  of  Peace  311 

favour  of  this  pretension,  and  in  the  following  year  the 
States  recognised  the  count  of  Limburg-Styrum  as  the 
owner  of  the  lordship.  Bishop  Christopher  Bernard  von 
Galen  vigorously  urged  the  claims  of  Miinster,  but  neither 
his  representations,  nor  the  support  of  France  and  the 
emperor  could  move  the  States  to  accede  to  his  demands, 
so  that  he  was  greatly  angered.  There  were  the  old  diffi- 
culties between  the  bishop  and  his  capital.  The  attitude 
of  the  States  in  1658  had  saved  the  city  from  complete 
domination  by  its  lord,  but  von  Galen  did  not  give  up,  so 
that  Miinster  repeatedly  asked  a  garrison  from  the 
States,  as  Emden  was  protected  in  that  way  against  its 
count.  Friesland  and  the  eastern  provinces  sometimes 
took  much  trouble  to  comply  with  the  city's  wishes,  but 
Holland  feared  complications  with  the  empire  and  let  the 
favourable  moment  pass  for  raising  on  this  side  a  strong 
bulwark,  though  earnestly  importuned  by  the  resident 
Aitzema,  who  was  intrusted  with  the  care  of  the  city's 
interests.  The  States  confined  themselves  to  a  weak 
mediation,  and  the  respectable  delegation  sent  to  Miin- 
ster in  the  summer  of  1660  to  effect  an  agreement  met  with 
little  success.  Before  the  sending  of  the  deputies  the 
bishop  with  an  army  of  14,000  men  had  laid  siege  to  the 
city,  and  he  encompassed  it  more  closely  and  prevented 
all  attempts  at  relief,  so  that  in  despair  of  help  from  the 
States  it  finally  surrendered  in  March,  1661,  vexed  at  their 
unwillingness.  The  half-hearted  action  of  the  States  also 
excited  the  ire  of  the  bishop,  and  he  was  ready  to  cool  it 
at  the  first  opportunity.  Further  dissensions  with  the 
States  arose  concerning  the  transportation  of  letters 
between  Amsterdam  and  Hamburg,  which  took  place 
partly  across  the  bishop's  territory  and  was  there 
dependent  upon  the  privilege  of  the  count  of  Thurn  and 
Taxis  for  the  general  imperial  postal  service  dating  from 
Maximilian's  time.  Another  serious  matter  was  that  of 
the   debt   due,  on   account   of  an   inheritance,  from   the 


312  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

prince  l  of  East  Friesland  to  the  count  of  Liechtenstein, 
which  claim  amounting  to  300,000  rix-dollars  was  trans- 
ferred in  1663  by  the  imperial  council  of  Vienna  to  the 
bishop  of  Miinster.  The  bishop  offered  the  prince  of 
East  Friesland,  now  George  Christian,  to  assume  the  debt 
in  return  for  the  cession  of  Reiderland,  which  territory 
was  mortgaged  to  the  States-General.  The  prince 
refused  this  offer,  but  saw  no  chance  to  pay  the  Liechten- 
stein debt  unless  the  States-General  helped  him  by  a 
new  loan.  They  were  not  unwilling,  but  demanded 
a  mortgage  on  all  the  princely  lands,  Harlingerland  in 
particular,  besides  the  right  to  occupy  Dylerschans  and 
Jemmingen,  conditions  not  acceptable  to  the  prince. 
Von  Galen  prepared  to  collect  the  debt  by  force  and  had 
his  troops  take  Dylerschans  (December,  1663).  This  act 
of  hostility  aroused  the  States  as  well  as  East  Friesland. 
The  prince  hastily  consented  to  cede  the  fortress  to  the 
States  which  loaned  him  on  it  135,000  rix-dollars  for  the 
payment  of  the  debt  and  gave  orders  to  the  Frisian 
stadtholder  to  assemble  a  small  army  to  defend  Dutch 
interests.  A  deputation  under  Van  Beverningh  was  to 
attempt  the  settlement  of  affairs  in  East  Friesland.  But 
the  bishop  apparently  wanted  Dylerschans  more  than  the 
money.  The  emperor  cooperated  with  him  and  had  his 
ambassador  Friquet  at  The  Hague  admonish  the  States 
not  to  interfere  in  these  imperial  matters. 

The  equipment  of  the  Dutch  troops  consumed  much 
time,  but  in  May,  1664,  a  corps  of  5500  men  was 
gathered  near  Deventer.  Prince  William  Frederick 
moved  on  Dylerschans,  which  was  defended  by  only  300 
Miinster  troops,  and  after  a  few  days  of  siege  it  surren- 
dered on  June  4th  under  protest  from  the  bishop.  The 
Liechtenstein  debt,  the  cause  of  the  trouble,  was  not  fully 
settled  until  after  the  death  of  the  East  Frisian  prince 

1  Count  Enno  Louis  had  in  1654  changed  the  title  of  count  for  that  of 
prince. 


Years  of  Peace  313 

who  expired  in  1665  and  left  a  son  under  age.  It  was  no 
wonder  that  the  bishop  watched  anxiously  the  course  of 
the  complications  with  England,  and  that  the  latter  was 
disposed  to  take  advantage  of  his  feelings.  He  hoped 
furthermore  for  help  from  Brandenburg,  Cologne,  and 
Neuburg,  which  all  had  grievances  against  the  States. 
France,  however,  served  the  republic  by  restraining  these 
princes  and  by  influencing  von  Galen  to  leave  the  States 
in  peace.  The  bishop  saw  in  the  English  war  just 
beginning  a  fine  opportunity  to  attain  his  purpose,  sent 
representatives  to  London,  and  concluded  on  June  13, 
1665,  with  England  a  secret  treaty,  by  which  he  was  to 
receive  until  August  500,000  rix-dollars  and  later  50,000 
rix-dollars  a  month  in  return  for  the  promise  to  attack  the 
Netherlands  from  the  side  of  the  land  with  10,000  cavalry 
and  20,000  infantry. 

In  all  these  doings  the  warlike  bishop  was  inspired  by 
an  exile  from  Groningen,  Johan  Schulenborgh.  During 
the  peace  negotiations  with  Portugal  his  conduct  as 
deputy  to  the  States-General  had  been  as  equivocal  as 
formerly  in  the  disturbances  at  Groningen.  As  president 
of  that  body  he  had  approved  the  treaty  of  peace,  at  De 
Witt's  instigation  and  being  bribed,  as  was  asserted,  by 
Portuguese  gold,  to  the  great  exasperation  of  his  prov- 
ince. He  was  removed  from  all  his  political  offices  and 
condemned  to  refund  4000  guilders  on  account  of  frauds 
imputed  to  him  but  not  fully  proved.  The  energetic 
Schulenborgh  endeavoured  in  conjunction  with  Rengers 
to  regain  his  influence  by  means  of  the  guilds  of  the  city 
of  Groningen,  with  whose  leaders,  the  architects  Waren- 
dorp  and  Van  Emmen,  the  advocate  Harkens,  and  the 
alderman  of  the  tailors,  a  certain  Udinck,  he  had  been 
connected  in  previous  commotions.  A  movement  of  the 
guilds  at  Groningen  resulted  from  his  secret  intrigues  in 
the  summer  of  1662.  The  municipal  government  saw 
itself  compelled  to  abolish  some  unpopular  taxes  and  to 


314         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

withdraw  the  sentences  against  Schulenborgh.  Then  the 
guilds  sought  more  influence  through  a  reform  in  the 
election  of  the  council,  which  was  granted.  It  was  a 
turbulent  summer  in  Groningen,  but  the  victors  soon 
disagreed,  and  Schulenborgh  was  suspected  by  his 
colleagues.  The  council  took  advantage  of  this.  At  a 
favourable  moment  it  summoned  the  garrison  to  arms, 
met  with  support  from  the  militia,  and  was  presently- 
strong  enough  to  arrest  Schulenborgh.  At  the  council's 
request  the  stadtholder  William  Frederick  appeared  in 
November  with  a  large  force  of  troops  in  the  city  and 
garrisoned  it.  The  council  had  now  won  its  cause,  and 
next  year,  on  March  14,  1663,  the  guilds  of  Groningen 
were  regulated  and  made  entirely  subject  to  the  city 
government,  the  aristocracy  of  magistrates  becoming  the 
master.  New  rules  were  drawn  up  by  the  stadtholder  to 
distribute  the  government  fairly  between  City  and  Land, 
but  the  end  was  far  from  being  attained.  The  leaders  of 
the  unsuccessful  revolt  were  severely  punished.  Waren- 
dorp  was  put  to  death,  and  Schulenborgh  only  escaped 
the  same  fate  by  fleeing  to  Miinster,  where  he  entered 
the  bishop's  service  as  counsellor  for  the  affairs  of  East 
Friesland.  The  deserter  hoped  at  the  head  of  Miinster 
troops  to  be  restored  to  honour  and  to  be  revenged  upon 
his  enemies. 

The  new  rules  of  government  and  the  suppression  of 
the  agitation  of  the  guilds  were  principally  due  to  the  in- 
tervention of  William  Frederick.  In  Friesland  too,  where 
complaints  waxed  loud  of  the  hunting  after  office  and  of 
bribery,  he  did  much  to  improve  matters.  New  regula- 
tions brought  some  reform  temporarily  in  the  shameful 
abuses  of  the  local  oligarchs  at  elections.  The  oligarchy 
was  not  broken,  but  more  tolerable  conditions  were 
created.  The  Frisian  prince  did  not  long  enjoy  all  this. 
An  accident  while  repairing  a  pistol,  that  went  off 
unexpectedly  and  sent  a  bullet  through  his  jaw,  deprived 


Years  of  Peace  315 

him  of  life  on  October  31,  1664,  and  his  young  son, 
Henry  Casimir  II.,  succeeded  to  thestadtholderships  with 
his  mother  as  guardian.  Another  misfortune  threatened 
the  sorely  tried  house  of  Nassau,  when,  after  the  burial 
of  the  Frisian  stadtholder,  Prince  John  Maurice,  riding 
over  a  bridge  in  Franeker,  fell  into  the  water  and  was 
only  rescued  with  difficulty.  The  Orange  and  Nassau 
houses  seemed  never  to  have  been  further  from  dominion 
in  the  Dutch  provinces  than  in  these  years,  when  two 
weak  children  and  an  old  bachelor  were  the  sole  mascu- 
line representatives  of  the  two  princely  families  which 
had  now  for  a  century  lived  through  the  joy  and  moan  of 
the  young  Netherlandish  state.  Of  these  three  John  Mau- 
rice had  partly  turned  away  from  the  republic  by  becoming 
stadtholder  at  Cleves  for  the  elector  of  Brandenburg, 
although  he  might  still  be  considered  as  the  probable 
head  of  the  Dutch  army  in  case  of  war. 

How  sadly  situated  Prince  William  III.  was,  appears 
from  the  proceedings  of  the  Estates  of  Zealand,  known 
as  partisans  of  Orange,  with  regard  to  the  government  of 
Flushing  and  Veere,  where  they  thwarted  the  princess- 
dowager  in  her  rights  as  guardian  of  her  grandson.  All 
the  prudence  of  the  able  but  imperious  lady  was  necessary, 
with  the  help  of  her  daughter  Albertina  Agnes  as 
guardian  in  Friesland  of  her  other  grandson,  to  preserve 
intact  the  family's  possessions  for  better  times.  She 
succeeded  actually,  though  it  sometimes  seemed  as  if  the 
young  prince  of  Orange  would  be  quite  ruined  before  he 
became  of  age.  His  principality  was  in  the  hands  of 
France,  and  when  after  four  years  of  negotiations  Louis 
XIV.  in  the  autumn  of  1664  consented  to  give  back  the 
unjustly  seized  property,  when  Constantijn  Huygens  in 
the  ensuing  spring  received  at  Orange  the  homage  of 
the  population  for  their  young  prince  and  the  French 
garrison  departed,  no  one  had  any  illusions  concerning 
the  real  independence  of  the  little  state  surrounded  by 


316  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

French  territory.  And  in  the  Netherlands  the  slight  hope 
of  the  Orange  partisans  was  fixed  upon  the  future,  when 
perhaps  the  heir  of  the  Oranges,  of  age  and  sustained  by 
the  sympathy  of  the  people,  would  attempt  for  himself 
and  his  family  to  obtain  his  elevation  from  the  now 
supreme  party  of  the  States,  which  sat  firmer  than  ever 
in  the  saddle  and  under  the  lead  of  the  energetic  council 
pensionary  would  certainly  not  be  persuaded  easily  to 
that  elevation.  The  old  "Orange  above"  sounded  to 
many  like  mockery,  but  it  still  sounded,  and  the  new 
song  testifying  to  fervent  love  for  the  "small  prince" 
promised  better  days:  "stadtholder  must  he  be  for  all." 


CHAPTER  XII 


SECOND   ENGLISH   WAR 


THE  two  maritime  powers  had  prepared  themselves 
as  well  as  possible  for  the  impending  conflict.  The 
English  navy,  much  neglected  immediately  after  Crom- 
well's death,  was  notably  improved  after  the  Restoration. 
Under  direction  of  the  king's  brother,  the  duke  of  York, 
lord  high-admiral  of  the  fleet,  great  reforms  were  intro- 
duced, and  the  intelligent  administration  of  such  men  as 
Samuel  Pepys  had  a  good  influence.  There  was  still, 
however,  a  lack  of  money  and  consequently  of  all  sorts 
of  things.  Workmen  in  the  yards  and  sailors  had  to 
complain  of  poor  payment,  materials  and  provisions  alike 
left  much  to  be  desired,  serious  injury  resulted  from  the 
custom  of  having  the  posts  of  naval  officers  filled  by 
wholly  inexperienced  persons  or  by  army  officers.  At  the 
outbreak  of  war  England  had  a  navy  of  about  160  ships 
with  5000  guns  and  more  than  25,000  men  under  such 
commanders  as  Monk,  Prince  Rupert,  Montague,  Ayscue, 
Lawson,  and  Penn,  who  were  a  match  for  the  Dutch 
admirals.1 

In  the  Netherlands,  since  the  imperfection  of  the  fleet 
had  so  plainly  appeared  in  the  first  English  war,  work 
had  been  zealously  pushed  in  augmenting  the  number  of 
the  regular  naval  ships  so  as  no  longer  to  be  dependent 
upon  armed  merchant  vessels  or  upon  the  aid  of  private 

1  Tanner,  The  administration  of  the  Navy  from  the  Restoration  to  the 
Revolution  (Eng.  Hist.  Rev.,  Jan.,  1897,  p.  17).  See  De  Jonge,  i.,  p.  616 
et  seq. 

317 


3i 8  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

companies.  With  the  council  pensionary  it  was  above 
all  his  brother  Cornelius  who  looked  after  the  navy,  and 
from  the  latter  part  of  1664  many  new  war  ships  were 
built,  this  activity  being  continued  during  the  war  itself 
by  the  construction  of  large  vessels,  with  forty  to  eighty 
guns,  like  those  of  the  English  fleet.1  The  admiralties 
were  spurred  to  renewed  exertions  not  only  in  building 
but  also  for  the  manning  and  equipment  of  the  ships. 
The  vigorous  management  of  the  council  pensionary, 
with  the  cooperation  of  the  admirals,  Wassenaer-Obdam, 
De  Ruyter,  Cornelis  Tromp,  the  Evertsens,  and  Tjerk 
Hiddes  de  Vries,  overcame  in  part  the  difficulty  of  mak- 
ing five  admiralties  work  together.  At  the  breaking  out  of 
the  war  the  condition  of  the  Dutch  navy  was  very  satis- 
factory, and  it  could  stand  comparison  with  the  English 
both  in  size  and  number  of  vessels  and  in  their  crews,  the 
superiority  of  the  Dutch  mariners  making  up  for  any 
deficiency.  Immediately  every  effort  was  made  to  send 
out  the  fleet.  The  new  ships  were  finished  hastily  and 
others  were  put  on  the  stocks.  The  East  India  Com- 
pany furnished  a  score  of  large  vessels;  many  merchant- 
men were  armed;  a  partial  suspension  of  the  fishery,  the 
raising  of  the  pay,  and  other  measures  gradually  pro- 
vided an  abundance  of  sailors;  privateers  were  fitted  out 
especially  in  Zealand. 

Soon  came  news  that  the  English  fleet,  of  more  than 
100  ships  with  4200  cannon  and  22,000  men,  was  at  sea 
and  off  the  coast.  But  a  severe  storm  dispersed  it.  The 
Dutch  squadrons  were  able  to  unite,  and  at  the  end  of 
May  a  Dutch  fleet  of  about  equal  strength  under 
Wassenaer-Obdam  as  lieutenant  admiral-general  put  to 
sea  after  being  inspected  by  the  council  pensionary  and 
other  representatives  of  the  States.  On  this  occasion 
De  Witt  showed  uncommon  knowledge  of  maritime 
affairs,  in  opposition  to  experienced  seamen  demonstrat- 

1  De  Jonge,  i.,  p.  633. 


Second  English  War  3X9 

ing  the  possibility  of  sailing  out.  Great  expectations 
were  entertained  of  this  "armada,"  the  most  considerable 
that  had  ever  left  Dutch  harbours,  under  command  of 
such  men  as  the  lieutenant  admirals,  Jan  Evertsen, 
Kortenaer,  and  Stellingwerff.  The  caution  of  the  chief 
commander  in  remaining  upon  the  coast  on  account  of 
contrary  winds  excited  vexation.  Urgent  letters  from  De 
Witt,  who  thought  of  going  with  the  fleet  as  deputy,  and 
a  sharp  order  from  the  States  constrained  him  to  seek  the 
British  coast  in  order  to  risk  a  battle.  The  English  fleet, 
sailing  out  again,  met  the  Dutch  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Thames.  After  a  few  days  of  drifting  Wassenaer,  though 
missing  the  advantage  of  the  wind,  resolved  to  attack. 
Off  Lowestoft  a  bloody  battle  was  fought  on  the  13th  of 
June.  This  engagement  resulted  very  unfavourably  for 
the  Dutch,  owing  to  the  bad  cooperation  of  the  seven 
squadrons  forming  their  fleet,  to  the  mutual  jealousy  of 
the  subordinate  commanders  and  the  lack  of  confidence 
in  their  chief,  so  that  each  of  the  captains  fought  on  his 
own  account.  In  the  beginning  Kortenaer  was  killed,  and 
several  captains,  in  contrast  to  the  great  bravery  of 
others,  manifested  slight  eagerness  for  the  fray.  The 
English  finally  broke  through  the  Dutch  order  of  battle, 
and  the  confusion  now  became  terrible.  The  ships  of 
York  and  Wassenaer  engaged  one  another;  York  was 
wounded  and  his  vessel  was  almost  boarded,  when 
suddenly  Wassenaer's  riddled  ship  was  blown  up.  This 
event  settled  the  issue  of  the  combat,  and  many  vessels 
now  took  to  flight,  following  the  example  of  Kortenaer's 
cowardly  pilot  who  sailed  away  with  the  admiral's  flag  at 
the  mast.  Some  captains  still  held  out,  but  at  last  all 
gave  way,  being  pursued  by  the  English  who  captured 
several  ships  and  destroyed  others.  Stellingwerff  and  the 
vice  admiral  Schram  also  lost  their  lives.  Jan  Evertsen, 
succeeding  to  the  command,  attempted  with  Tromp  and 
others  to  restore  order,  but  he  too  had  to  give   up,  and 


320  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

a  disorderly  flight  ensued.  Tromp  sailed  with  some 
sixty  vessels  to  Texel,  Evertsen  himself  with  about 
ten  to  the  Meuse,  others  reached  the  Vhe.  It  was  "a 
total  defeat,"  neither  more  nor  less.  Sixteen  ships  were 
lost,  nine  captured  by  the  enemy,  2000  men  killed. 
There  was  great  disappointment.  Jan  Evertsen  on 
arriving  at  Briel  was  abused  by  a  mob  and  even  thrown 
into  the  water;  later  he  was  imprisoned  at  The  Hague 
and  brought  before  a  court-martial  in  Texel,  laying 
down  his  office,  though  at  last  honourably  acquitted. 

Led  by  the  undaunted  council  pensionary,  who 
hastened  to  Texel,  the  States  used  all  means  to  repair 
damages,  so  that  ten  days  later  the  rear  admiral  Banckers 
could  run  out  to  sea  again  with  twenty  vessels.  The 
guilty  captains  were  severely  punished,  three  of  them 
shot,  others  banished  and  disgraced.  Tromp,  refusing 
at  first  to  approve  of  these  punishments,  rendered  great 
service  in  restoring  the  fleet  and  was  intrusted  with  the 
chief  command,  while  the  States-General  associated  with 
him  a  board  of  three  deputies  to  act  with  three  army 
colonels  and  two  experienced  seamen  as  naval  councillors. 
The  deputies  were:  John  de  Witt  himself,  Rutger 
Huygens,  and  Johan  Boreel.  The  fleet  was  on  the  point 
of  going  out,  when  early  in  August  De  Ruyter  unex- 
pectedly arrived  at  Delfzijl  from  the  Antilles  and  offered 
his  services.  De  Ruyter,  the  senior  vice  admiral,  was 
universally  desired  for  the  chief,  and  Tromp,  to  his 
vexation  and  at  the  instance  of  De  Witt,  was  relieved 
from  the  command,  while  his  place  was  taken  by  De 
Ruyter,  appointed  lieutenant  admiral  to  succeed  Was- 
senaer.  Tromp  was  with  difficulty  induced  by  De  Witt  to 
continue  to  serve  under  the  new  chief  in  the  fleet,  with 
which  he  had  hoped  to  wipe  out  the  defeat  by  a  brilliant 
victory  and  to  preserve  from  the  enemy's  attack  the 
richly  laden  merchantmen  expected  home  from  India. 
But  events  brought  new  disappointment.     Notwithstand- 


Second  English  War  321 

ing  the  objections  of  the  most  experienced  mariners,  De 
Witt  succeeded  in  getting  the  fleet  from  Texel  to  sea 
through  an  outlet  regarded  as  impracticable,  which  has 
since,  as  John  de  Witt's  Channel,  conserved  the  memory 
of  his  energy.  The  fleet,  again  over  ioo  vessels  strong 
with  20,000  men,  sailed  out  on  August  14th  to  look  for 
the  enemy,  "in  a  splendid  condition  and  full  of  courage." 
The  council  pensionary  himself  was  on  board  to  share  its 
perils  or  glory. 

The  enemy  had  attempted  in  the  harbour  of  Bergen  to 
capture  the  returning  fleet,  which  had  sailed  around 
Scotland  to  that  place,  but  was  repulsed  with  the  help  of 
the  Danish  forts.  His  main  force  still  lay  off  the  Dutch 
coast,  but  De  Ruyter,  escorting  the  returning  fleet,  did 
not  encounter  the  English,  and  a  severe  storm  destroyed 
several  ships  and  injured  the  others  so  that  they  had  to 
seek  port.  A  second  storm  at  the  end  of  September 
inflicted  further  damage.  De  Witt  with  De  Ruyter, 
however,  managed  to  repair  the  fleet  every  time,  and 
early  in  October  they  again  sailed  out  to  search  for  the 
enemy  on  the  English  coast  off  Yarmouth  and  the 
mouth  of  the  Thames.  But  the  enemy  remained  inside, 
and  new  autumnal  storms  and  sickness  compelled  De 
Ruyter  in  the  first  days  of  November  to  return  without 
having  accomplished  his  purpose.1  The  council  pension- 
ary now  resumed  his  post  which  had  been  occupied 
during  a  few  months  by  his  cousin  Vivien. 

The  first  year  of  the  war  on  the  sea  had  thus  brought 
nothing  but  misfortune  and  disappointment.  The  war 
waged  on  land  at  the  same  time  with  Miinster  had  also 
not  been  fortunate.  Army  and  fortifications  had  been 
terribly  neglected.  Since  the  death  of  Prince  William  II. 
the  once  excellent  Dutch  army  had  become  more  and 
more  disorganised.     No  field  marshal  was  appointed  after 

1  Most  important  letters  concerning  the  doings  of  the  fleet  are  to  be  found 
in  De  Witt's  correspondence  from  the  fleet  itself  (Royal  Archives). 


322  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Brederode's  death,  and  thus  to  please  Holland  the 
general  army  was  really  dissolved  into  the  seven  small 
armies  of  the  separate  provinces.  Princes  William  Fred- 
erick and  Maurice  of  Nassau  represented  the  old  tradi- 
tions of  the  Spanish  war.  The  former  had  now 
disappeared  from  the  scene,  and  the  latter  withdrew  in 
discontent  to  Cleves.  And  the  prince  of  Orange  was  too 
young  to  fill  a  high  military  office,  even  under  the  guid- 
ance of  an  experienced  commander.  Good  officers  were 
scarce  or  incapacitated  by  age,  while  most  of  the  posts 
were  occupied  by  young  sons  of  magistrates,  who  prof- 
ited by  shameful  frauds  in  the  muster  and  payment  of 
the  soldiers.  The  land  provinces  reduced  their  war 
budget  as  much  as  possible;  Holland,  Zealand,  and 
Friesland  had  enough  to  do  for  the  fleet  to  prevent  their 
devoting  much  attention  to  the  army.  The  best  part  of 
the  army  was  used  as  marines  in  the  navy.  The  council 
of  state  and  the  prince  of  Nassau  had  year  after  year 
warned  against  this  condition  of  affairs.  But  their  voice 
had  been  like  that  of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1665  rumours  were  rife  of  the 
bishop  of  Miinster's  plans  for  war,  and  it  was  feared  that 
the  archbishop  of  Cologne,  the  duke  of  Jiilich,  and  even 
the  elector  of  Brandenburg  might  join  him  on  account 
of  their  grievances  against  the  States.  The  land  prov- 
inces, especially  Gelderland  and  Overyssel,  became 
uneasy  and  called  for  help.  The  troops  were  reenforced 
by  over  11,000  men,  munitions  of  war  were  collected,  and 
measures  were  taken  to  improve  the  fortresses,  a  credit 
of  2,400,000  guilders  being  opened.  The  bishop  of  Miin- 
ster  continued  his  preparations  after  the  treaty  with  Eng- 
land, secretly  supported  by  the  attitude  of  the  Spanish 
governor  at  Brussels,  Castel-Rodrigo,  who  permitted  his 
enlistments  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands.  In  September 
the  States  concluded  an  alliance  with  Brunswick-Liine- 
burg,  which  placed  12,000  men   under  George  Friedrich 


Second  English  War  323 

von  Waldeck  at  the  disposition  of  the  republic.  Waldeck 
was  an  experienced  general  and  had  refused  the  command 
of  Miinster's  troops.  France  promised  to  do  its  best  to 
prevent  the  war  and  succeeded  in  breaking  the  dreaded 
cooperation  of  the  princes  on  the  lower  Rhine,  so  that 
Miinster  finally  stood  alone.1  War  with  Miinster  was 
plainly  inevitable,  and  late  in  July  Prince  Maurice  was 
appointed  chief  commander  with  the  Rhinegrave  von 
Solms  and  the  Scotchman  Kirkpatrick  as  generals  and 
with  eight  deputies  of  the  States,  including  Cornelius  de 
Witt,  "to  assist  with  word  and  deed."  After  an  unsuc- 
cessful treacherous  attack  upon  Arnhem  and  Doesburg 
the  bishop  sent  to  the  States-General  at  the  end  of 
September  a  declaration  of  war,  while  he  moved  towards 
the  Dutch  frontiers  with  his  army  under  command  of  the 
count  of  Hesse-Homburg.  Prince  Maurice  complaining 
of  the  small  army  left  him  after  garrisoning  thirty  forts, 
the  States  took  9000  new  troops  into  service  besides 
6000  militia  for  the  frontier  fortresses.  At  the  end  of 
the  year  the  army  had  increased  from  20,000  to  70,000 
men,  and  the  expenditures  upon  it  amounted  to  over  five 
and  one-half  million  guilders. 

But  this  was  all  in  preparation  when"  the  bishop  began 
his  attack.  The  forts  of  Twente  and  a  large  part  of  the 
Achterhoek  were  occupied  by  him  in  September;  Salland 
and  Twente  purchased  a  safeguard  from  him ;  the  Dutch 
army  on  the  Yssel  was  not  strong  enough  to  drive  him 
away,  but  prevented  his  crossing  the  river.  In  October 
the  enemy  forced  his  way  from  Staphorst  and  Rouveen 
into  Drenthe  and  farther  into  the  Oldambt,  where  he 
plundered  and  burned  and  was  with  difficulty  kept  by 
Prince  Maurice  from  attacking  Groningen.  Fortunately 
French  help  now  appeared,  6000  troops  under  General 
Pradel,  governor  of  Bapaume,  sent  in  accordance  with 

1  See  Der  Kinderen,  De  Nederlandsche  Republiek  en  Munster,  i6jo-/666, 
p.  277  et  seq. 


324  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  treaties  concluded  with  France.  Pradel's  small  army- 
arrived  at  Maestricht  on  November  ioth,  twelve  days 
later  on  the  Yssel,  pillaging  on  its  way  along  the  Meuse 
to  its  heart's  content.  There  were  many  complaints  of 
the  scandalous  disorder  of  these  auxiliary  bands,  to  be 
ascribed  in  part  to  their  poor  provisionment.1  Though 
it  was  already  winter,  a  joint  expedition  into  Miinster 
was  decided  upon,  urged  by  Maurice  but  opposed  by 
Pradel,  in  order  to  force  the  bishop  to  quit  the  republic's 
territory.  Lochem  was  taken  on  December  13th  after  a 
brief  siege,  and  the  whole  army  then  moved  to  the  Miin- 
ster frontier,  supported  on  the  other  side  by  Waldeck. 
But  Pradel  soon  refused  to  go  farther,  and  winter  quarters 
were  occupied  before  the  end  of  the  month.  Thus  ended 
the  first  campaign.  Little  was  accomplished  during  the 
winter  by  the  small  detachments  sent  out  by  either  side, 
the  most  important  events  being  the  occupation  of 
Wedde  by  Dutch  troops  and  the  plundering  of  Vriezen- 
veen  and  Emmen  by  Miinster. 

Meanwhile  peace  was  sought  from  various  sides,  and 
especially  since  Beverningh  with  French  help  in  February 
had  persuaded  the  elector  of  Brandenburg  to  a  treaty  of 
subsidy  and  alliance  with  "the  merchants  of  Holland," 
Miinster  began  to  incline  to  peace,  menaced  everywhere 
and  feebly  sustained  by  England's  slow  payments. 
Brandenburg  was  to  aid  the  Dutch  with  12,000  men,  if 
von  Galen  declined  to  conclude  peace.  A  second  cam- 
paign was  prepared,  Prince  Maurice  again  receiving  the 
command,  but  before  any  important  result  was  achieved, 
negotiations  were  opened  through  the  mediation  of 
Brandenburg  at  Cleves,  Beverningh  conducting  them  for 
the  Dutch.     Other  Rhenish  princes  took  part,  as  well  as 

1  Der  Kinderen,  pp.  344,  352.  Cf.  Aitzema,  v.,  p.  517,  where  is  the  re. 
port  of  the  deputies  concerning  the  entire  campaign.  Further,  pp.  660,  665. 
Also,  the  Mdmoires  du prince  de  Guiche  (London,  Changuion,  1764),  p.  83; 
Wicquefort,  iii.,  p.  219. 


Second  English  War  325 

the  emperor's  ambassador  to  The  Hague,  Friquet,  who 
promoted  a  good  understanding  between  the  States  and 
the  princes  of  the  empire,  and  the  French  diplomatist 
Colbert-Croissy,  who  acted  equivocally.  These  negotia- 
tions led  to  peace  on  April  18th,  by  which  both  parties 
were  to  evacuate  the  territory  occupied,  and  Miinster 
gave  up  its  claims  to  Borculoo  and  promised  not  to 
increase  its  army  over  3000  men.  This  result  was  more 
favourable  to  the  republic  than  could  have  been  expected. 
A  last  attempt  of  the  English  diplomatist  Temple  to 
induce  von  Galen  to  continue  the  war  failed.  An  eye 
had  to  be  kept  upon  the  sail  in  this  quarter  for  fear  of 
another  attack.  The  bishop  had  made  peace,  because 
he  was  about  to  be  assailed  from  all  sides,  and  it  was 
hard  for  him  to  swallow  his  defeat,  while  the  course  of 
the  war  had  shown  that  the  army  and  fortifications  of  the 
States  were  insufficient  of  themselves  to  oppose  him, 
whenever  he  should  again  venture  upon  war. 

The  death  of  Philip  IV.  of  Spain  in  September,  1665, 
brought  new  dangers  into  European  politics,  because  his 
son,  young  Charles  II.,  declared  by  will  his  sole  heir, 
was  so  weak  that  he  could  not  be  expected  to  live  long, 
and  then  the  same  will  indicated  as  successor  not  the 
French  queen,  on  account  of  the  stipulations  of  the 
peace  of  the  Pyrenees,  but  Philip's  second  daughter, 
the  empress,  and,  in  her  default,  the  emperor  and  his 
children.  It  was  no  secret  that  Louis  XIV.  did  not 
intend  to  accept  this  settlement  and  reckoned  upon  the 
aid  of  the  States.  Early  in  1666  he  declared  war  on 
England  to  satisfy  the  States,  which  had  long  been 
urging  France's  engagements  by  virtue  of  the  treaty 
concluded.  A  joint  naval  expedition  was  planned  with 
the  cooperation  of  a  French  squadron  under  the  admiral 
of  France,  the  duke  of  Beaufort.  The  French  squadron 
was  not  assembled  until  late  in  the  spring  and  then  made 
little  haste  to  unite  with  the  Dutch  fleet.     This  latter  was 


326  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

after  the  trials  of  the  preceding  year  again  in  order.  De 
Witt  had  incited  the  admiralties  to  energy,  and  a  more 
powerful  fleet  than  Obdam's  was  ready  in  spring,  consist- 
ing of  seventy-two  large  men-of-war,  twelve  fast  frigates, 
and  a  sufficient  number  of  dispatch  boats,  galiots,  and 
supply  ships,  while  the  East  India  Company  offered 
1,200,000  guilders  in  place  of  twenty  ships.  Three 
lieutenant  admirals,  De  Ruyter  for  Holland,  Cornelis 
Evertsen  for  Zealand,  Tjerk  Hiddes  de  Vries  for 
Friesland,  had  charge  of  the  preparations.  England's 
sea  power  might  be  curbed  by  the  help  of  France,  whose 
large  fleet1  was  to  be  escorted  north  by  a  Dutch  squadron, 
and  with  that  of  Denmark  which  consented  to  an  alliance 
after  the  English  attack  on  Bergen  and  was  willing  to 
fit  out  forty  vessels.  But  the  French  fleet  remained  on 
the  Portuguese  coast,  and  the  Danish  one  did  not  leave 
its  own  shores,  so  that  the  Dutch  fleet  put  to  sea  alone  in 
June. 

It  was  somewhat  smaller  but,  on  account  of  the  size  of 
the  vessels  and  the  more  numerous  crews,  stronger  than 
that  of  the  year  before.  De  Ruyter,  on  the  new  ship 
The  Seven  Provinces,  commanded  this  fine  fleet,  "at 
least  a  third  more  considerable  in  power  than  it  has  been 
in  the  past,"  says  De  Witt  himself,  while  the  men, 
"experienced,  brave,  and  healthy,"  could  stand  com- 
parison with  any  previous  force.  It  numbered  sixteen 
high  officers,  among  whom  were  Aert  van  Nes  and  the 
other  lieutenant  admirals,  to  which  rank  Cornelis  Tromp 
and  Johan  Meppel  had  also  risen,  the  vice  admirals  De 
Liefde,  Van  der  Hulst,  Banckers,  Schram,  and  Coenders, 
the  rear  admirals  Jan  van  Nes,  Cornelis  Evertsen  the 
younger,  Stachouwer,  and  Bruynsvelt,  and  the  best 
captains  to  be  found,  many  of  them  obtaining  great 
renown  then  and  later.      In  joyful  expectation  of  victory 

1  Lefevre  Pontalis,  i.,  p.  417,  puts  the  French  fleet  in  1667  at  no  ships 
with  3700  guns  and  22,000  men, 


Second  English  War  327 

the  fleet  sailed  out,  divided  into  three  squadrons  and 
each  of  these  again  into  three  sections:  De  Ruyter  with 
Van  Nes  in  the  front,  Evertsen  and  De  Vries  in  the 
middle,  Tromp  and  Meppel  in  the  rear.  Off  North 
Foreland  on  the  nth  of  June  the  English  fleet  under 
Monk  was  encountered,  also  divided  into  three  squadrons 
but,  by  reason  of  the  detachment  of  twenty  vessels 
under  Prince  Rupert  to  hold  de  Beaufort  in  check,  con- 
siderably weaker  than  the  Dutch,  though  provided  with 
heavier  ships. 

Then  began  the  fierce  four  days'  naval  battle,  the  most 
murderous  of  all  time.  On  the  very  first  day  there  was  a 
bloody  fight  between  the  English  and  the  Flemish  coast, 
with  great  bravery  and  great  losses  on  both  sides.  On 
the  second  day  De  Ruyter  broke  through  the  hostile  line 
and  destroyed  several  of  the  enemy's  ships,  so  that 
Monk  at  last  had  only  twenty-eight  vessels.  In  a 
masterly  manner  he  conducted  the  retreat  to  the  British 
coast,  during  which  Ayscue,  the  vice  admiral  in  command 
of  his  second  squadron,  fell  with  his  ship  into  Tromp's 
hands.  Prince  Rupert's  return  from  the  Channel  reen- 
forced  Monk  again  to  about  sixty  ships,  and  once  more 
he  was  able,  close  by  the  English  coast,  to  attack  the 
Dutch  fleet  reduced  to  about  the  same  strength.  This 
time  also  the  British  gave  way,  but  on  the  fourth  day 
they  renewed  the  savage  combat  with  even  greater 
violence  than  before,  so  that  the  sea  looked  red  with 
blood  and  the  clouds  of  smoke  from  burning  vessels 
obscured  the  light  of  day.  The  Dutch  force  was  in  peril 
for  a  brief  space,  but  at  the  decisive  moment  De  Ruyter 
hoisted  the  blood-red  flag  in  sign  of  a  general  attack, 
broke  the  British  line  in  different  places,  and  was  soon 
chasing  the  enemy's  fleet  in  a  wild  flight.  The  entire 
English  fleet  would  have  been  annihilated,  if  a  dense  fog 
had  not  stopped  the  pursuit.  Thus  ended  this  battle  in  a 
complete  victory,  and  the  Dutch  fleet  decked  with  flags 


328  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

and  streamers,  though  severely  damaged,  sailed  to 
Wielingen,  carrying  in  triumph  six  ships  and  3000 
prisoners  with  Ayscue  and  the  corpse  of  his  colleague 
Berkeley — a  proof  of  success  that  should  have  silenced  all 
the  English  assertions  and  exultations  over  a  British 
"victory."  The  day  of  thanksgiving  in  the  Netherlands 
had  certainly  more  reason  for  its  existence  than  the 
bonfires  in  England  on  Monk's  return,  which  speedily 
gave  place  to  general  dejection.1 

Under  De  Witt's  energetic  management  the  damaged 
ships  were  quickly  repaired,  and  early  in  July  ninety  of 
them  were  again  ready  for  sea.  De  Ruyter  was  once 
more  in  command.  But  England,  whose  national  pride 
was  hard  hit  by  the  defeat,  had  vigorously  exerted 
itself,  and  its  fleet  was  also  at  sea  under  Monk  and  Prince 
Rupert.  The  fleets  met  in  the  same  seas  on  August  4th. 
Tromp  succeeded  in  putting  to  flight  the  English 
squadron  commanded  by  Smith,  but  in  the  eager  pursuit 
he  lost  sight  of  the  dangerous  situation  of  the  two  other 
divisions  of  the  Dutch  fleet.  The  vanguard,  consisting 
of  Zealanders  and  Frisians,  was  dispersed  by  the  British 
after  the  death  of  Johan  Evertsen  and  De  Vries.  De 
Ruyter  with  the  middle  division  engaged  the  enemy 
alone  and  was  nearly  overwhelmed  by  superior  force. 
With  his  disabled  ship  and  some  others  he  escaped  among 
the  banks  on  the  coast  of  Zealand,  exasperated  at 
Tromp's  conduct,  which  he  attributed  not  merely  to  reck- 
lessness but  to  design,  and  for  which  boiling  with  wrath  he 
reproached  Tromp  on  his  own  ship.  The  result  was  a 
quarrel  between  the  two  heroes,  Tromp  complaining  to 
the  States-General.  Nothing  remained  to  be  done  but 
to  dismiss  one  of  the  two,  and  this  fate  naturally  befell 
Tromp  distrusted  by  the  ruling  party  on  account  of  his 
Orange  partisanship.  He  was  replaced  by  the  colonel  of 
marines  Van  Ghent.     During  six  years  Tromp  remained 

1  De  Jonge,  ii.,  p.  85. 


Second  English  War  329 


out  of  the  service,  bewailing  the  injustice  done  him  and 
with  his  Orange  friends  considering  means  for  overthrow- 
ing the  existing  government  and  elevating  the  prince. 

This  time  the  victory  of  the  English  was  not  for  a 
moment  in  doubt.  They  ruled  the  sea  and  even 
threatened  its  inlets.  The  rear  admiral  Holmes  pushed, 
on  August  19th,  within  the  Vlie  to  destroy  merchantmen 
lying  there,  and  burned  the  two  convoy  ships  destined 
to  protect  them  and  more  than  140  of  the  mercantile 
vessels.  A  landing  on  Terschelling  next  day  was  a  com- 
plete success,  and  a  large  part  of  the  island  was  pillaged 
and  laid  waste.  The  destruction  of  some  English  mer- 
chantmen on  the  Elbe  at  Hamburg  afforded  but  slight 
consolation.  Early  in  September  the  Dutch  fleet,  eighty 
ships  of  war  strong,  again  put  to  sea  under  command  of 
De  Ruyter  and  with  Cornelius  de  Witt  as  deputy.  The 
British  were  met  in  the  Channel  off  Boulogne,  but  they 
avoided  battle  to  the  disappointment  of  De  Witt.  Sick- 
ness on  the  fleet  and  the  indisposition  of  the  commander, 
burning  tow  from  a  match  having  flown  into  his  throat, 
decided  the  States  to  recall  the  fleet. 

The  terrible  fire  of  London,  which  made  a  deep  im- 
pression in  England  like  the  plague  prevailing  there, 
seemed  to  the  States  to  give  a  fitting  opportunity  to 
prove  that  the  republic  was  not  thoroughly  beaten.  As 
De  Ruyter's  illness  prevented  his  commanding  the  fleet, 
John  de  Witt  in  the  absence  of  his  faithful  friend  was 
designated  to  lead  it  with  the  support  of  the  lieutenant 
admiral  Van  Nes.  So  the  council  pensionary  went  with 
the  fleet  to  the  English  coast  again.  Some  ridiculed  the 
gowned  admiral,  but  De  Witt,  hoping  this  time  to  unite 
with  the  French  under  de  Beaufort,  boldly  entered  the 
Channel  and  offered  battle  to  the  enemy  early  in  Octo- 
ber. Neither  a  battle,  nor  a  junction  with  de  Beaufort 
followed ;  storms  and  sickness  forced  the  fleet  to  return, 
and  only  a  few  ships  remained    at   sea  to  protect  com- 


33°  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

merce.  In  the  Netherlands  as  well  as  in  England  the 
disasters  of  this  year  strengthened  the  peace  party. 
There  were  heavy  losses  on  both  sides,  the  plague  had 
raged  violently  in  England,  discontent  was  increasing  at 
the  court's  extravagance  in  the  midst  of  war.  The 
continuance  of  the  Dutch  ambassador  Van  Gogh  in 
London  and  that  of  Downing  at  The  Hague  had  encour- 
aged at  first  the  lovers  of  peace.     Until  the  autumn  of 

1665  Downing  was  the  soul  of  intrigues  in  the  republic 
with  the  help  of  the  Orange  party  to  cast  suspicion  upon 
the  States.  These  intrigues  were  discovered,  and  he  had 
to  leave  the  country.  Van  Gogh  followed  his  example 
towards  the  end  of  the  year.  The  reverses  of  the  next 
year  occasioned  new  efforts  of  the  Orange  party  which 
had  even  wished  to  send  the  young  prince  to  England 
to  obtain  peace  from  his  uncle.  In  these  new  intrigues 
was  mixed  up  the  captain  of  horse  Henri  Fleury  de  Cou- 
lant,  lord  of  Buat,  son-in-law  of  the  late  clerk  Musch, 
one  of  the  many  French  officers  finding  here  a  military 
career.  Buat  was  a  brave  but  insignificant  man,  a 
drunkard,  little  suited  to  act  as  a  secret  negotiator.  A 
partisan  of  Orange  by  conviction,  he  had  proffered  his 
services  to  De  Witt  to  enter  into  secret  relations  with  the 
English  statesmen,  particularly  with  the  influential 
minister  Arlington. 

De  Witt  was  not  averse  to  approaching  England.  In 
the  spring  of  1666  the  Dutch  negotiator  at  Cleves, 
Beverningh,  had  been  in  confidential  conversation  with 
Temple,  the  English  ambassador  there,  and  France  had 
immediately  suspected  negotiations  without  its  partici- 
pation.     In  preparing  the  campaign  against  Miinster  in 

1666  the  council  pensionary  had  thought  seriously  of 
winning  over  the  active  Orange  party  by  making  the 
prince  general  of  the  cavalry,  provided  Turenne  himself 
undertook  to  lead  the  campaign.  But  France  protested 
against  any  secret  negotiation  and  was  disinclined  to  do 


Second  English  War  33 I 

anything  for  the  prince.  It  desired  to  support  the 
stadtholderless  government  and  to  weaken  the  two 
maritime  powers  by  their  conflict  in  order  at  the  right 
moment  to  strike  for  itself  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands. 
De  Witt  gave  up  his  idea,  while  Zealand  continued  to 
insist  upon  some  military  office  for  the  prince.  To 
oppose  this  urgency  De  Witt  determined  to  bring  the 
young  prince  under  the  supervision  of  Holland  by  hav- 
ing him  adopted  as  "child  of  the  state."  Some  people 
there  were  who  believed  that  the  state  in  so  doing  would 
become  "child  of  the  prince."  The  princess  dowager 
made  the  request  and  with  her  aid  the  prince  in  April 
was  adopted  by  Holland  as  "child  of  the  state."  His 
courtiers  and  tutor  Zuylesteyn  were  replaced  by  the  lord 
of  Gent  as  tutor  and  other  attendants  more  to  the  mind 
of  the  States,  while  a  commission,  including  John  de 
Witt  himself,  was  appointed  to  instruct  the  young  prince 
"well  and  thoroughly"  both  in  the  "Reformed  religion" 
and  "in  the  good  and  salutary  rights,  privileges,  and 
maxims  of  the  state."  Thus  it  was  hoped  to  thwart 
the  efforts  of  the  Orange  party  and  to  direct  aright  the 
prince's  education.  But  in  the  affair  itself  lay  the 
recognition  of  the  prince's  exceptional  position  and 
the  promise  of  his  later  elevation  to  those  dignities  which 
De  Witt  had  long  seen  could  not  be  permanently  with- 
held from  him.  The  agreement  was  a  compromise  that 
the  princess  could  look  back  upon  with  satisfaction,  and 
she  might  expect  the  future  to  bring  more.  And  De 
Witt,  however  cleverly  the  danger  of  the  moment  was 
averted,  could  not  hide  from  himself  that  under  these 
finely  sounding  words  the  first  step  was  taken  on  a  way 
that  he  would  gladly  have  avoided. 

In  consequence  of  these  events  De  Witt  did  not  refuse 
the  services  of  so  confirmed  a  partisan  of  Orange  as  Buat. 
Like  the  whole  Orange  party,  Buat  expected  advantage 

1  See  Fruin,  Het proces  van  Buat  (Nijhoff" s  Bijdr.,  3de  R.,  i.,  p.  4.) 


332  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

for  the  prince  from  peace  with  England,  and,  even 
before  France's  declaration  of  war  against  England,  he 
was,  through  Silvius,  a  former  servant  of  the  princess 
royal  and  one  of  his  friends  at  the  English  court,  in 
correspondence  with  Lord  Arlington,  who  was  married  to 
Beverweert's  daughter.  In  this  correspondence  terms  of 
peace  were  discussed,  and  Buat  communicated  them  to 
Van  Beverningh  in  De  Witt's  absence  and  to  the  council 
pensionary  himself  on  his  return  from  the  fleet  in 
November,  1665.  These  terms  were  so  "unreasonable," 
that  the  council  pensionary  made  but  little  answer  to 
them,  but  he  allowed  Buat  to  continue  the  correspond- 
ence. Buat  kept  De  Witt  informed  of  unimportant 
matters,  but  at  the  same  time  he  was  carrying  on  a  second 
secret  negotiation  with  Silvius  and  Arlington  in  the  name 
of  Tromp's  friends,  the  violent  partisans  of  Orange,  who 
desired  peace  at  any  price  and  were  reputed  to  be  led  by 
Johan  Kievit,  Tromp's  brother-in-law.  Through  a 
mistake  in  August,  1666,  a  letter  of  this  last  correspond- 
ence with  the  superscription  pour  vous  mesme  fell  into 
De  Witt's  hands,  and  thus  he  learned  the  secrets  of  the 
hated  faction  which  wanted  to  overthrow  him.  Of  course 
Buat  was  lost.  He  neglected  the  opportunity  to  escape 
and  was  arrested  some  hours  later.  A  search  of  his  house 
furnished  proof  of  a  very  extensive  correspondence,  but 
only  a  little  of  it  seemed  to  have  been  kept.  Commissioners 
of  Holland  gave  him  a  preliminary  hearing,  but  did  not  dis- 
cover much  of  consequence  except  that  he  was  in  commu- 
nication with  Kievit  and  another  member  of  Rotterdam's 
government,  Van  der  Horst.  The  case  was  then  referred 
somewhat  irregularly  to  their  own  court  of  justice  with  a 
request  "to  proceed  with  all  possible  promptitude  and 
with  vigour."  Enough  was  found  to  show  the  traitorous 
attitude  of  the  friends  of  Kievit  and  Tromp.  The  court's 
slowness  gave  Kievit  and  Van  der  Horst  a  chance  to  flee, 
and  so  poor  Buat  was  left  alone.     One  of  the  councilors 


Second  English  War  333 

favouring  him,  Van  der  Graaf,  excused  himself  from  fur- 
ther participation  in  the  case  on  account  of  remarks  made 
concerning  his  incautious  visit  to  the  prisoner.  The  court 
was  repeatedly  urged  to  hasten  matters  by  the  States  in 
De  Witt's  absence,1  on  October  4th  by  a  deputation  in 
which  Vivien,  pensionary  of  Dordrecht  and  De  Witt's 
cousin,  made  a  vehement  speech.  Acquittal  was  con- 
stantly advocated  by  the  Orange  party.  After  long  delay 
and  pressure  also  from  the  French  ambassador  the  court 
pronounced  sentence  of  death  with  confiscation  of  prop- 
erty by  five  to  three  votes,  a  severe  punishment  but  one 
that  cannot  be  called  unmerited  or  unjust.  In  default 
Kievit  had  the  same  sentence  and  Van  der  Horst  that  of 
banishment.  On  October  nth  the  imprudent  cavalry 
captain  was  executed  amid  the  general  compassion  of  the 
people  who  soon  began  to  regard  him  as  an  innocent  victim 
of  his  devotion  to  Orange — an  unjust  opinion  which  was 
fostered  by  the  Orange  party  and  which  later  greatly  in- 
jured De  Witt  and  his  friends. 

In  the  autumn  of  1666  the  States  planned  new  naval 
expeditions  for  the  following  spring,  hoping  for  energetic 
cooperation  of  the  French  fleet.  A  quadruple  alliance 
with  Denmark,  Brandenburg,  and  the  Liineburgers 
absolved  them  from  all  fear  of  Munster  and  Sweden.  In 
England  as  well  as  in  the  Netherlands  a  new  struggle  was 
viewed  with  apprehension  by  reason  of  its  financial 
burdens.  The  Dutch  found  it  very  difficult  to  pay  the 
costs  of  war  and  were  forced  to  issue  loan  after  loan  both 
for  the  provinces  and  for  the  admiralties.  De  Witt  says 
that  Holland  was  paying  half  of  its  income  and  more  for 
the  interest  on  its  debt.  In  the  war  this  province  borrowed 
over  twelve  and    one  fourth    million    florins.8      Sweden 

1  That  he  was  the  great  instigator  of  the  trial,  and  that  he  must  thus  be 
reproached  with  Buat's  death  is  contested  by  Fruin  upon  convincing  grounds. 
Fruin,  p,  38. 

2  Lefevre  Pontalis,  i.,  p.  400. 


334  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

manifesteJ  its  readiness  to  mediate  between  the  belliger- 
ents and  found  England,  the  republic,  and  France 
willing.  England  was  prepared  to  negotiate  at  some 
town  in  the  republic's  territory,  e.  g.,  in  the  generality 
lands,  which  seemed  better  also  to  the  States  and  to  the 
king  of  France  than  The  Hague,  where  the  intrigues  of 
the  Orange  party  might  have  to  be  fought  against. 
Evidently  England  hoped  for  this  at  Breda,  the  prince's 
barony.  In  April  Breda  was  finally  designated  as  the 
place  of  the  negotiations,  and  the  envoys  of  the  powers 
concerned  gradually  gathered  there.  Van  Beverningh 
was  the  chief  of  the  eight  Dutch  negotiators ;  only  three 
of  them  were  to  go  to  Breda,  the  deputies  of  the  three 
maritime  provinces;  by  this  limitation  De  Witt  hoped  to 
thwart  the  English  intrigues. 

Thus  began  the  negotiations  for  peace.1  Van  Bever- 
ningh, De  Huybert,  the  council  pensionary  of  Zealand, 
and  the  Frisian  Jongestal  were  the  envoys.  At  once  the 
uncommon  friendliness  of  the  French  ambassadors  to- 
wards those  of  England  attracted  notice,  but  the  Eng- 
lish government  showed  less  good-will,  mistrusting  more 
and  more  the  designs  of  France  upon  the  southern 
Netherlands.  During  the  negotiations  France  actually 
threw  off  the  mask  and  moved  its  troops  into  South 
Flanders.  The  old  questions  of  Pularoon  and  the  cap- 
tured English  vessels,  the  repeal  of  the  Navigation  Act 
and  similar  laws,  the  treatment  of  rebels  on  both  sides, 
etc.,  were  discussed  at  length,  but  the  equivocal  attitude 
of  the  French  and  Swedes  and  the  unwillingness  of  the 
States  to  concede  much  retarded  the  negotiation,  and 
by  the  middle  of  June  little  progress  was  made,  while 
France's  conduct  excited  uneasiness  and  the  English 
envoys  encouraged  by  it  commenced  to  display  arrogance. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  seemed  desirable  by  some 
brilliant  naval  exploit  to  show  England  and  the  world 
'See  Wicquefort,  iii.,  p.  298,  and  the  documents  in  Aitzema. 


Second  English  War  335 

once  more  that  the  complete  exhaustion  attributed  to  the 
republic  was  far  from  having  been  reached.  Even  before 
the  defeat  of  Lowestoft  De  Witt  had  formed  the  plan  of 
entering  the  mouth  of  the  Thames  and  of  attacking  the 
arsenals  of  the  English  fleet.  This  bold  plan,  considered 
also  after  the  four  days'  battle  but  rejected  by  De 
Ruyter  on  account  of  insufficient  acquaintance  with  the 
shoals  of  the  Thames,  was  now  at  the  instance  of  De  Witt 
to  be  carried  out  by  the  fleet  made  ready  in  spring  and 
again  surpassing  the  former  one  in  strength.1  A  small 
division  of  the  fleet  under  the  lieutenant  admiral  Van 
Ghent,  which  had  escorted  some  merchantmen  around  the 
north  of  Scotland,  attempted  early  in  June  to  sail  up  the 
river  of  Edinburgh,  but  was  quickly  obliged  to  turn  back. 
The  rumour  of  a  more  dangerous  plan  against  the 
Thames  began  to  spread  in  England,  and  measures  were 
taken  to  defend  the  river.  These  measures,  however, 
were  soon  suspended,  and  De  Witt  saw  a  chance  to 
execute  his  plan.  Everything  was  prepared  in  deep 
secrecy.  Cornelius  de  Witt,  as  the  representative  of  the 
States,  was  sent  to  the  fleet  only  a  few  days  before  its 
leaving  Texel  in  order  with  De  Ruyter  to  lead  the 
expedition  according  to  a  commission  put  into  their  hands 
by  the  council  pensionary  on  the  departure  of  the  fleet. 
The  governor  of  Putten  was  not  a  little  proud  of  the 
honourable  mission  given  him.  He  and  De  Ruyter  might 
indeed  be  "the  best  plenipotentiaries"  for  Breda.  At 
the  Meuse  a  considerable  detachment  of  troops  was 
taken  on  board.  On  June  14th  the  fleet  sailed,  over 
eighty  vessels  of  all  kinds  and  exclusively  fitted  out  by 
Holland,  to  the  British  coast,  where  it  arrived  off  the 
mouth  of  the  Thames  in  the  evening  of  the  17th. 
A  squadron  of  seventeen  smaller  war  vessels  with  advice 
boats,  fire  ships,  and  galiots  under  command  of  Van 
Ghent  was  intrusted  with  the  real  attack  and  sailed  up 

1  De  Jonge,  ii.,  p.  155, 


336  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  river  in  the  early  morning  of  the  19th,  followed  at  a 
distance  by  the  main  part  of  the  fleet.  Some  half- 
equipped  ships  on  the  Thames  escaped  to  London,  but 
De  Witt  and  Van  Ghent  determined  to  go  up  the  Medway 
on  the  20th,  and  the  troops  having  been  landed  under 
Colonel  Dolman  captured  the  fort  of  Sheerness  and 
hoisted  the  flag  of  the  States  there,  the  fort  and  its  stores 
being  afterwards  mostly  destroyed.  Measures  were 
hastily  taken  on  the  English  side  to  ward  off  the  attack: 
batteries  were  thrown  up  and  manned;  some  large  ships 
were  stationed  in  the  river  behind  a  heavy  chain  to  pro- 
tect them;  other  vessels  were  sunk  to  block  the  passage; 
troops  were  hurried  from  all  directions.  Monk  and  York 
endeavoured  to  avoid  the  consequences  of  carelessness  as 
much  as  possible.  Thus  the  Dutch  ships  could  only 
advance  with  great  difficulty  and  not  until  the  22d  did 
they  sail  farther  up  the  Medway,  aided  by  a  spring  tide 
with  a  northeast  wind  that  drove  the  water  into  the  river. 
The  brave  Rotterdam  captain,  Van  Brakel,  captured  a 
heavy  frigate  placed  before  the  chain ;  a  fire  ship  broke 
the  chain  to  pieces,  and  fire  ships  and  armed  sloops  now 
continued  the  work  of  destruction,  the  English  batteries 
being  quickly  silenced  and  seized  upon  by  the  troops 
landed.  De  Witt  and  Van  Ghent  captured  the  Royal 
Charles,  which  bore  the  admiral's  flag,  and  other  ships 
were  destroyed  or  seriously  damaged.  On  the  following 
day  the  squadron  sailed  up  to  the  castle  of  Upnor,  where 
three  large  vessels  were  destroyed  by  the  Dutch  fire  ships 
in  spite  of  the  valiant  defence  made  by  the  vice  admiral 
Spragge.  It  even  seemed  possible  with  the  help  of 
Cromwell's  old  followers  to  overthrow  the  royal  govern- 
ment and  to  restore  the  republic  in  England ;  the  council 
pensionary  at  least  aims  at  such  plans  in  his  letters  of 
these  days.  But  these  great  designs  were  not  carried 
out.  The  river  became  so  dangerous  and  narrow  that  it 
was  resolved  to    go  back,  also  because  the  shipyard  of 


^Second  English  War  337 

Chatham  was  strongly  fortified  and  fire  ships  were  want- 
ing. Six  large  English  vessels  were  destroyed,  several 
scuttled  by  the  English  themselves  to  block  the  river, 
two — the  Royal  Charles  and  the  Unity — were  taken  away 
in  triumph  as  memorials  of  the  victory  which  was 
celebrated  with  solemn  days  of  thanksgiving  and  bonfires. 
So  ended  the  famous  expedition  which  had  cost  the  Dutch 
side  only  fifty  sailors  and  some  fire  ships  and  in  England 
had  produced  a  great  sensation,  particularly  in  London, 
where  people  began  to  take  to  flight  in  panic.  The 
brave  victors  received  brilliant  rewards  and  honours. 

But  the  council  pensionary  considered  the  task  as  not 
yet  finished.  He  urged  new  attacks  on  the  Thames  and 
elsewhere.  The  larger  part  of  the  fleet  continued  to 
blockade  the  Thames,  and  small  squadrons  cruised  along 
the  English  coast  to  prevent  the  running  out  of  merchant 
vessels.  One  of  them  made  in  July  an  attack  on  Har- 
wich, which  failed  as  did  similar  attacks  upon  other  ports 
and  a  new  attempt  to  go  up  the  Thames,  followed  by  a 
third  in  August  under  Van  Nes,  in  which  the  English 
navy  suffered  heavy  losses  at  Gravesend.  The  lack  of  fire 
ships  and  the  vigorous  defence  of  the  English  forced  the 
Dutch  this  time  to  turn  back  after  four  days  of  fighting 
at  Sheerness  and  on  the  Medway. 

These  last  hostilities  took  place  after  peace  was  really 
concluded.  On  the  31st  of  July  this  occurred,  being 
undoubtedly  promoted  by  the  glorious  expedition,  but 
operations  did  not  cease  before  a  month  later,  while  the 
Dutch  continued  their  mastery  over  the  sea.  The  plans 
of  France  and  complications  with  Sweden  and  Portugal 
made  it  desirable  to  hold  a  naval  force  in  readiness. 
With  the  return  of  the  fleet  in  October  the  war  could  be 
considered  as  ended. 

In  the  peace  the  affairs  of  Pularoon  and  the  captured 
ships  were  finally  set  aside,  and  the  commercial  regula- 
tions enacted  in  the   last  war  to  the   detriment  of   the 


VOL.    IV. 22. 


338         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Dutch  were  abolished  by  England.  The  Navigation 
Act  remained  but  was  modified  by  the  stipulation  that 
goods  from  Germany  and  the  southern  Netherlands 
might  thenceforth  be  imported  in  Dutch  vessels;  salutes 
with  the  flag  were  settled ;  the  rebels  of  each  were  no 
longer  to  be  protected.  With  regard  to  the  colonies  it 
was  arranged  that  both  sides  should  possess  what  they 
held  on  May  10,  1667.  This  caused  the  republic  to  lose 
New  Netherland  afterwards  so  important,  as  it  had 
remained  in  British  hands.  But  the  possession  was 
assured  of  Surinam,  which  with  its  chief  town  Paramaribo 
was  conquered  by  the  brave  Zealander  Abraham 
Crynssen  and  a  small  squadron  on  February  28,  1667, 
while  Essequibo  also  was  taken  from  the  enemy  and  his 
power  in  the  West  Indies  was  harmed  by  a  battle  near 
the  island  of  Nives,  by  the  capture  of  the  island  of 
Tobago,  and  by  a  successful  attack  upon  some  ships  off 
the  coast  of  Virginia.  Surinam  became  an  important 
possession  and  by  the  fertility  of  its  soil  made  up  during 
a  time  for  the  loss  suffered  in  North  America.  De  Witt 
might  well  speak  of  the  "glorious"  treaty  securing  terms 
from  England  such  as  had  never  before  been  obtained  and 
perhaps  never  would  be  again. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


SUMMIT   OF   THE   REPUBLIC  S   POWER 


\17ITH  the  peace  of  Breda  begins  the  most  brilliant 
*  Y  period  of  the  republic.  In  a  letter  De  Witt  speaks 
with  justifiable  pride  of  the  realisation  of  his  prediction 
that  the  state  "within  the  time  of  two  years  would  be 
in  a  better  condition,  in  greater  reputation,  and  in  higher 
credit  than  ever  before."  '  "New  Carthage,"  exclaimed 
the  aged  Vondel,  is  humiliated  by  the  "maritime  triumph 
of  the  Free  Netherlands,"  now  that  "the  sea  lion  on  the 
Thames"  caused  the  English  standard  to  be  struck. 
Sweden,  Denmark,  and  Portugal  dare  not  oppose  the 
republic;  France  seeks  its  cooperation  in  the  plans  long 
formed  against  the  Spanish  Netherlands;  Spain  looks 
imploringly  to  its  former  rebels  for  protection ;  Ger- 
many's princes  turn  for  help  to  the  United  Netherlands; 
even  the  emperor  desires  their  friendship.  Within  the 
country  Holland's  will  is  law,  while  victory  confirms  the 
power  of  the  magistrates,  and  prosperity  and  wealth 
everywhere  awaken  satisfaction  with  the  rule  of  the 
council  pensionary  and  his  colleagues.  But  in  the 
distance  appears  a  cloud,  much  larger  already  than  a 
man's  hand,  upon  the  southern  horizon,  where  the 
armies  of  France  are  crossing  the  Spanish-Netherlandish 
frontier.  And  nearer  at  hand,  in  Holland's  bosom, 
another  danger  threatens  the  ruling  party.  The  young 
prince  is  growing  up,  sickly  and  weak  of  body  indeed, 

1  See  Lefevre  Pontalis,  i.,  p.  409. 
339 


34Q         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

but  strong  in  mind  and  strong  in  the  love  of  the  people 
for  this  heir  of  great  traditions.  De  Witt  watches  anx- 
iously the  coming  perils,  and  his  cry  of  triumph  is  mingled 
with  a  word  of  apprehension  for  the  immediate  future. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  English  war  Lionne,  the 
manager  of  French  foreign  relations,  had  demanded 
Cambrai  for  his  help  to  the  republic,  but  De  Witt  had 
refused  and  had  warned  Spain.  Louis  XIV.  knew  well 
that  the  republic  would  prefer  to  throw  up  a  barrier 
against  his  designs  on  this  side,  but  he  hoped  by  his 
cooperation  against  England  and  Miinster  to  have  made 
it  more  favourably  disposed.  An  understanding  between 
Spain  and  England  was  the  direct  result,  although  Madrid 
and  Brussels  feared  to  break  entirely  with  the  republic.1 
But  France  succeeded  in  ending  this  understanding,  just 
as  it  thwarted  Spain's  efforts  to  secure  assistance  in 
Germany,  and  managed  to  bring  over  to  its  side  the 
German  princes  on  the  Rhine  by  money  and  promises. 
So  Spain  stood  quite  alone  in  the  spring  of  1667,  and  on 
the  8th  of  Maya  Louis  wrote  to  the  Spanish  regent,  the 
queen-mother,  that  his  patience  was  exhausted  and  at  the 
end  of  the  month  he  would  march  at  the  head  of  his 
troops  to  take  what  belonged  to  him  by  virtue  of  the 
hereditary  right  of  his  wife,  whose  pretensions  he  caused 
to  be  expounded  in  a  Tr ait e'  des  droits  de  la  reine.  What 
he  demanded  was  no  less  than :  Brabant  with  Antwerp 
and  Limburg,  Mechlin,  Upper  Gelderland,  Namur,  Artois, 
Cambrai,  Hainaut,  one  fourth  of  Luxemburg,  and  one 
third  of  Franche  Comte.  The  Traits  was  contested  upon 
good  grounds  in  the  Bouclier  d 'Est 'at  et  de  justice  of  the 
baron  of  Lisola,  imperial  ambassador  at  London  and  a 
native  of  Franche  Comte.  This  celebrated  pamphlet  of 
the  talented  opponent  of  French  plans  in  Europe*  was 

1  Lonchay,  La  rivahti de  la  France  et  de  V  Espagne,  p.  213. 

2  Mignet,  Negotiations,  ii.,  p.  58. 

3  See  concerning  him  Pribram's  book,  Freiherr  von  Lisola. 


Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power      341 

directed  especially  against  the  devolution  law,  the  founda- 
tion of  Louis's  claims,  and  warned  against  French  rapacity. 
The  freedom  or  slavery  of  Europe  was  in  question  and 
was  to  be  decided  by  this  first  attack.  How  was  feeble 
Spain  to  withstand  the  assault  ? 

After  the  protest  of  the  regent  and  her  governor  in 
Brussels,  Louis  marched  on  May  21st,  and  the  French  army 
of  more  than  50,000  men  under  Turenne,  inspired  by  the 
king's  presence,  easily  made  itself  master  of  a  series  of 
fortresses,  from  Lille,  Charleroi,  and  Armentieres  to  Aalst 
and  Dendermonde,  while  the  Spanish  force,  small  and 
hastily  collected,  was  dispersed  at  Bruges.  In  September 
nearly  all  Brabant,  Flanders,  and  Hainaut  were  in  French 
hands  ;  Brussels,  the  capital,  with  Ghent  and  Mechlin  alone 
remained  under  Spanish  rule.  Great  was  the  terror  in 
the  republic  at  the  rapid  progress  of  the  French  arms. 
De  Witt  himself  was  surprised  and  complained  of  the 
sudden  change  in  the  French  policy.  Van  Beuningen, 
Dutch  ambassador  in  Paris,  endeavoured  to  satisfy  Louis 
XIV.  by  the  offer  of  Franche  Comte'  with  Cambrai,  Aire, 
and  St.  Omer,  but  France  asked  for  more  with  Spain's 
recognition  of  Louis's  rights  on  the  death  of  the  young 
king.  De  Witt  was  in  great  difficulty.  The  peace  of 
Breda  was  not  then  signed  and  Sweden  was  unreliable. 
A  new  war  with  France  for  the  sake  of  Spain  would  be 
madness.  When  peace  was  concluded,  the  council  pen- 
sionary declared  his  inclination  to  help  Spain,  provided 
Bruges,  Ostend,  Damme,  Plesschendaele,  and  the  forts 
Isabella  and  St.  Donat  were  granted  to  the  republic.  The 
Spanish  government  would  not  hear  to  this,  because  it 
might  then  become  entirely  dependent  on  its  old  enemies. 
When  England  made  a  similar  offer,  the  government  at 
Madrid  considered  the  price  too  high,  now  that  winter  was 
approaching  and  the  French  conquests  were  ending  with 
the  king's  triumphal  return  to  Versailles.  But  Spain  fell 
constantly  lower.     The  emperor  was  persuaded  into  an 


342  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

agreement  with  France  to  divide  the  Spanish  heritage  at 
the  young  king's  death,  while  France  was  now  to  keep 
much  of  what  was  conquered ;  the  most  powerful  German 
princes  were  entirely  for  France ;  Sweden  was  pacified. 
The  game  seemed  won  against  Spain  as  well  as  against  the 
States  which  had  always  dreaded  becoming  the  neighbour 
of  France.  On  the  ground  of  common  interests  Louis 
XIV.  requested  the  help  of  the  States  in  getting  posses- 
sion of  his  lawful  property. 

Dutch  diplomacy  sought  a  way  out  of  the  dilemma.  In 
his  letter  of  May  8th  Louis  had  demanded  the  surrender  of 
the  territory  coming  to  him  or  of  its  equivalent.  Spain 
might  give  this  equivalent  in  Franche  Comte  or  Luxem- 
burg with  some  fortresses  so  situated  that  the  republic 
would  suffer  no  harm.  France  had  declared  its  readiness 
to  conclude  a  truce  of  six  months  for  the  purpose  of 
negotiating.  In  the  autumn  negotiations  began,  but  it 
soon  appeared  that  Louis  would  never  renounce  his  wife's 
claims  to  the  inheritance  of  the  Spanish  king,  and  that  he 
could  not  be  induced  willingly  to  give  up  the  territory 
already  conquered.  Van  Beuningen's  protests  in  Paris, 
De  Witt's  talks  with  d'Estrades  at  The  Hague  advanced 
matters  little  further.  Spain  was  as  unwilling  to  submit 
to  the  loss  of  its  chief  fortresses  as  France  was  to  content 
itself  with  a  small  part  of  the  conquered  territory.  The 
sole  hope  of  the  States  lay  in  help  from  Sweden  and 
England  to  compel  France  to  moderate  its  demands.  The 
party  in  Sweden  favouring  French  interests,  led  by  the 
chancellor  De  la  Gardie,  was  in  this  autumn  overcome  by 
its  opponents,  and  consequently  the  Swedish  government 
ordered  the  ambassador  at  The  Hague,  Dohna,  to  join 
England  and  the  republic  in  resisting  French  encroach- 
ments. The  English  government  was  not  so  easily  moved. 
The  new  ambassador  of  the  States  in  London,  Johan 
Meerman,  was  instructed  to  bring  about  an  understanding 
with  England,  and  for  this  end  he  was  even  to  threaten  a 


Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power      343 

treaty  of  the  States  with  France  concerning  the  Spanish 
Netherlands.  England  hesitated  under  the  influence  of 
French  offers,  and  Charles  II.  was  ready  to  join  France  in 
an  attack  on  the  republic. 

The  danger  for  the  republic  became  great,  and  De 
Witt  had  to  keep  his  eyes  open.  Fortunately  popular 
opinion  in  England  impelled  the  government  in  the  direc- 
tion of  De  Witt's  policy.  It  was  unwilling  to  see  the 
Spanish  Netherlands  in  French  hands  and  remembered 
the  loss  of  Dunkirk.  Lisola's  activity  had  much  influence 
upon  this  disposition  of  the  English  people,  and  Parlia- 
ment showed  itself  averse  to  any  participation  in  French 
plans.  The  fall  of  the  minister  Clarendon  and  the  eleva- 
tion of  Arlington,  Beverweert's  son-in-law,  promoted  the 
understanding  with  the  republic,  and  Charles  II.  saw 
himself  obliged  to  yield  to  this  tendency.  He  had  Sir  Wil- 
liam Temple,  the  English  resident  in  Brussels  and  a  well- 
known  opponent  of  France,  come  to  London  at  the  end 
of  December  from  his  station  by  way  of  The  Hague  in 
order  to  prepare  for  cooperation  with  De  Witt.  Long  an 
admirer  of  the  council  pensionary,  Temple  had  little  diffi- 
culty in  agreeing  with  him,  and  when  early  in  January  he 
arrived  in  London  from  The  Hague,  he  was  able  to  say 
that  the  States,  though  disinclined  for  the  moment  to  be- 
gin a  joint  war  against  France,  were  quite  prepared  to 
unite  with  England  in  a  mediation.  On  the  13th  of 
January,  1668,  Temple  left  London  to  propose  a  joint 
mediation  four  days  later  in  The  Hague.  De  Witt 
hesitated  a  bit  to  enter  into  so  close  an  alliance  with  the 
unreliable  English  government,  but  Temple  overcame  his 
scruples  and  even  persuaded  him  to  have  the  States- 
General  conclude  the  treaty  directly  with  England.  Thus 
long  discussions  in  the  provincial  Estates  and  the  opposi- 
tion of  France  would  be  avoided.  In  an  audience  of  the 
States-General  Temple  easily  secured  the  appointment 
of   seven     deputies    in    order,    supported  by  the  council 


344         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

pensionary,  to  negotiate  with  him.  After  some  wavering 
they  consented  to  a  defensive  alliance  with  England 
as  the  basis  of  the  mediation  to  be  offered.  Temple's 
urgency  accelerated  the  formalities  and  on  the  23d 
the  treaty  was  signed  by  the  deputies  and  the  English 
diplomat  and  approved  by  the  States-General.  The  rati- 
fication by  the  provincial  Estates  occupied  a  month. 
Temple  and  De  Witt  together  quickly  induced  Dohna 
for  Sweden  to  join  them  and  so  on  the  26th  the  Triple 
Alliance  was  completed.  The  treaty  provided  that  each 
should  help  the  other  in  case  of  attack  with  40  ships  and 
6400  troops,  while  the  chief  purpose  was  to  compel 
France  to  limit  itself  to  its  somewhat  moderated  demands 
and  to  persuade  Spain  to  submit  to  them.  If  France 
violated  the  conditions  imposed,  it  was  to  be  constrained 
by  a  joint  war  to  be  content  with  the  territory  ceded  by 
the  peace  of  the  Pyrenees. 

Thus  was  concluded  the  famous  treaty  that  was  to 
maintain  the  equilibrium  of  Europe  by  united  action  of 
the  two  maritime  powers.  Temple  may  be  considered 
the  first  vigorous  champion  of  this  cooperation  which 
during  more  than  a  century,  with  a  short  interruption  in 
the  beginning,  was  to  play  such  a  part  in  European  poli- 
tics. Great  was  the  joy  among  the  partisans  of  the 
States  and  the  Orange  party,  and  the  universal  satis- 
faction was  shown  in  the  council  pensionary's  ball,  where 
the  young  prince  and  Prince  John  Maurice  led  the  dance. 
Louis  XIV.,  almost  sure  of  his  affair,  was  surprised  by  the 
treaty  and  did  not  allow  himself  to  be  deceived  as  to 
its  results  by  the  consoling  reports  of  the  outwitted 
d'Estrades.  Van  Beuningen  did  his  best  to  appease  the 
French  government,  but  there  was  much  to  do  to  accom- 
plish this  and  to  make  Spain  listen  to  reason.  At  first 
Spain  refused,  but  when  it  saw  that  the  three  powers  had 
no  intention  of  guaranteeing  it  against  all  loss,  it  played 
them  the  trick  of  sacrificing  not  Franche  Comt£  but  the 


Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power      345 

fortified  places  in  the  Netherlands  already  lost,  which  was 
least  of  all  agreeable  to  the  States.  There  was  more 
difficulty  with  France  and,  while  Sweden  was  only  induced 
at  the  eleventh  hour  to  keep  its  word  by  increasing  the 
promised  subsidies,  it  was  found  necessary  to  assemble 
troops  to  show  Louis  XIV.  that  matters  were  serious. 
Under  John  Maurice  and  the  field  marshal  Wurtz  the 
army  of  the  States  was  collected  on  the  Scheldt  and 
the  Yssel  in  order  to  move  either  upon  the  Spanish 
Netherlands  or  upon  the  bishop  of  Miinster  again 
gathering  his  troops.  Liineburg  and  Lorraine  prom- 
ised respectively  6000  and  8000  men,  48  ships  were 
fitted  out,  and  new  levies  were  to  add  12,000  men  to  the 
Dutch  army,  so  that  by  spring  25  regiments  and  nearly 
4000  cavalry  were  ready.  Louis  XIV.,  who  had  already 
seized  Franche  Comte,  was  not  prepared  to  enter  upon  a 
great  war  and  decided  to  comply  with  the  demand  of  the 
three  powers  to  the  end  that  he  might  later  break  their 
resistance.  The  terms  of  peace  were  settled  at  St.  Ger- 
main en  Laye  on  the  15th  of  April  between  Lionne,  Van 
Beuningen,  and  the  English  envoy  Trevor.  A  congress 
at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  comprising  representatives  from  the 
states  interested  and  presided  over  by  the  papal  nuncio, 
was  to  draw  up  the  definitive  treaty.  Beverningh  and  Tem- 
ple had  little  difficulty  in  persuading  the  French  envoy, 
Colbert-Croissy,  and  the  one  from  Brussels,  Bergeyck,  to 
sign  the  stipulations  discussed  at  St.  Germain.  On  May 
2,  1668,  peace  was  finally  concluded  at  Aix-la-Chapelle. 
Louis  kept  Mons,  Veurne,  Armentieres,  Courtrai,  Lille, 
Douay,  Tournay,  Oudenaarde,  Ath,  and  Charleroi, 
and  gave  back  Franche  Comte"  ;  he  had  gained  a  firm 
footing  in  Brabant  and  Flanders,  but  his  further  pro- 
gress was  for  the  time  blocked.1  A  guaranty  treaty  be- 
tween the  three  powers  and  Spain,  securing  to  the  latter 
the     inviolability    of    its    remaining  possessions,   placed 

1  Legrelle,  La  diplomatic  francaise  et  la  succession  d'Espagtic,  i.,  p.  148. 


346  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  treaty  of  peace  under  the  protection  of  the 
allies. 

A  great  victory  for  the  Dutch  policy  was  obtained  in 
this  manner.  But  De  Witt  had  few  illusions  concerning 
its  permanence.  England's  "  usual  insolence  "  was  mani- 
fested in  the  renewal  of  humiliating  demands  for  the 
striking  of  the  flag,  and  commercial  jealousy  was  far  from 
having  disappeared,  while  English  pride  had  been  sorely 
wounded  by  the  defeat  on  the  Thames,  and  the  king's 
vacillating  policy  inspired  no  confidence.  Unless  money 
was  constantly  advanced  for  secret  subsidies  to  prominent 
officers,  slight  reliance  could  be  placed  on  the  corrupt 
Swedish  government,  now  influenced  by  the  able  French 
diplomatist  Pomponne  in  a  way  that  alarmed  Pieter  de 
Groot,  the  new  Dutch  ambassador  to  Sweden.  Louis 
XIV.  quickly  set  about  devising  means  to  break  the 
Triple  Alliance  and  to  punish  the  republic  for  its  op- 
position to  his  plans  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands.  It 
remained  De  Witt's  endeavour  to  induce  France,  whose 
friendship  he  considered  of  the  highest  importance,  to 
form  a  buffer  state  by  making  the  Spanish  Netherlands 
into  cantons  according  to  the  old  plans.  But  the  policy 
of  France  during  recent  years  showed  plainly  that  it  would 
not  now  be  content  with  this.  Such  a  policy  as  De  Witt's 
was  therefore  doomed  to  failure. 

Danger  was  averted  for  the  time  being  by  the  peace  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  De  Witt  could  go  on  with  his  do- 
mestic task  of  strengthening  the  principles  of  government 
prevailing  since  the  death  of  William  II.  First  it  was 
necessary  to  arrange  matters  so  that  the  young  prince 
might  never  unite  in  his  hands  the  great  civil  and  military 
power  possessed  by  his  forefathers.  Reasons  enough  for 
anxiety  were  the  weakening  of  the  influence  of  the  States' 
party  by  the  elevation  of  the  Orange  partisan  Pieter  de 
Huybert  in  1664  to  the  council  pensionaryship  of  Zealand 
after  the  death  of  Adriaan  Veth,  the  resignation  of  Bever- 


Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power      347 

ningh  as  treasurer-general  in  the  following  year,  popular 
movements  in  different  cities  after  the  defeats  of  1665, 
the  activity  of  preachers  and  officers  in  the  young  prince's 
interest,  the  incessant  vigilance  of  the  princess  dowager  in 
advancing  her  grandson.  There  were  traces  also  of  a 
diminution  in  the  personal  influence  of  De  Witt.  His 
friend  De  Groot  had  to  lay  down  the  pensionaryship  of 
Amsterdam,  and  was  replaced  by  an  antagonist  in  the  town 
council,  which  more  and  more  opposed  De  Witt.  By 
securing  for  him  the  embassy  to  Sweden  De  Witt  recom- 
pensed his  friend,  but  the  blow  was  felt  by  the  council 
pensionary's  internal  policy.  The  death  of  Andries  de 
Graeff  removed  his  best  support  in  the  great  city,  where 
Gillis  Valckenier,  too  independent  to  submit  to  De  Witt's 
guidance,  had  now  become  the  chief  personage.  A  dis- 
agreement between  the  influential  Van  Beuningen,  who 
imagined  himself  slighted  by  De  Witt  and  was  made 
burgomaster  of  Amsterdam  in  1669,  and  the  council  pen- 
sionary estranged  the  latter  still  more  from  the  city. 
Under  these  circumstances  a  speedy  settlement  of  the 
attitude  of  the  prince  of  Orange  appeared  necessary. 

De  Witt  hoped  to  prevent  the  worst  by  taking  into  the 
council  of  state  the  young  prince,  with  whose  education 
in  the  "  good  maxims  "  he  now  earnestly  busied  himself, 
and,  as  soon  as  he  should  be  eighteen  years  old,  by 
investing  him  with  a  high  military  office  under  condition 
that  no  captain-general  to  be  appointed  should  ever  obtain 
or  keep  the  stadtholdership  in  any  province.  Some 
members  of  his  party  desired  to  go  further,  and  Caspar 
Fag  el,  pensionary  of  Haarlem,  and  Valckenier,  burgo- 
master of  Amsterdam,  took  the  initiative1  for  the 
proclamation  by  the  Estates  of  Holland  of  a  Perpetual 
Edict  for  the  "  mortification "  of  the  stadtholdership. 
De  Witt  hesitated,  fearing  that  this  extreme  could  not  be 

1  Bontemantel,  De  Regeeringe  van  Amslerda?n,  uitg.  Kernkamp,  ii.,  pp. 
17,  19. 


348  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

i 

maintained,  but  finally  yielded  to  the  urgency  of  the  two 
men  and  brought  Holland  to  the  resolution.  On  Augus1- 
5,  1667,  came  in  this  province  an  edict,  by  which  nobility 
and  towns  took  to  themselves  the  election  of  all  magistrates 
according  to  the  old  laws  and  privileges  and  the  Estates 
were  to  retain  the  gift  of  all  offices  now  enjoyed  by  them  ; 
the  other  provinces  were  to  be  requested  to  decree  that 
no  captain-  or  admiral-general  should  become  or  remain 
stadtholder,  while  Holland  abolished  the  stadtholdership 
"  in  all  manners."  In  December  the  resolution  was 
irrevocably  confirmed  without  further  debate,  and  oaths 
to  observe  it  were  taken  by  the  persons  and  bodies  con- 
cerned, the  Estates  doing  so  first.1  The  resolution  excited 
vexation  among  the  Orange  party  as  well  as  in  Zealand 
and  Friesland,  but  Holland  hoped  by  deputations  and 
discussions  in  the  other  provinces  to  secure  at  least  a 
separation  of  the  stadtholdership  from  the  captain-  and 
admiral-generalship.  In  Gelderland,  Utrecht,  and  Over- 
yssel  this  was  accomplished  quickly,  and  Utrecht  later 
followed  Holland's  example  by  doing  away  with  the 
stadtholdership.  The  majority  in  the  States-General  now 
favoured  De  Witt's  "  Plan  of  Harmony"  and  sought,  in  the 
spring  of  1668,  to  win  over  the  other  three  provinces  by 
official  deputations,  but  Zealand,  Friesland,  and  Groningen 
refused,  and  in  consequence  the  prince  for  a  time  was  not 
admitted  to  the  council  of  state.  De  Witt,  however,  did 
not  give  up  his  scheme,  but  talked  and  corresponded  with 
influential  statesmen  and  negotiated  for  the  purpose  of 
having  all  the  provinces  adopt  it  at  the  right  moment. 
The  sudden  recognition  of  the  prince,  who  without  the 
knowledge  of  his  tutors  betook  himself  in  September  to 
Zealand,  as  first  noble  of  this  province,  was  a  clever  r.iove 
of  the  Orange  party,  advancing  him  an  important  step  on 
the  road  to  the  civil  offices.  This  recognition,  giving  him 
entrance  into  the  Estates  of  Zealand,  was  a  warning  to  the 

1  Wicquefort,  ii.,  p.  373  ;  Lefevre  Pontalis,  i.,  p.  505. 


Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power      349 

party  of  the  States,  i  hat  it  could  not  long  maintain  severe 
restrictions.  Vivien,  the  pensionary  of  Dordrecht,  in- 
terpreted undoubtedly  the  secret  thought  of  his  cousin, 
the  council  pensionary,  when  during  the  discussion  of  the 
Perpetual  Edict  he  stuck  his  penknife  into  the  resolution 
lying  before  him  and  replied  to  the  question  of  what  he 
was  doing :  "  I  am  trying  what  steel  can  do  against  parch- 
ment."1 The  young  prince  had  listened  to  De  Witt's 
communication  of  the  proceedings  in  the  Estates  of 
Holland  without  any  external  marks  of  displeasure  accord- 
ing to  his  custom,  cautiously  hiding  his  real  feelings  in 
the  depths  of  his  mind. 

The  course  of  these  affairs  seemed  to  have  strengthened 
the  existing  government.  At  the  end  of  July,  1668,  the 
five-year  period  of  the  council  pensionaryship  expired 
again,  and  the  high  appreciation  of  De  Witt  was  shown 
by  his  reelection  with  the  doubling  of  his  salary,  6000 
guilders,  over  and  above  his  compensation  as  governor  of 
the  fiefs  and  keeper  of  the  great  seal  of  Holland,  which 
dignities  had  been  his  since  1660,  and  besides  a  gratuity 
of  45,000  guilders  for  his  services,  to  which  the  nobles 
added  1 5,000  guilders  more.  The  renewal  of  his  act  of  in- 
demnity and  the  promise  of  a  place  in  one  of  the  courts  of 
justice  on  his  retirement  assured  his  future.  Thus  he 
found  in  the  gratitude  of  his  fellow-citizens  a  reward  for 
his  hard  work,  in  the  midst  of  which  his  faithful  wife  died 
on  July  1st  of  this  year,  leaving  him  the  care  of  a  large 
family.  The  beautiful  letter  of  his  friend  Temple,  ex- 
pressing sympathy  with  him  in  this  loss,  gives  evidence  of 
the  great  diplomatist's  fine  feeling,  just  as  De  Witts  own 
letters  of  this  time  testify  to  the  sovereign  calmness,  with 
which  the  council  pensionary  received  the  favours  as  well 
as  the  blows  of  fortune.  Thenceforth  he  espoused  alone 
the  good  of  his  country,  and  though  he  might  be  struck 
deep  in  his  soul,  he  remained  outwardly  what  he  was,  the 

1  Scheltema,  Staatk,  Nederland,  ii.,  p.  418. 


35°  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

watchful  leader  of  the  state,  to  the  government  of  which 
he  had  devoted  his  life.1 

His  first  aim  was  patiently  and  cautiously  to  smooth  the 
way  in  the  three  refractory  provinces  for  the  acceptance 
of  the  Harmony.  He  had  to  contend  with  the  domestic 
difficulties  disturbing  some  provinces,  especially  Overyssel, 
Friesland,  and  City  and  Land,  in  which  more  and  more  came 
to  light  the  antagonism  between  the  partisans  and  op- 
ponents of  the  stadtholder  government.  The  most  violent 
dissensions  raged  again  in  Overyssel.2  The  decision  of 
De  Witt  and  De  Graeff  in  1657  had  restored  order  here  for 
a  time.  Before  long,  however,  the  division  of  the  provin- 
cial offices  caused  the  old  discord,  and  the  parties  assailed 
one  another,  the  stadtholderless  faction  relying  upon  Hol- 
land and  De  Witt,  the  stadtholder  partisans  having  friends 
in  the  other  provinces.  The  attempt  was  made  to  recon- 
cile adversaries  by  a  fair  distribution.  Thus  Haersolte  in 
1660  received  the  office  of  bailiff  of  Salland,  and  his  rival 
Raesfelt  became  bailiff  of  Twente.  This  method  gave  bitter 
enemies  a  chance  to  cross  each  other.  The  question  of  the 
control  of  ecclesiastical  property,  which  occasioned  troubles 
also  in  Utrecht  and  was  connected  with  the  treatment  of 
the  numerous  Catholics  in  these  two  provinces,  kindled 
strife  anew  between  nobles  and  cities.  At  Utrecht  the 
aged  Voetius  about  1660  opposed  the  States  in  his  cus- 
tomary vehement  fashion.  In  Overyssel  it  was  less  the 
preachers  than  the  interested  nobles  and  magistrates  who 
quarrelled  over  this  property.  The  management  of  prop- 
erty in  the  cities  by  the  municipal  magistrates  was  not  at 
all  pleasing  to  the  noblemen.  Then  came  the  Munster 
invasion  with  its  plundering  and  destruction  by  the  foe 
and  by  the  French  allies  to  disturb  order  in  this  province. 
The  plan  of  October,  1665,  to  send  the  young  prince  to 
England  to  make  peace  and  to  raise  him  to  the  supreme 

1  See  Lefevre  Pontalis,  i.,  p.  521,  where  passages  from  letters  are  quoted. 

2  Bussemaker.  Geschiedenis  van  Overijsel,  ii.  ('s  Gravenhage,  1889.) 


Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power       351 

command  over  the  land  and  sea  forces  was  put  forth  by 
two  deputies  from  Overysselto  the  States-General,  Pallandt 
and  Van  Langen,  and  was  a  consequence  of  the  wretched 
condition  of  the  province.  Though  given  up,  the  plan 
showed  how  strong  the  Orange  party  in  the  province  felt 
itself.  After  the  peace  of  Breda  the  finances  of  Overyssel 
were  in  hopeless  confusion.  The  party  of  Haersolte  and 
Pallandt  began  a  contest  with  that  of  Raesfelt.  Violent 
pamphlets,  accusations  of  bribery  and  intriguing  were 
the  order  of  the  day.  Both  parties  applied  as  of  old  to 
the  States-General,  each  calling  its  Estates  legitimate  and 
declaring  the  resolutions  of  the  other  null.  "  It  was  like 
a  man,  suffering  from  a  raging  fever  and  with  senses  con- 
founded by  the  severity  of  the  pain,  who  brings  forth  in 
delirium  now  this  now  that."1  Both  parties — Kampen  and 
Deventer  with  Raesfelt,  Zwolle  with  Haersolte — held  their 
assemblies,  and  all  attempts  to  settle  the  differences  failed. 
In  July,  1669,  Holland  recognised  the  Raesfelt  party  as 
the  true  Estates,  but  the  party  of  Haersolte  did  not  give 
up  the  struggle.  There  was  even  the  beginning  of  a  civil 
war  in  August,  1671,  soldiers  from  Kampen  occupying 
Blokzijl  and  Zwartsluis,  while  those  of  Zwolle  seized 
Genemuiden  and  Kuinder.  An  extraordinary  deputation 
from  the  States-General  at  last  came  to  restore  order ;  it 
suspended  Haersolte  in  September  from  his  office  of  bailiff 
and  his  presidency  of  the  Estates,  and  pronounced  an 
amnesty,  but  this  decision  did  not  quiet  the  province 
despite  the  threatening  approach  of  war.  Induced  by 
De  Witt,  the  province  had  quickly  assented  to  his  Har- 
mony, and  the  dissensions  had  little  influence  upon  that, 
though  they  lessened  the  force  of  the  assertion  that  four 
provinces,  or  a  majority,  already  favoured  it,  because  it  was 
well  known  that  the  Haersolte  party,  if  it  came  to  power, 
would  withdraw  the  approval. 

'Aitzema,  vi.,  p.   584. 


\ 


352  History  of  the  Dutch  People 


The  situation  was  different  in  the  two  northern  prov- 
inces. There  assent  was  not  yet  obtained,  and  it  depended 
upon  the  victory  of  the  "  Holland  maxims"  which  had  en- 
countered stubborn  resistance.  In  Friesland  this  resulted 
from  the  old  disputes  concerning  the  way  of  making  up 
the  Estates.  The  intrigues  of  the  great  nobles,  who  were 
generally  lords  of  the  manor,  in  electing  the  representa- 
tives of  the  manors  and  the  deals  between  members  of 
prominent  families  became  very  troublesome  in  1668  dur- 
ing the  minority  of  the  young  stadtholder  who  had  suc- 
ceeded his  father  under  the  guardianship  of  his  mother. 
It  was  worse  when  deputies  of  the  Estates  belonging  to 
the  prince's  party  removed  by  force  from  their  assembly 
some  members  chosen  contrary  to  the  will  of  the  lords  in 
Oostergoo  and  Westergoo.  The  opposition  of  the  parti- 
sans of  Holland  led  by  Ernst  Sicco  van  Aylva,  Karel 
Roorda,  and  others  was  weak,  because  their  leaders  also 
participated  in  disgraceful  bargains  and  divisions  of  offices. 
The  harmful  fire  of  dissension  was  caused  chiefly  by  jeal- 
ousy among  the  magistrates,  and  these  illegal  contracts 
were  considered  the  only  means  of  opposing  the  abuses  of 
intrigue.  The  shameful  spectacles  at  elections,  the  sale 
of  votes,  the  bringing  in  of  votes  by  giving  food  and  drink 
to  whole  villages,  made  it  absolutely  impossible  for  a  poor 
man  to  obtain  any  office.  The  result  was  that  the  rule  of 
the  great  nobles,  the  lords  of  the  manors,  became  ever 
more  oppressive,  and  they  put  members  of  their  families, 
even  young  children,  in  possession  of  offices  in  country  and 
city.  After  "  reform  was  talked  in  boats  and  waggons," 
the  supervision  of  the  legality  of  elections  was  taken  from 
the  deputies  in  March,  1672,  and  given  to  a  special  com- 
mission appointed  for  a  year.  But  the  cities  declined  to 
consent  to  this  and  held  Estates  at  Sneek,  separate  from 
those  of  the  three  districts  at  Leeuwarden.  The  result 
of  change  was  simply — "  other  men,  the  same  manners." 
More  roughly  than  in  Friesland  the  great  lords  exercised 


Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power       353 

their  tyrannical  power  in  City  and  Land,  even  in  the  city  of 
Groningen.  Here  occurred  all  sorts  of  abuses  at  the 
"  muster,"  the  examination  into  the  competence  of  the 
representatives  elected  from  the  country.  At  the  request 
of  Egbert  Clant  and  Johan  de  Mepsche  the  States-General 
in  1667  sent  delegates  to  reform  the  abuses.  The  city  op- 
posed the  new  regulations  ;  dissensions  between  city  and 
country  sprang  up  again  ;  but  the  anti-Holland  party  kept 
the  upper  hand  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  De  Witt  from  The 
Hague  tt>  defeat  it  with  the  help  of  Jan  Osebrand  Ren- 
gers  and  his  friends.  To  end  the  discord  and  secure  the 
assent  of  City  and  Land  to  the  Harmony  De  Witt  late  in 
May,  1670,  went  to  the  province  with  four  other  "  arbiters  " 
and  remained  several  weeks  settling  matters  without  entire 
success,  as  the  city  continued  to  resist.  The  selfish  inter- 
ests of  the  great  lords  appeared  stronger  than  the  desire 
to  improve,  and  the  "  reformation  "  of  the  provincial  gov- 
ernment could  not  be  accomplished.  These  abuses  are  not 
astonishing  in  the  remote  northern  provinces,  where  the 
States-General  seldom  interfered  and  the  stadtholder's 
authority  was  not  powerful  enough  to  hold  in  check  the 
landowners  of  noble  birth.  In  Holland,  in  Amsterdam 
alsoaccording  to  Bontemantel's  disclosures,  terrible  abuses 
prevailed  in  the  government ;  family  interests,  personal 
ambition,  and  love  of  power  often  had  free  play  ;  the  pur- 
chase of  votes  by  promises  and  favours,  the  distribution 
of  fat  offices  to  friends  and  relatives,  the  misuse  of  public 
money,  were  common  occurrences.  And  De  Witt  himself 
was  not  entirely  averse  to  them.  His  correspondence 
shows  that  he  looked  after  the  interests  of  his  relatives 
and  friends,  that  his  power  in  Holland  rested  largely  upon 
their  occupation  of  the  offices,  that  he  and  his  friends  upon 
occasion  profited  by  speculations  dubious  in  our  eyes. 
But  in  Holland  the  abuses  were  confined  to  limits  that  did 
not  have  to  be  observed  in  the  north. 

More  than  two  years  passed  before  De  Witt  succeeded  in 

VOL.  IV.—  2^. 


354  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

winning  over  the  three  refractory  provinces  to  his  Harmony. 
The  prince  was  now  in  his  twentieth  year,  and  it  became 
time  to  release  him  from  the  guardianship,  in  which 
Holland  still  held  him,  and  to  admit  him  to  the  council 
of  state.  The  former  took  place  with  thanks  to  Van 
Ghent  and  the  others  charged  with  his  education,  but  the 
latter  depended  upon  the  question  of  the  Harmony.  On 
March  20,  1670,  the  deputies  of  the  three  provinces  de- 
clared their  assent  to  the  Harmony,  being  influenced  by 
De  Witt  and  urged  by  the  princess  dowager  to  secure  in 
this  way  admission  to  the  council  of  state  at  least.  The 
question  was  how  the  prince  should  enter  the  council, 
with  a  "  decisive  "  or  "  advisory  "  vote,  or  whether  he  was 
to  have  a  sitting  without  any  vote.  After  much  wrang- 
ling Holland  in  May  allowed  the  prince  under  conditions 
to  obtain  a  decisive  vote  until  he  should  become  captain- 
general  for  one  campaign,  which  could  only  happen  by 
unanimous  vote.  De  Witt  arranged  the  affair  cleverly, 
had  the  Harmony  solemnly  accepted  by  the  States-Gen- 
eral and  the  prince  led  into  the  council.  An  attempt  to 
pilot  him  into  the  States-General  during  De  Witt's  ab- 
sence failed  owing  to  the  opposition  of  Holland.1 

In  all  these  transactions  it  was  plain  that  Amsterdam 
under  the  lead  of  Valckenier  and  Van  Beuningen  and 
with  the  aid  of  Fagel  no  longer  supported  De  Witt's  pol- 
icy but  sought  to  oppose  him.  The  council  pensionary's 
great  power  was  a  thorn  in  the  eyes  of  these  gentlemen  ; 
they  complained  of  his  arbitrary  conduct,  of  his  domi- 
neering over  his  masters,2  of  his  preference  of  his  friends, 
and  aimed  at  depriving  him  of  office.3  But  the  council 
pensionary,  who  could  still  rely  on  the  Bickers  and  De 
Graeffs  and  their  following,  offered  no  contest.     In  1669 

1  Wicquefort,  iv.,  p.  124,  is  very  full  concerning  these  matters. 

2  "  That  the  country  and  this  city  are  ruled  by  a  minister,  denoting  the 
council  pensionary  De  Witt"  (Bontemantel,  ii.,  p.  156). 

3  Fruin,  Bijdrage  tot  de  geschiedenis  van  het  burgemeesterschap  van 
Amsterdam  tijdens  de  Hepubliek,  in  Nijh,  Bijdr.  jdt  Reeks,  v.,  p.  221. 


Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power      355 

he  wanted  an  understanding  with  the  opposing  party, 
and  when  Valckenier  refused  "  for  reasons  "  and  Van  Beun- 
ingen  was  elected  burgomaster,  the  council  pensionary- 
hoped  to  end  their  hostility  by  ostentatiously  asking 
their  advice.  Next  year  also  the  burgomaster's  election 
went  against  him,  and  his  recommendations  for  offices 
began  to  fail  of  their  effect.  This  enmity  to  De  Witt 
naturally  brought  a  leaning  to  the  prince's  party.  In  the 
election  of  1671,  after  all  sorts  of  intrigues,  Valckenier's 
party  was  unsuccessful,  and  none  of  its  candidates  be- 
came burgomaster.  De  Witt  triumphed  over  the  proud 
relative  of  the  Pauws  and  Trips,  who  never  forgave  him 
this  defeat.  The  choice  of  Fagel  as  secretary  of  the 
States-General  (November,  1670)  in  place  of  the  dead 
Ruysch  relieved  De  Witt  of  the  Haarlem  pensionary  so 
influential  in  the  Estates  of  Holland.  A  new  victory  for 
him  seemed  the  promotion  of  the  ambassador  De  Groot 
after  his  return  from  Sweden  to  be  pensionary  of  Rotter- 
dam, the  second  commercial  city  of  Holland.  But  the 
council  pensionary  still  had  powerful  enemies  among  the 
magistrates  who  desired  with  the  aid  of  the  Orange  par- 
tisans to  overthrow  the  "minister."  What  they  secretly 
prepared  was  forwarded  by  the  course  of  foreign  affairs 
in  these  years. 

The  excellent  French  diplomatists  of  the  school  of 
Richelieu  and  Mazarin  had  taken  for  the  first  object  of 
their  activity  the  annihilation  of  the  Triple  Alliance  and 
of  the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle.1  They  tried  to  accom- 
plish this  by  working  upon  weak  Spain  and  the  two  allies 
of  the  republic.  Spain,  ruled  by  a  passionate  and  avari- 
cious woman  and  her  unworthy  favourites  and  ministers, 
was  in  no  condition  to  thwart  the  French  intrigues. 
Many  of  its  statesmen,  like  the  aged  Peftaranda,  regarded 

1  See  concerning  the  diplomatic  intrigues  of  these  years  especially — 
Lefevre  Pontalis,  ii.,  Chapters  ix.  and  x. ,  where  De  Witt's  manuscript 
correspondence  and  that  of  the  French  diplomats  are  very  well  employed. 


3  56         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  Spanish  Netherlands  as  an  encumbrance  to  be  gotten 
rid  of,  the  sooner  the  better.  The  governors  following  one 
another  at  Brussels — Castel-Rodrigo,  Velasco,  from  1670 
the  young  count  de  Monterey — were  better  fitted  for 
their  task,  but  found  so  little  support  in  Madrid  that  they 
were  unable  to  achieve  much.  Evidently  Spain  must 
seek  the  help  of  the  republic  against  France,  if  it  wished 
to  keep  the  Spanish  Netherlands.  Castel-Rodrigo  had 
therefore  preferred  to  give  up  some  fortified  places  of  the 
Netherlands  instead  of  Franche  Comte,  because  he  hoped 
thus  to  increase  the  Dutch  fear  of  France,  and  Monterey 
adhered  to  the  republic  as  closely  as  possible.1  France 
offered  to  exchange  the  Netherlands  for  Roussillon, 
ceded  by  Spain  at  the  peace  of  the  Pyrenees,  but  neither 
the  emperor,  as  presumptive  heir,  nor  Spain  consented. 
De  Witt  opposed  these  plans  to  the  best  of  his  ability, 
but  he  soon  had  a  more  redoubtable  adversary  at  The 
Hague  than  d'Estrades.  This  ambassador,  so  friendly 
to  the  council  pensionary,  was  succeeded  by  one  of 
the  ablest  leaders  of  the  new  French  diplomacy,  Simon 
Arnauld  de  Pomponne,  who  appeared  late  in  February, 
1669.  He  was  to  diminish  the  distrust  of  France  in  the 
republic,  to  keep  De  Witt  busy  with  negotiations,  and  to 
treat  with  the  Orange  party  in  order  to  oust  him  if  neces- 
sary ;  above  all,  his  effort  must  be  to  remove  the  mistrust 
of  France's  aims  inspired  by  Van  Beuningen.  Pomponne 
soon  saw  that  the  last  was  no  longer  possible  and  con- 
fined himself  to  negotiating  with  De  Witt  for  the  purpose 
of  learning  his  plans  and  of  giving  France  an  opportunity 
to  break  the  Triple  Alliance  by  working  secretly  on  Eng- 
land and  Sweden  ;  while  De  Witt's  attention  was  engaged 
in  negotiations. 

The  cunning  scheme  succeeded.    Misled  by  Pomponne, 
De  Witt  in  the  course  of  1669  proposed  two  plans  con- 

1  Lonchay,   p.   239  et  seq.;    Van  Dijk,    Bijdrage  tot  de  geschiedcnis  der 
Nederlandsche  diplomatic  (Utrecht,  1851),  p.  2S1. 


Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power      357 

cerning  the  southern  Netherlands:  one  assigning  Cambrai, 
Aire,  and  St.  Omer  to  France,  the  other  giving  back  the 
places  ceded  by  the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  in  exchange 
for  these  three  lying  on  the  French  frontiers ;  the  re- 
mainder of  Belgium  was  then  to  become  a  separate  repub- 
lic. Neither  these  plans  nor  that  of  a  division  of  the 
Spanish  Netherlands  between  France  and  the  emperor 
encountered  approval  at  the  French  court.  All  De  Witt's 
endeavours  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  France 
failed.  In  June,  1671,  Pomponne  left  The  Hague  to  go 
again  as  ambassador  to  Sweden  ;  shortly  afterwards  he 
replaced  the  deceased  Lionne  as  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  at  Paris.  Only  a  charge  d'  affaires  was  left  at  The 
Hague.  This  attitude  of  France  opened  De  Witt's  eyes 
at  last  to  the  necessity  of  putting  the  republic  into  a  con- 
dition to  defend  itself  against  all  contingencies.  Louis 
XIV.'s  sudden  attack  upon  the  duchy  of  Lorraine  in 
August,  1670,  showed  him  that  France  had  not  given  up 
its  old  plans,  but  his  representations  had  as  little  success 
as  those  of  the  emperor.  Lorraine,  conquered  within  a 
month,  remained  in  French  hands.  The  real  intentions 
of  Louis  XIV.  continued  to  be  hidden  from  the  council 
pensionary,  in  consequence  partly  of  the  unsatisfactory 
arrangement  of  Dutch  diplomacy,  a  fault  that  brought 
the  most  terrible  evils  over  the  country. 

The  principal  ambassadorial  positions  remained  in  these 
years  for  a  long  time  either  unfilled  or  occupied  by  in- 
competent persons.  After  the  death  of  the  Dutch  am- 
bassador Van  Reede  at  Madrid  in  September,  1669,  it 
was  more  than  a  year  before  his  place  was  taken  by  Van 
Beverningh,  the  first  diplomatist  of  the  States,  who  was 
there  from  January  to  July,  1671,  and  then  returned  home 
after  preparing  the  way  for  a  league  between  Spain  and 
the  republic  in  case  of  an  attack  by  France  upon  either 
one.  The  arming  of  France  was  then  generally  known, 
and  it  was  certain  that  with  an  attack  from  that  side  the 


358  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

republic  would  also  have  to  sustain  a  war  with  Miinster, 
unless  Miinster  were  held  in  check  by  Brunswick-Liineburg 
and  Brandenburg.  The  prince  of  Tarento,  once  con- 
sidered by  De  Witt  as  the  future  captain-general,  and 
other  Frenchmen  resigned  from  the  Dutch  service  in  the 
autumn  of  1670 — another  indication  of  France's  hostile 
sentiments.  But  danger  threatened,  too,  from  the  side  of 
England,  and  De  Witt  had  not  calculated  upon  that.  The 
ambassador  in  London,  Johan  Boreel,  was  not  equal  to 
that  important  post,  and  it  was  planned  to  send  Van 
Beuningen  there  as  extraordinary  ambassador,  which  was 
not  done  until  June,  1670.  He  remained  half  a  year,  and 
discussed  the  difficulties  arising  from  a  British  predatory 
foray  into  Surinam,  England's  demands  for  the  surrender 
of  a  man  suspected  of  plotting  the  king's  assassination, 
the  expulsion  of  Scotch  preachers  from  the  republic,  the 
groundless  complaints  of  England  about  tapestries,  medals, 
and  pictures  representing  the  Chatham  expedition,  etc. 
The  cool  attitude  of  Charles  II. 's  government  towards 
the  Dutch  ambassadors  and  requests  proved  conclusively 
that  vigorous  aid  from  England  could  not  be  hoped  for 
in  case  of  an  attack  by  France  upon  the  republic.  Rumours 
were  already  circulating  of  a  secret  alliance  between  France 
and  England,  but  De  Witt  refused  to  believe  them.  Eng- 
land's disposition  was  meanwhile  manifested  plainly  by 
the  opposition  of  the  English  government  to  the  plans 
for  taking  the  emperor  and  some  German  princes  into  the 
Triple  Alliance,  which  was  much  desired  by  the  imperial 
ambassador  Lisola,  and  would  have  frustrated  the  French 
designs. 

De  Witt  was  no  better  informed  of  what  was  going  on 
in  Paris.  The  place  of  ambassador  there  was  vacant  from 
September,  1668,  when  Willem  Boreel  died,  to  the  end  of 
August,  1670.  Then  Pieter  de  Groot,  though  just  made 
pensionary  of  Rotterdam,  went  there  as  ambassador  in 
the  hope  of  doing  some  good  through  his  old  relations  to 


Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power      359 

the  French  court  from  his  father's  days.  But  De  Groot 
accomplished  little  and  speedily  urged  the  States  to  pre- 
pare for  war.  What  he  saw  in  France  aroused  his  fears. 
He  had  reason  for  them,  because  at  this  time  the  secret 
league  between  England  and  France  was  actually  effected. 
Set  on  by  York  and  the  war  party  in  his  court,  who  ar- 
dently longed  to  wipe  out  the  disgrace  of  Chatham,  won 
over  by  offers  of  money  and  wiles  of  women,  finally  influ- 
enced by  his  sister  Henrietta,  duchess  of  Orleans,  Charles 
II.  assented  to  the  secret  treaty  of  Dover  (December  31, 
1670),  which  detached  him  from  the  Triple  Alliance  and 
allied  him  with  Louis  XIV.  against  the  republic  under 
promise  of  three  million  francs  of  subsidy  a  year,  and  of 
the  cession  of  Walcheren  and  the  mouths  of  the  Scheldt 
to  England.  Repeated  warnings  from  Madrid,  Berlin,  and 
from  Van  Beverninghhad  been  given  De  Witt,  but,  relying 
upon  Temple  and  the  alliance,  he  had  disregarded  them. 
He  even  hoped  that  France  would  return  to  the  old  friend- 
ship with  the  States,  and  from  Charles  II.  he  feared  at  the 
most  a  breaking  away  from  the  Triple  Alliance,  but  not  a 
new  war.  Van  Beuningen,  ridiculed  by  Lionne  in  Jan- 
uary, 1671,  as  a  "  poor  dupe,"  allowed  himself  to  be  misled 
regarding  the  real  purpose  of  the  equipment  of  the  English 
fleet ;  "  the  end  of  the  comedy"  was  to  be  a  bitter  disap- 
pointment to  him  and  De  Witt. 

When  Louis  XIV.  was  ready  with  England,  and  in 
Sweden  also  the  French  money  lavishly  spent  appeared 
more  powerful  than  the  anti-French  policy,  so  that  Sweden 
would  not  hold  to  its  alliance  with  the  republic,  he  turned 
to  the  emperor  and  the  German  princes  to  induce  them 
to  leave  the  republic  to  its  fate.  The  Rhine  princes 
and  Munster,  long  under  French  influence  and  now 
gained  further  by  French  money  and  diplomacy,  were 
quickly  persuaded.  Cologne  and  Munster,  the  former  led  by 
the  Fiirstenbergs  in  favour  of  France,  displayed  a  readiness 
to  declare  war  on  the  republic  in  the  interests  of  Catholicism. 


360         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

The  downfall  of  the  strong  Protestant  power,  the  hope 
and  the  support  of  the  German  Protestants,  would  be  of 
great  importance  to  the  Catholic  Church,  and  Louis  XIV. 
did  not  fail  to  emphasise  this  side  of  the  affair  to  the 
Catholic  princes  of  the  Rhine  and  to  the  emperor.  Ef- 
forts were  made  also  to  draw  Spain  away  from  the  republic 
and  thus  to  expose  the  latter  entirely  alone  to  an  attack 
from  all  sides.  The  emperor,  threatened  by  Turks  and 
Hungarians,  consented  at  the  end  of  1671  to  an  agreement 
with  France  on  the  basis  of  the  plan  of  1668  for  dividing 
the  Spanish  inheritance.  Bavaria  promised  support  to  the 
French  policy,  even  in  securing  the  imperial  dignity  for 
Louis  XIV.  after  the  emperor's  death.  Spain  remained 
refractory,  and  Brandenburg,  however  much  inclined  to 
help  Louis  in  his  designs  on  the  Spanish  Netherlands, 
refused  to  turn  against  the  republic. 

While  French  diplomacy  thus  prepared  the  way  and 
the  resourceful  Colbert  filled  the  treasury  by  protectionist 
measures,  the  excellent  minister  of  war,  Louvois,  with  an 
iron  hand,  organised  the  army  for  the  approaching  cam- 
paign. It  was  intended  to  strike  in  the  spring  of  1671, 
but  the  whole  year  passed  in  diplomatic  negotiation  and 
military  preparation.  In  April,  1672,  after  Sweden  was  won 
over  to  an  alliance  with  France,  all  was  ready.  An  army 
of  120,000  men,1  one-sixth  cavalry,  Frenchmen,  Italians, 
Swiss,  Irishmen,  Englishmen,  mingled  together  after  the 
fashion  of  the  time,  but  all  under  rigid  discipline,  with  roo 
cannons,  300  pontoons  for  crossing  the  rivers,  an  abun- 
dance of  ammunition  purchased  in  Holland,3  with  officers 
formerly  in  the  Dutch  service,  and  commanded  by  Tu- 
renne,  Cond£ ,  Luxembourg,  Vauban,  and  other  famous 
generals,  was  at  the  first  sign  to  march  upon  the  republic 

1  Rousset,  Histoire  de  Louvois,  i.,  p.  346. 

2  The  agent  in  this  vas  the  Jewish  banker  Zadok  of  Amsterdam,  who 
bought  up  the  ammunition  secretly,  ostensibly  for  the  Spaniards  and  for 
German  cities,  and  transported  it  by  way  of  Cologne  (Rousset,  i.,  p.  338) 
This  Zadok  played  later  also  a  treacherous  part. 


Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power      361 

through  the  Liege  territory.  At  the  same  time  Miinster 
and  Cologne  with  30,000  men1  were  to  attack  its  eastern 
frontiers,  and  the  united  Anglo-French  fleet  was  to  assail 
Holland  and  Zealand.  Thus  the  republic  would  be  speedily 
destroyed.  De  Witt  late  in  the  autumn  did  not  perceive 
the  extent  of  the  danger.  De  Groot  had  frequently  men- 
tioned rumours  regarding  an  alliance  between  France  and 
England,  but  not  until  November,  1671,  did  he  write  about 
it  with  certainty.  England's  refusal  to  enlarge  the  Triple 
Alliance,  Charles  IFs  indifference  to  the  French  attack 
on  Lorraine,  Arlington's  conduct  towards  Van  Beuningen 
troubled  De  Witt,  but  he  relied  upon  the  aversion  of  the 
English  nation  to  France's  plans  of  conquest  and  upon 
the  anti-French  attitude  of  Parliament.  Temple  had  left 
The  Hague,  however,  in  August,  1670,  and  news  came  in 
the  summer  of  the  following  year  that  he  would  not  re- 
turn. Then  his  wife,  who  had  remained  behind,  also 
quitted  The  Hague.  An  English  yacht,  the  Merlin,  came 
for  her  in  August,  and  Charles  II.  made  use  of  the  oppor- 
portunity  to  create  new  difficulties.  The  yacht  was  to 
sail  through  the  Dutch  fleet  cruising  in  the  Channel  and 
fire  upon  it  immediately,  if  the  flags  were  not  struck.  On 
the  voyage  out  nothing  was  done,  as  a  strong  wind  drove 
the  yacht  away  from  the  fleet.  During  the  return  voyage, 
with  the  royal  flag  flying,  it  sailed  among  the  Dutch  fleet 
anchored  off  the  coast  of  Zealand,  fired  a  salute  in  the 
direction  of  De  Ruyter's  ship  but  received  no  reply,  be. 
cause  his  vessel  careened  very  much  to  one  side.  The  lieu- 
tenant admiral,  Van  Ghent,  answered  and  finally  De  Ruyter 
himself,  but  the  captain  of  the  yacht  fired  back  with  shot, 
complaining  that  Van  Ghent  had  not  struck  his  flag  "ac- 
cording to  custom."  Van  Ghent  paid  a  visit  to  Madame 
Temple  and  declared  he  was  not  obliged  to  salute  in  this 
way,  whereupon  the  yacht  sailed  away  unmolested.  This 
affair  occasioned  very  unpleasant  negotiations  concerning 

1  Knoop,   IVillem  de  Derde,  i. ,  p.  79. 


362  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  flag  question,  in  which  the  old  dissensions  were  raked 
up  again  and  the  States  refused  to  comply  with  the  Eng- 
lish demands.  The  sending  of  the  quarrelsome  Downing 
in  December  as  ambassador  to  the  States  opened  at  last 
De  Witt's  eyes  to  the  danger  from  the  English  side, 
though  he  hoped  to  avert  it  through  Parliament,  which, 
however,  was  dissolved  in  August,i67i,  and  not  assembled 
again  during  eighteen  months,  and  through  the  feeling 
of  the  nation  itself  against  France. 

The  danger  from  the  French  side  appeared  more  and 
more  unavoidable.  In  1671,  Louis  XIV.  complained  bit- 
terly of  the  attitude  of  the  States,  of  their  allowing  the 
publication  of  libels  against  him  and  his  government,  of 
the  hostile  tone  of  the  newspapers  in  the  republic,  of  the 
duties  imposed  on  French  goods  in  opposition  to  Col- 
bert's protectionist  measures  in  France.  De  Groot,  though 
personally  well  received,  had  no  further  illusions  and 
urged  at  The  Hague  vigorous  preparation.  After  the 
French  attack  on  Lorraine,  De  Witt  had  recommended 
equipments,  but  the  States-General,  relying  upon  the 
Anglo-Swedish  alliance,  were  with  difficulty  persuaded  to 
strengthen  their  naval  force,  while  nothing  was  done  for 
the  land  force.  Not  until  the  spring  of  1671  was  it 
resolved  to  fit  out  a  fleet  of  thirty-six  large  vessels  and  a 
number  of  smaller  ones,  preparations  likewise  being  made 
to  increase  the  army  by  new  levies  in  consequence  of  the 
gathering  of  the  French  troops  on  the  northern  frontier 
and  the  appearance  of  the  king  himself  with  an  army  in 
Flanders.  De  Witt  seems  to  have  contemplated  the  pos- 
sibility of  spoiling  the  French  plans  by  an  attack  from  the 
Dutch  side.  He  did  not  yet  despair  of  a  reconciliation 
with  France  and  thought  of  using  his  friendship  with 
d'  Estrades  who  was  just  then  in  Dunkirk  and  might 
come  to  The  Hague.  But  it  quickly  appeared  that  this 
could  not  be  and  that  the  States  must  arm,  especially 
when  Louis  had  no  other  representative  at  The  Hague 


Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power      363 

than  an  agent.  De  Groot  now  asked  for  his  recall  but 
remained  in  Paris  at  the  request  of  the  States  which  still 
expected  something  from  his  embassy.1  He  had  the 
arduous  task  of  defending  in  Paris  the  Dutch  policy  of 
commercial  war  and  peaceful  assurances  at  the  same 
time,  of  listening  to  the  French  complaints  and  of  an- 
swering with  counter-complaints.  On  the  1st  of  Decem- 
ber the  States  addressed  a  solemn  missive  to  the  king  to 
defend  their  conduct  towards  him  and  to  justify  their 
equipments  on  land  and  sea.  De  Groot  was  to  deliver 
this  in  an  audience  and  to  accompany  it  with  oral  expla- 
nations. He  did  not  get  an  opportunity  to  do  so  until 
January  4,  1672,  but  the  king  received  the  letter  "with 
a  look  of  indignation"  and  replied  in  threatening  terms 
both  orally  and  in  writing,  declaring  he  would  go  on 
with  his  preparations  for  war  and  had  to  give  account  of 
them  to  nobody.8  All  that  remained  possible  was  the 
adoption  of  "timely  and  vigorous  resolutions"  for  war, 
but  De  Groot  was  left  in  Paris  until  the  end  of  March, 
when  he  took  leave  of  the  French  court  in  appropriate 
words  and  with  an  assertion  of  the  good  will  of  the  States. 
He  had  no  sooner  departed  than  Louis  XIV.  declared 
war  upon  the  republic  (April  6,  1672),  making  his  reasons 
known  to  the  world  in  a  violent  manifesto.  The  device 
cvexi  sed discntiam,  which  he  had  placed  on  a  medal  struck 
for  this  occasion,  testified  to  his  purpose  to  destroy  the 
ungrateful  republic,  once  rescued  by  France  in  the  great 
Spanish  war  from  the  dominion  of  mighty  Spain. 

Charles  II.  had  preceded  him  by  several  days.  Not- 
withstanding the  opinion  of  his  people  strongly  preju- 
diced against  France,  he  had  long  been  drifting  towards 
war.     Downing  demanded,  in  lofty  tone,  satisfaction  for 

1  Lefevre  Pontalis,  ii.,  p.  121.  See  Combes  in  Melanges  historiques,  i., 
p.  365,  where  is  a  letter  from  De  Witt  to  Pomponne,  dated  September  25, 
1671,  with  hope  of  a  restoration  of  "  the  same  confidence  that  the  two 
nations  formerly  judged  to  be  necessary  to  them." 

8  The  two  letters  are  in  Mignet,  iii.,  pp.  657  and  660. 


364  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  insults  to  England,  laid  claim  to  the  Dominium  Maris 
in  the  widest  sense  and  to  the  recognition  of  it  by  the 
States  in  the  striking  of  the  flag  on  every  sea,  even 
though  it  might  be  to  but  a  single  English  ship  of  war. 
Everything  possible  was  done  to  content  him,  and  the 
demand  regarding  the  flag  was  complied  with  as  a  "  sign 
of  deference  "  to  the  ally,  not  as  a  proof  of  giving  up  the 
free  navigation.  But  nothing  availed.  Downing  declared 
haughtily  that  the  offer  came  too  late,  gave  up  his  pass- 
port, and  went  to  England.  The  ambassador  in  London, 
Boreel,  supported  in  March  by  Meerman  as  ambassador 
extraordinary,  endeavoured  still  to  avert  the  storm,  misled 
as  he  was  concerning  Charles  II. 's  real  policy,  but  March 
28th  war  was  declared  on  the  republic  in  a  manifesto 
similar  to  that  of  Louis.  Some  days  earlier,  after  a  com- 
munication to  Meerman,  that  England  would  attack  Dutch 
ships,  Sir  Robert  Holmes  had  assailed  the  Smyrna  fleet 
sailing  unsuspectingly  by  the  Isle  of  Wight  but  had  been 
able  to  capture  only  a  few  vessels  in  consequence  of  the 
valiant  resistance  of  the  small  convoy. 

England  and  France  had  preceded,  Miinster  and  Co- 
logne followed,  with  like  manifestoes.  Miinster's  was 
actually  based  on  the  old  grievances,  now  however  re- 
placed by  smaller  ones  of  recent  date  and  by  general 
complaints  of  the  bribery  of  its  officials,  of  plots  against 
the  bishop's  life,  and  of  the  sending  of  spies.  Cologne 
was  offended  because  Rijnberk  was  not  given  back  and 
because  the  city  of  Cologne  was  supported  against  its 
authority,  old  wrongs  brought  forward  again  during  the 
difficulties  between  the  city  and  the  elector  about  1670. 
The  destruction  of  the  republic,  so  these  neighbours  pro- 
claimed, would  end  all  this  injustice.  The  lavish  promises 
of  French  help  and  money,  the  desire  to  promote  the 
Catholic  faith  by  the  ruin  of  the  heretical  republic,  the 
secret  intrigues,  at  the  Cologne  court,  of  the  Fiirstenberg 
brothers  entirely  won  over  to  France — all  urged  these 


Summit  of  the  Republic's  Power      365 

princes  to  energetic  cooperation.  The  alliance  of  Cologne, 
whose  elector,  Maximilian  Henry  of  Bavaria,  was  also 
bishop  of  Liege,  had  great  value  to  France,  because 
the  French  army  secured  across  his  Liege  territory  a  road 
to  the  republic  outside  of  Spanish  lands,  the  neutrality  of 
which  did  not  have  to  be  violated.1  It  was  thought  that 
the  weakness  of  the  eastern  frontier  of  the  States  would 
speedily  put  the  eastern  provinces  in  the  hands  of  Miinster 
and  Cologne. 

1  Huisman,  Maximilien  Henri  de  Baviere  (Bruxelles,  1899),  p.  84. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


DE   WITT  S   FALL 


WHAT  had  the  republic,  menaced  on  all  sides,  to 
oppose  to  its  enemies?  Relying  upon  the  Triple 
Alliance  and  upon  the  aid  of  the  Swedish  army  in  case 
the  Spanish  Netherlands  were  again  attacked,  and  eager 
to  economise,  the  States-General  immediately  after  the 
peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle '  had  reduced  their  army  con- 
siderably and  had  sent  over  40,000  men  home,  so  that 
only  33,000  men  were  left,  Holland  paying  for  about  half 
of  them.  What  remained  was  certainly  not  the  best  part. 
The  officers  were  mostly  inexperienced  young  men  from 
the  governing  class,  and  regarded  their  posts  chiefly  as  a 
means  of  making  money  easily ;  supreme  guidance  was 
lacking;  and  financial  abuses  abounded.  The  picture  of 
the  Dutch  army  unrolled  by  the  Memoir es  of  the  count  de 
Guiche  is  far  from  brilliant :  the  avarice  and  incompetence 
of  the  officers  were  equalled  by  the  greediness  and  ig- 
norance of  the  soldiers ;  little  discipline  was  to  be  seen ; 
the  magazines  were  empty,  the  fortifications  neglected, 
the  ramparts  planted  with  trees,  the  moats  dried  up ;  the 
militia  had  run  down,  and  the  drills  of  the  citizens  in 
their  armouries  had  degenerated  into  banquets,  where  the 
officers  outdid  one  another  in  fine  apparel.  "  It  seems 
that  we  no  longer  understand  war,"  wrote  Colonel  Bamp- 
field  in  April,  1672,  to  De  Witt,  and  another  time  he  said 

1  Lefevre  Pontalis,  ii.,  p.  185. 
366 


De  Witt's  Fall  367 

that  the    Dutch   officers   ought   to   camp  out   for  three 
months  to  learn  what  was  required  in  time  of  war. 

De  Witt  quickly  comprehended  the  danger.  At  the 
first  rumours  of  the  French  preparations,  in  October,  1669, 
he  urged  a  reenforcement  of  army  and  navy,  the  former 
by  50,000  men,  and  the  appointment  of  expert  foreign 
officers,  but  not  until  a  year  later  was  the  increase  adopted 
with  a  tenth  of  what  De  Witt  desired.  He  ceased  not  to 
call  for  vigorous  measures,  by  which  he  hoped  to  have 
finally  100,000  men  in  readiness.  To  simplify  the  pay- 
ment he  wished  the  maritime  provinces  to  care  for  the 
fleet  and  the  land  provinces  for  the  army.  But  the  un- 
willingness to  spend  much  money  and  domestic  dissension, 
the  difficulty  of  inducing  most  of  the  provinces  to  pay 
their  arrears  to  Holland  and  the  admiralties,  and  the 
opposition  of  Zealand  long  worked  against  any  organisa- 
tion, so  that  it  was  the  spring  of  1671  before  the  necessary 
money  was  granted.  The  fleet,  which  had  been  at  sea  in 
167 1,  was  dismantled  for  the  winter,  and  the  army  re- 
mained in  the  garrisons.  De  Witt,  now  alarmed  by  the 
attitude  of  France  and  England  both,  proposed  the  fitting 
out  of  120  vessels  and  a  new  enlistment  of  20,000  men, 
but  the  Estates,  slow  as  always  and,  so  far  as  Zealand  was 
concerned  at  least,  little  inclined  to  cooperate  with  the 
leaders  of  the  ruling  party,  did  not  consent  immediately, 
and  when  they  at  last  took  the  matter  in  hand  the  pro- 
posal was  cut  down  considerably.  Great  troubles  arose 
over  the  payment  of  all  these  extraordinary  armaments, 
which  much  exceeded  the  ordinary  war  budget  of  less 
than  4^  million  guilders.  The  bad  financial  condition 
of  several  provinces  brought  everything  down  upon  over- 
burdened Holland,  which  groaned  under  a  debt  of  125 
millions,  and  was  unable  to  meet  its  obligations  in  spite 
of  De  Witt's  admirable  financial  management.  De  Witt's 
attempts  to  impose  new  taxes  failed  owing  to  the  op- 
position of  commerce.     Loans  were  thus  the  only  means 


368  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

of  raising  money,  and  availing  himself  of  his  studies  of 
probabilities  and  of  his  calculations  of  the  average  dura- 
tion of  life  De  Witt,  with  the  aid  of  the  Amsterdam 
regent  Jan  Hudde,  explained  in  a  detailed  report  the 
advantages  of  the  issue  of  life  annuities  by  the  state  over 
ordinary  loans.  But  the  Estates  of  Holland  were  not 
convinced  by  the  council  pensionary's  representations, 
and  several  ordinary  loans  were  concluded  in  167 1  and 
1672,  so  that  the  province's  debt  bore  n  millions  of 
interest  a  year,  representing  a  capital  of  about  240  million 
guilders.  This  increase  was  met  in  part  by  taxes  on 
carriages  and  beer,  in  part  by  a  reduction  of  interest. 
De  Witt  proposed  a  reduction  from  4  to  3^  per  cent., 
but  it  was  resolved  to  limit  it  to  3^  per  cent.,  while  the 
deficiency  was  made  up  from  the  reserve  fund  which  he 
had  formed  in  1655.  But  the  necessary  money  was  not 
thus  accumulated,  and  Holland  in  the  spring  of  1672  at 
the  approach  of  war  was  obliged  to  raise  a  200th  penny 
of  all  property,  a  few  weeks  later  doubled  and  tripled  and 
accompanied  by  a  land  and  poll  tax,  finally  by  a  forced 
loan  with  interest  of  from  2  to  4  per  cent. 

So  money  was  at  last  obtained  for  the  war.  The  navy 
in  May,  1672,  was  brought  up  to  more  than  130  ships,  the 
army,  on  paper  at  least,  to  about  52,000  men.  De  Witt 
was  by  no  means  satisfied  with  the  latter  figure  and,  with 
great  difficulty,  secured  new  reinforcements  which  would 
increase  the  army  to  80,000  men,  and  20,000  militia  were 
to  be  called  out  besides  bands  of  armed  peasants  to  throw 
up  earthworks.  The  100,000  men  and  more,  deemed 
necessary  by  the  council  pensionary,  would  thus  be 
assembled.  In  reality,  however,  not  over  50,000  to  60,000 
men  were  under  arms  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war.1  He 
urged  rapidity  in  collecting  the  troops  authorised,  which 
were  to  come  largely  from  Switzerland,  Sweden,  Den- 
mark, and  the  German  countries.     But  all  did  not  go  as  it 

1  Knoop,  Willem  de  Derde,  i.,  p.  85. 


De  Witt's  Fall  369 

should.  It  was  too  late  to  put  the  army,  neglected  for 
years  and  according  to  De  Witt's  system  cut  up  between 
seven  provinces,  at  one  stroke  into  a  condition  to  meet  a 
formidable  enemy.  Furthermore,  magistrates  and  people 
lacked  enthusiasm,  the  conviction  that  the  fight  was  for 
the  fatherland  and  not  for  the  preservation  of  a  certain 
government ;  there  was  a  want  of  the  courage  and  desire 
to  defend  themselves  and  to  exchange  tranquil  enjoyment 
and  prosperity  for  privation  and  sacrifice.  Men  came 
from  the  cities  in  quite  large  numbers,  but  the  peasants 
refused  to  take  up  arms ;  the  States  showed  irresolution 
and  slowness ;  and  De  Groot  in  February  exclaimed  in- 
dignantly— "is  it  possible  that  the  descendants  of  a  nation, 
which  laid  the  foundations  of  our  freedom,  so  feebly 
defend  what  their  forefathers  obtained  with  so  much 
glory?"1  Much  had  to  occur  to  revive  the  heroic  spirit. 
The  question  of  the  command  of  the  army  was  con- 
nected with  that  of  the  prince  of  Orange  and  occasioned 
great  difficulties.  The  prince  was  now  a  member  of  the 
council  of  state,  and  the  youth  of  barely  twenty  took  his 
seat  in  it.  He  was  already  becoming  a  political  personage 
of  importance,  and  De  Witt  had  cherished  some  hope  of 
a  good  understanding  with  England  at  the  time  of  the 
prince's  journey  there  in  the  autumn  of  1670;  it  was  even 
contemplated  to  intrust  a  sort  of  mission  to  him  with 
Van  Beuningen,  but  the  project  was  given  up  at  De 
Witt's  suggestion.  The  swiftly  approaching  danger  of 
war  directed  attention  to  the  heir  of  the  military  traditions 
of  the  famous  family,  however  young  and  inexperienced 
he  might  be.  But  the  Harmony  provided  that  he  was  not 
to  be  proposed  as  captain-general  before  his  twenty-second 
year,  and  he  would  not  attain  that  age  until  November,  1672. 
A  year  earlier,  however,  Gelderland  desired  to  designate 
him  for  that  office,  and  one  province  after  another  ex- 
pressed the  same  wish  in  spite  of  the  stipulations  of  the 

1Wicquefort,  iv.,  p.  354.     See  Lefevre  Pontalis,  ii.,  p.  232. 
VOL.  IV. — 24. 


37°  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Harmony.  Even  Holland  wavered.  In  the  Estates  of 
Holland  Enkhuizen  made  the  proposition  in  December, 
167 1,  and  it  was  supported  by  the  nobility,  so  that  it  cost 
De  Witt  the  most  strenuous  exertion  to  resist  the  appoint- 
ment with  the  small  majority  following  him.  He  was 
obliged  to  allow  the  drawing  up  of  instructions  for  the 
captain-general  to  be  elected.  The  first  step  was  thus 
taken,  though  Perpetual  Edict  and  Harmony  continued 
in  name  to  exist  and  the  proposed  captain-general  was 
bound  to  them,  while  his  authority  was  restricted  so  that 
it  would  be  entirely  under  control  of  the  States  and  of 
their  representatives.  After  these  precautions  De  Witt, 
yielding  to  the  popular  wish,  consented  finally  to  the 
prince's  appointment  for  one  campaign.  The  desired 
appointment  for  life  could  then  be  considered  in  Novem- 
ber. But  this  concession  was  regarded  in  the  States- 
General  as  insufficient  by  the  other  provinces,  and  the 
young  prince  of  Orange,  instigated  by  Fagel,  declared  his 
unwillingness  to  accept  the  office  on  such  conditions, 
while  the  two  field  marshals,  John  Maurice  and  Wurtz, 
ranged  themselves  on  his  side.  De  Witt  saw  the  necessity 
of  giving  way  still  further,  and  on  consultation  with  Fagel 
and  Beverningh  an  agreement  was  reached  at  the  end  of 
February,  first  in  the  Estates  of  Holland,  then  in  the 
States-General,  conferring  the  office  of  captain-general 
upon  the  prince  for  one  campaign  under  limitations  but 
with  more  liberal  instructions,  which  were  to  become 
definitive  in  November.  On  the  25th  the  prince  was  in- 
vested with  the  office  amid  the  exultation  of  the  people 
after  a  speech  in  the  States-General,  and  a  banquet  offered 
by  the  new  captain-general  closed  the  long  negotiations. 
Deputies  for  the  field  were  named,  among  whom  were 
Cornelius  de  Witt  and  Beverningh  for  Holland,  the  latter 
showing  himself  more  and  more  a  partisan  of  Orange. 
The  chief  officers  were  appointed — the  two  aged  field 
marshals,  the  rhinegrave  of  Salm  as  commander  of  the 


De  Witt's  Fall  371 

cavalry,  the  lord  of  Zuylesteyn  as  commander  of  the 
infantry,  other  moderately  able  officers  as  generals  under 
them :  Van  Welderen  and  Nassau-Saarbriick  with 
Montbas,  De  Groot's  brother-in-law,  as  commissary  gen- 
eral for  the  cavalry,  the  Swede  Konigsmark  and  the  fiery 
Hans  Willem  van  Aylva  for  the  infantry,  with  the  Scotch- 
man Kirkpatrick  and  Van  Styrum  as  sergeant-majors  and 
the  Frenchman  Pain-et-Vin  as  quartermaster  general, 
the  count  of  Hoorn  for  the  artillery.  The  army  thus 
organised  was  collected  on  the  Yssel  after  the  detach- 
ment  of  a  large  number  of  garrisons  to  fortresses  and  forts, 
so  that  hardly  20,000  men  remained  under  the  command 
of  an  inexperienced  youth,  supported  by  old  or  incompe- 
tent subordinate  commanders.  Garrisons  and  forts  were 
in  poor  condition.  Trees  on  the  ramparts  were  hastily 
cut  down,  gardens  destroyed,  houses  in  the  firing  zone 
demolished,  rusted  cannon  brought  out  from  the  maga- 
zines, powder  and  ball  scraped  together,  inundations 
prepared.  What  had  been  neglected  for  twenty-five  years 
could  not  be  restored  in  a  moment.  The  results  of  DeWitt's 
system,  springing  from  fear  of  the  military  power  of  the 
Oranges,  made  themselves  felt  in  the  shape  of  general 
military  helplessness. 

In  a  much  better  condition  was  the  fleet  which  had  been 
at  sea  in  the  summer  of  167 1  and  was  kept  in  good  order 
by  De  Ruyter  with  Banckers,  Van  Nes,  and  Van  Ghent. 
But  its  equipment  had  suffered  under  De  Witt's  idea  that 
the  war  would  be  against  France  only.  When  it  appeared 
that  England  must  again  be  fought,  it  was  resolved  in 
March  to  bring  the  fleet  up  to  120  ships  with  nearly  30,000 
men.  The  closing  of  navigation  to  the  Baltic,  to  the  Eng- 
lish and  French  coasts,  and  through  the  Channel,  the  pro- 
hibition of  the  exportation  of  munitions  of  war  enabled 
the  admiralties  to  fit  out  vessels  speedily.  A  commis- 
sion,1 of  which  John  de  Witt  was  once  more  the   soul, 

1  De  Jonge,  ii.,  p.  261. 


372  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

took  from  the  States-General  the  care  of  the  navy  and 
urged  the  admiralties  to  haste,  but  only  Amsterdam  and 
the  Meuse  did  their  full  duty.  It  was  the  middle  of  May 
before  the  fleet  was  ready  to  sail  out,  which  delay,  to  the 
disappointment  of  De  Witt,  prevented  an  attack  upon 
the  English  fleet  before  its  junction  with  the  French.  As 
in  the  second  English  war  the  fleet  was  quite  equal  to 
its  task,  and  De  Ruyter,  commanding  it  as  lieutenant 
admiral,  had  no  need  of  the  young  prince,  whom  the 
Orange  party  had  at  first  destined  also  for  the  dignity  of 
admiral-general.  As  in  1667  Cornelius  de  Witt  embarked 
as  the  plenipotentiary  of  the  States-General. 

Thus  stood  the  means  of  defence  on  land  and  sea  in  the 
spring  of  1672.  The  enemy  hoped  that  other  circum- 
stances would  weaken  the  efforts  to  repulse  him.  First  and 
foremost  of  these  circumstances  was  the  discord  among  the 
people.  The  threatening  danger  had  turned  the  eyes  of 
the  people  with  more  love  than  ever  upon  the  prince  of 
Orange.  Though  he  was  now  captain-general  for  one 
campaign,  the  manner  in  which  his  elevation  to  this  post 
had  been  wrested  as  it  were  from  the  party  of  the  States 
had  augmented  the  feeling  against  the  party  and  its 
leaders.  If  defeats  ensued,  internal  commotions  would 
not  be  absent  and  the  existing  government  would  almost 
certainly  be  overturned,  while  the  young  prince,  inex- 
perienced as  he  was,  would  not  be  able  to  combine  the  re- 
organisation of  the  government  with  the  command  of  the 
army  in  a  war  with  a  victorious  foe.  Then  the  republic, 
torn  within  itself  and  assailed  by  a  superior  force,  would 
fall  an  easy  prey  into  the  conqueror's  hands — a  calculation 
which  failed  at  last,  although  for  a  time  it  seemed  likely 
to  be  realised.  The  enemy  attacking  on  the  east  side 
counted  upon  another  cause  of  dissension,  upon  the  dis- 
satisfaction of  the  Catholics  there  so  numerous  with  their 
condition  under  the  government  of  the  States.  He  was 
deceived  in  his  expectations,  but   there  are  traces  of  the 


De  Witt's  Fall  373 

action  of  this  cause  in  the  defeats  suffered.  After  the 
peace  of  Miinster  the  condition  of  the  Catholics  in  the  re- 
public was  little  changed,  although  there  was  no  longer 
any  fear  of  secret  relations  with  Spain  and  the  Brussels 
government.  Public  worship  continued  to  be  prohibited 
for  the  Catholics,  but,  as  before,  worship  in  private  was 
secured  by  money  paid  to  the  officials.  And  this  privacy 
was  public,  while  the  Catholics  themselves  did  not  com- 
plain much  of  the  state  of  affairs,  knowing  well  that  they 
were  quite  otherwise  persecuted  elsewhere  in  Protestant 
countries  and  that  the  Protestants  in  Catholic  countries 
were  in  an  infinitely  worse  condition,  so  that  they  had  only 
to  rejoice  at  the  fact  that  the  States  gave  no  attention  to 
the  repeated  exhortations  of  preachers  and  church  coun- 
cils to  wreak  vengeance  on  them  for  the  violence  done 
elsewhere  to  the  Protestants.  The  apostolic  vicar  Jaco- 
bus de  la  Torre  (1651-1661)  complained  in  his  Relatio  of 
1656  to  the  papal  see  about  his  diocese,  but  his  second 
successor,  Johannes  van  Neercassel  (1663-1686),  was 
more  ready  to  submit  to  actual  conditions.1  Under  the 
government  of  De  Witt,  who  regarded  it  to  the  interest 
of  the  republic  to  allow  different  religious  beliefs  to 
live  in  peace,  provided  they  respected  the  laws  of  the 
state,  there  was  much  less  reason  to  complain,  and  Neer- 
cassel's  relation  of  1668  praises  the  freedom  enjoyed  in 
Holland,  where  the  building  of  churches,  divine  worship,  re- 
ligious instruction  were  connived  at.  Foreign  Catholics 
of  the  time  testify  to  the  same  effect. 

In  the  other  provinces,  except  in  Friesland  where  op- 
pression was  reported,  the  situation  was  about  the  same  as 
in  Holland,  even  in  Utrecht,  whose  capital  was  inhabited  by 
the  violent  Voetius,  while  in  Groningen,  Drenthe,  and 
Zealand  the  small  number  of  Catholics  constantly  dimin- 
ished under  the  now  and  then  sharp  persecution.     Most 

1  Knuttel,  De  toestand  der  Katholieken  onder  de  Republiek,  i.,  pp.  227, 
287. 


374  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

of  the  Catholics  lived  in  the  cities  of  Holland,  in  Amster- 
dam alone  30,000,  and  in  the  country  of  Utrecht  and  Over- 
yssel.  In  the  generality  lands,  with  the  majority  of  the 
population  Catholic,  placards  were  issued  and  annoying 
measures  adopted,  but  they  failed  to  attain  their  object. 
Under  Neercassel's  moderate  rule  the  Catholic  church 
flourished,  so  that  his  clergy  showed  slight  inclination  to 
take  part  in  movements  hostile  to  the  States.  Besides 
about  300  priests  and  chaplains  there  were  over  a  hundred 
members  of  religious  orders  active  here,  mostly  Jesuits. 
The  old  jealousy  between  them  and  the  secular  clergy  still 
existed,  and  the  Jesuits  sought  to  throw  off  the  supervis- 
ion of  the  vicars.  Neercassel  went  to  Rome  ini670  to  com- 
plain of  the  attitude  of  the  Jesuits  and  of  the  brothers  of 
the  orders  in  general,  and  his  authority  was  confirmed. 
Outside  of  the  ardent  champions  of  the  Catholic  faith 
there  were  naturally  many  people  who,  without  wishing 
for  the  victory  of  the  Catholic  enemy,  would  in  case  of 
such  a  victory  be  speedily  ready  to  make  friends  with  their 
fellow-believers  and  to  submit  to  their  sway.  But  it  was 
to  be  an  exception  for  them  to  take  up  arms  against  the 
government  of  the  country,  to  serve  its  enemies,  or  to  com- 
mit treason  by  supporting  them.  It  is  clear,  however,  that 
under  these  circumstances  the  Protestants  watched  their 
Catholic  fellow-citizens  with  suspicion  and  in  the  eastern 
provinces  especially  an  uncomfortable  feeling  prevented 
their  vigorous  defence. 

Thus  the  war  began.2  The  enemy's  plan  was  to  avoid 
the  fortresses  of  the  generality  lands,  because  they  could 
only  be  attacked  after  crossing  a  w'de  Spanish  territory 
and  taking  Spanish  forts  in  Brabant  and  Flanders,  while 

1  The  total  number  of  Catholics  is  estimated  by  Neercassel  at  400,000, 
outside  of  the  generality  lands,  so  that  the  number  of  Catholics  may  safely 
be  placed  at  half  a  million,  about  one-third  of  the  population  of  that 
time. 

2  See  Rousset,  Histoire  de  Louvois,  i. ;  Sypesteyn  and  De  Bordes,  De 
verdediging  van  Nederland  in  i6j2  en  i6jj;  Knoop,    Willem  de  Derde. 


De  Witt's  Fall  375 

then  the  large  rivers  would  still  be  in  the  front.  It 
seemed  better  to  follow  Alva's  route  of  a  hundred  years 
earlier,  to  make  Charleroi  the  base  of  operations,  to  go 
through  Liege  and  a  small  section  of  Spanish  territory 
into  Cologne,  masking  Maestricht  with  a  sufficient  num- 
ber of  troops,  then  to  cross  the  Yssel  or  the  Rhine  and  to 
penetrate  quickly  to  the  heart  of  Holland,  while  the 
German  allies  were  conquering  the  east  and  north  and 
the  united  fleets  were  blockading  the  coasts,  possibly 
landing  troops  here  and  there  in  Holland.  The  eight  or 
nine  thousand  men  in  Maestricht  would  then  be  isolated, 
the  army  on  the  Yssel  be  compelled  to  retreat  on  penalty 
of  being  cut  off,  and  the  small  garrisons  be  either  over- 
whelmed or  held  in  check. 

Late  in  April  Louis  XIV.  left  his  palace,  and  before 
the  middle  of  May  his  troops  moved  northwards  from 
Charleroi  and  Sedan.  Turenne  and  Chamilly  went  with 
the  main  army  along  the  Meuse  to  Vise,  where  the  former 
crossed  the  river  on  the  24th  and  directed  his  course 
towards  Burik ;  Chamilly  surrounded  Maestricht  with  a 
number  of  strong  posts ;  Cond6  marched  from  Liege 
through  Cologne  territory  to  Kaiserswerth,  where  he 
crossed  the  Rhine  in  the  direction  of  the  Lippe.  At  the 
beginning  of  June,  Turenne  lay  before  Burik,  Louis  him- 
self before  Rijnberk  and  Orsoy,  Conde  before  Wesel,  all 
ready  to  commence  the  attack  upon  those  "  bulwarks  of 
the  state."  De  Witt  had  hoped  to  anticipate  the  enemy 
by  securing  possession  of  Cologne  or  Neuss  before  the 
French  auxiliary  troops  arrived  there.  Towards  the  end 
of  April,  John  Maurice,  with  cavalry  and  infantry,  marched 
rapidly  in  that  direction,  but  he  came  too  late  and  had  to 
return  to  the  fortresses  of  Cleves.  Those  bulwarks  ap- 
peared now  quite  unworthy  of  the  name :  they  fell  like 
card  houses,  badly  garrisoned,  miserably  armed,  and 
weakly  defended  as  they  were.  Thus  fell  Rees  and  Em- 
merich, afterwards  Doetinchem  and  Grol,  and  the  country 


376  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

lay  open  to  the  Yssel.  The  line  of  the  Yssel  from  Arn- 
hem  to  Deventer  offered  few  chances  of  better  success,  as 
it  could  be  easily  flanked  on  the  north  and  south.  The 
enemy  moved  up  from  Wesel  with  his  whole  force,  in 
order  to  attack  the  line  in  front,  according  to  Condi's 
plan,  or,  adopting  that  of  the  more  prudent  Turenne,  to 
force  the  Rhine  at  Nimwegen,  and  thus  to  turn  Prince 
William's  right  flank.  The  latter  was  resolved  upon,  and 
on  June  ioth  the  French  main  army  came  to  the  Rhine 
at  Elten,  opposite  the  Tolhuis  (Toll-house),  where  some 
troops  under  Montbas  were  stationed.  Montbas,  com- 
manding only  a  few  thousand  men,  asked  for  reinforce- 
ments, but  received  them  not  at  all  or  too  late,  left  his 
position,  and  fell  back  to  the  main  line.  An  attempt  was 
made  to  repair  this  fault — Montbas  was  accused  of  treason, 
probably  quite  unjustly — and  infantry  and  cavalry  were 
sent  again  to  the  Tolhuis,  where  perhaps  a  few  thousand 
men  under  Wurtz  were  posted.  This  small  force  was  in- 
sufficient to  dispute  the  enemy's  passage,  and  the  crossing 
was  effected  on  the  12th  under  the  guidance  of  De  Guiche 
and  Conde  himself.  Wurtz  was  driven  back  by  the 
superior  force  and  fled  with  the  cavalry,  while  his  in- 
fantry, on  the  point  of  surrendering,  through  a  misunder- 
standing took  up  arms  again,  and  after  a  bloody  fight,  in 
which  many  French  officers  fell  and  Conde  himself  was 
wounded,  was  destroyed  or  captured,  as  was  also  Aylva's 
regiment,  hastening  to  the  scene  from  Nimwegen.  This 
was  the  affair  that  is  exaggerated  by  Louis's  courtiers 
and  later  historians  to  a  deed  of  high  renown,  but  in 
reality  is  of  slight  significance  from  a  military  point  of 
view. 

The  French  main  army  now  marched  towards  Doesburg, 
while  Cond£  planned  with  all  the  cavalry  to  move  through 
the  Betuwe  and  Utrecht  directly  upon  Amsterdam  and 
Turenne  appeared  at  Arnhem.  The  Dutch  army  on 
the  Yssel  was  in  danger  of  being  cut  off  and  retreated  to 


De  Witt's  Fall  377 

Utrecht,  where  it  arrived  about  the  15th.  Condi's  plan 
was  given  up  on  account  of  his  wound  and  would  have 
been  difficult  to  execute.  The  prince's  army,  diminished 
to  about  8000  men  after  the  detachment  of  garrisons  to 
the  Yssel  and  Rhine  cities,  stood  before  Utrecht,  which 
immediately  shut  its  gates  from  fear  of  being  exposed  to 
a  siege  and  of  seeing  its  suburbs  burned.  It  demanded, 
nevertheless,  a  vigorous  defence  from  the  prince,  but  after 
negotiation  and  the  positive  refusal  of  Utrecht  to  allow 
its  suburbs  to  be  burned  the  army  left  this  position  on  the 
18th  by  order  of  the  States-General  and  fell  back  to  the 
frontier  of  Holland,  the  famous  old  water  line  of  Holland. 
Gelderland  and  Utrecht  were  thus  given  up  within  a 
month  after  the  enemy  had  appeared  on  the  border.  In 
those  provinces,  outside  of  the  great  fortresses  on  the 
Rhine  and  Yssel,  there  was  nothing  to  resist  the  enemy, 
who  with  4000  cavalry  occupied  the  chief  places,  on  the 
2 1st  Utrecht,  and  even  penetrated  to  Naarden,  Leerdam, 
and  Asperen.  Muiden  also  was  almost  taken,  important 
on  account  of  its  nearness  to  the  sluices  in  the  Vecht,  but 
Count  John  Maurice  put  a  garrison  there  in  time. 

Meanwhile  Overyssel  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
Miinster  and  Cologne  forces,  which,  with  the  help  of  a 
French  corps  under  Luxembourg,  captured  the  smaller 
fortified  places  and  then  attacked  Deventer  and  Zwolle. 
The  former,  heavily  bombarded,  capitulated  after  a  few 
days,  and  Zwolle  and  Kampen  surrendered  in  a  like  cow- 
ardly  manner.  It  quickly  appeared  that  bribery  and  trea- 
son had  here  played  a  great  part ;  the  secretary  of  the 
Estates,  many  noblemen  of  Overyssel,  many  regents  seem 
to  have  formed  a  plot  for  delivering  the  province  up  to  the 
enemy.  Early  in  July  it  was  shamefully  given  over 
by  treaty  to  Miinster,  which  through  an  agreement  with 
Louis  XIV.  and  Cologne  was  assured  of  the  undisturbed 
possession  of  the  conquered  province  with  Grol,  Brede- 
voort,  Borculoo,  and  whatever  should  be  taken  in  Fries- 


378  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

land  and  Groningen.  Deventer  alone  went  to  Cologne, 
Kampen  to  Louis  who  reserved  for  himself  all  Gelderland 
and  Utrecht.  Across  Drenthe,  guarded  by  Steenwijk  and 
Coevorden,  the  garrisons  rescued  by  such  faithful  officers 
as  the  colonels  Bampfield  and  Ripperda  retreated  to  Fries- 
land  and  Groningen.1  Three  provinces  lost  and  the  enemy 
on  the  frontiers  of  Holland,  Friesland,  and  Groningen — 
such  were  the  results  of  the  war  on  land  in  the  first  month. 
It  went  better  on  the  sea.  Here  too  the  republic  en- 
countered a  superior  force.  The  English  and  French  fleets 
numbered  together  172  ships  with  5<X)Ogunsand  33,000  men, 
while  the  republic  possessed  133  ships  with  4500  guns  and 
26,000  men.  York  and  Montague  commanded  the  English 
fleet,  d'Estr^es  and  Duquesne  the  French;  the  Dutch  fleet 
was  again  under  De  Ruyterwith  Van  Ghent  and  Banckers 
as  subordinate  commanders.  On  the  sea  De  Witt  had 
wished  to  anticipate  the  enemy  by  an  attack  upon  Brest 
and  La  Rochelle,  and  by  landing  on  the  French  coast, 
but  the  English  declaration  of  war  had  spoiled  this  plan. 
A  new  expedition  to  the  Thames  was  now  considered  for 
the  purpose  of  destroying  the  vessels  there  fitting  out. 
But  these  plans  failed  in  consequence  of  the  delay  of  Zea- 
land's squadron  and  contrary  winds.  The  two  hostile 
fleets  were  able  to  unite  at  Portsmouth.  De  Witt  urged 
such  an  enterprise  upon  De  Ruyter  and  his  brother,  the 
plenipotentiary  of  the  States  on  the  fleet,  and  Van  Ghent 
with  a  squadron  of  light  vessels  actually  sailed  into  the 
Thames  again,  but  he  met  with  such  resistance  at  Sheer- 
ness  that  he  had  to  turn  back.  Nothing  now  remained 
but  a  battle  on  the  open  sea,  and  full  of  hope  the  intrepid 
leaders  resolved  to  venture  this.  They  sought  and  found 
the  enemy  on  June  7th  at  Solebay,  on  the  eastern  coast  of 
England.  Deeply  convinced  of  the  great  importance  of 
a  victory,  De  Ruyter  before  the  engagement  summoned 

1  Der  Kinderen,    De  Nederlandsche   Republiek  en   Munster  i666-i6jq 
(Leiden,  1S74),  p.  175;  Lefevre  Pontalis,  ii.,  p.  327. 


De  Witt's  Fall  379 

his  captains  on  board  his  ship,  the  Seven  Provinces,  and 
earnestly  addressed  them.  The  battle  was  chiefly  between 
the  Dutch  and  English  fleets,  as  the  French  took  little 
part  in  the  fight.  York,  attacked  by  De  Ruyter  him- 
self, was  repeatedly  compelled  to  change  his  ship ;  Mon- 
tague, hard  pushed  by  Van  Brakel  with  a  much  smaller 
vessel,  found  death  in  the  waves ;  the  French  were  made 
to  retreat  by  Banckers.  The  English  fleet  suffered  se- 
verely and  lost  several  ships.  But  there  were  heavy 
losses  also  on  the  Dutch  side  ;  Van  Ghent  perished, 
and  the  dead  and  wounded  were  numerous.  The  Hol- 
landers fought  like  lions.  De  Ruyter  was  everywhere 
and  everything :  admiral,  captain,  steersman,  sailor,  soldier, 
all  at  once.  De  Witt  stood  with  calm  courage  among 
his  bodyguard  of  twelve  halberdiers  in  the  most  danger- 
ous place;  Van  Nes,  Banckers,  De  Liefde,  Sweers,  Den 
Haen,  surpassed  one  another  in  valour.  Although  greater 
advantages  were  won  by  the  Dutch  side,  the  victory 
remained  doubtful,  but  on  the  following  day  the  enemy 
declined  battle  and  the  Dutch  fleet  alone  kept  the  sea, 
returning  afterwards  to  the  ports  in  order  to  repair 
damages.  The  danger  of  a  landing  from  the  combined 
fleets  was  averted.  Of  what  help  was  this  naval  suc- 
cess in  the  hard  trials  of  the  war  on  land  ?  The  States- 
General  resolved  to  reduce  the  fleet  considerably,  no  less 
than  one-third  of  the  ships  being  unrigged,  and  to  use 
some  of  the  sailors  and  marines  in  the  land  war.  Cor- 
nelius de  Witt  returned  home  sick  with  rheumatism  and 
gout.  De  Ruyter  continued  in  command  of  the  sixty  large 
ships,  which  were  retained  in  service,  but  from  now  on 
had  to  be  content  with  a  more  modest  task  than  that  of 
meeting  the  enemy  on  the  open  sea. 

The  French  were  meanwhile  masters  in  Utrecht  and 
Gelderland.  Arnhem  surrendered  without  a  blow,  the 
fort  Knodsenburg  after  a  short  defence,  Schenkenschans 
without  any  resistance,  Doesburg  after  a  weak  opposition, 


380  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Zutphen  after  defending  itself  four  days.  More  than 
twenty-five  towns  and  forts  were  taken  in  that  month  by 
the  French  army.  The  king  himself  received  at  Doesburg 
the  deputation  from  the  Estates  of  Utrecht,  which  came 
to  deliver  the  entire  province  to  him,  and  established  him- 
self in  the  castle  of  the  lord  of  Odyk  at  Zeist,  while  he 
made  a  brilliant  entry  into  Utrecht  surrounded  by  his 
nobles  and  the  best  divisions  of  his  army.  Luxembourg 
was  given  the  chief  command  in  Utrecht.  The  king  re- 
mained at  Zeist  to  examine  the  offers  expected  from  the 
States-General.  Those  offers  were  not  long  absent.  A 
great  panic  prevailed  in  Holland  after  the  disastrous  de- 
feats. Confidence  was  slight  in  the  defence  of  Holland's 
water  line  which  extended  from  Muiden  to  Gorkum.  The 
army  occupying  this  line  contained  scarcely  10,000  men, 
and  the  1600  Spanish  cavalry,  sent  at  the  eleventh  hour 
by  the  count  de  Monterey  without  an  actual  declaration 
of  war  on  France,  were  of  great  help.  Muiden  under 
John  Maurice,  Schoonhoven  under  Louvignies  with  the 
Spaniards,  Gouda  under  Hoorne,  Gorkum  under  Wurtz 
were  the  main  points  of  defence  with  the  prince's  head- 
quarters at  Nieuwerbrug,  where  he  had  3600  men  under 
Zuylesteyn.  Want  of  stores  and  discipline,  antiquated 
cannon,  indefensible  walls  and  retrenchments,  distrust  of 
the  leaders'  capacity — all  combined  to  justify  the  fear  that 
this  last  line  also  would  give  way  at  the  first  attack.  With 
all  that,  the  position  behind  the  water  line  seemed  so 
strong  that  Louis  XIV.  hesitated  to  assail  it. 

This  water  line,  put  at  the  last  moment  by  the  Estates 
of  Holland,  at  De  Witt's  entreaty,  between  that  province 
and  the  enemy,  appeared  for  a  time  to  give  safety.  In  the 
middle  of  June  Amsterdam  consented  to  let  the  water 
overflow  the  land  in  order  to  repel  the  invasion,  and  soon 
the  fertile  country  and  fine  villas  lay  buried  under  the 
brackish  water  of  river  and  sea.  In  some  districts,  par- 
ticularly around  Woerden  and  Gouda,  the  peasants  were 


De  Witt's  Fall  381 

with  difficulty  brought  to  this  sacrifice  ;  here  and  there 
force  had  to  be  used  and  the  sluices  were  strongly  guarded 
to  prevent  them  from  being  secretly  closed.  By  vigorous 
measures  the  prince  overcame  all  opposition,  and  the 
enemy  was  checked.  But  the  panic  within  the  line  was 
none  the  less.  "Everybody  stood  stunned  and  dumb; 
everybody  found  his  house  too  small  and  fearsome  and 
betook  himself  to  the  street,  where  he  encountered  for  his 
consolation  nothing  but  lamentation  and  misery  ;  every- 
body hung  his  head  like  a  reed  ;  everybody  seemed  to 
have  received  his  sentence  of  death;  the  trades  were  at  a 
stand  ;  the  shops  were  shut ;  the  courts  were  closed  ;  col- 
leges and  schools  took  a  vacation ;  the  churches,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  too  small  for  the  troubled  hearts  that 
groaned  with  anguish  more  than  they  could  pray." ' 
People  hid  their  valuables  and  shipped  wife  and  child  to 
neighbouring  countries.  The  confusion  grew  worse  as 
time  went  on.  Disorder  and  defection  were  feared  among 
the  Romanists,  who  sometimes  assisted  the  enemy  in  the 
provinces  already  conquered.  Treason  and  cowardice 
were  dreaded  on  all  sides.  "  The  government  was  with- 
out counsel,  the  people  without  reason,  the  country 
without  rescue."  The  government  securities  suddenly 
dropped  far  below  their  value.  A  forced  loan  of  uncoined 
gold  and  silver  furnished  money  temporarily,  but  coin 
became  ever  scarcer.  Holland's  securities  fell  quickly 
from  above  par  to  30  per  cent.,  those  of  the  East  India 
Company  from  572  to  250.  There  was  a  run  upon  the 
Amsterdam  bank  to  withdraw  deposits.  In  July  the 
state's  obligations  were  quite  unsalable. 

Under  such  conditions  negotiation  with  the  enemy  was 
the  only  salvation,  though  it  might  occur  merely  to  win 
time  and  perhaps  to  find  alliances:  with  Sweden,  Den- 
mark, Brandenburg,  Spain,  the  emperor,  or  even  England. 
The    chances    for    such    connections    were    not  entirely 

1  Valckenier,  '(  Verwerde  Europa,  iii.,  p.  636. 


3§ 2  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

lost.  From  Sweden  and  Denmark  little  appeared  to  be 
expected,  but  weak  Spain  was  ready  to  help,  although  it 
did  not  venture  upon  open  war  with  France.  More 
important  was  it  that  the  mortal  enemy  of  French  pol- 
icy in  Europe,  Lisola,  now  imperial  ambassador  at  The 
Hague,  convinced  the  Vienna  court  of  the  dangers  threat- 
ening the  house  of  Hapsburg  from  the  side  of  France 
and  induced  the  elector  of  Brandenburg  also  to  maintain 
his  alliance  with  the  States.  Before  the  end  of  the 
month  the  certainty  was  acquired  that  the  emperor  and 
Brandenburg  would  soon  appear  with  an  army  to  uphold 
the  peace  of  Miinster  and  to  guard  the  German  empire 
against  losses.  On  the  13th  of  June,  after  the  passage  at 
the  Tolhuis,  De  Witt  with  an  eye  to  Lisola's  diplomatic 
activity  had  proposed  to  Fagel  negotiation  with  France 
and  England.  First  Holland,  then  the  poorly  attended 
assembly  of  the  States-General,  was  persuaded  to  send 
two  embassies,  to  Charles  II.  and  to  Louis  XIV.  Van 
Weede  van  Dijkveld  and  Cornelis  Teresteyn  van  Hale- 
wijn,  both  excellent  diplomatists,  betook  themselves  to 
England,  but  the  ambassador  Boreel  still  there  had  to 
report  that  Charles  II.  would  not  negotiate  without 
France.  To  the  house  at  Keppel  near  Doesburg,  where 
Louis  remained,  went  a  deputation,  headed  by  Jan  van 
Ghent  and  Pieter  de  Groot  and  consisting  besides  of 
Eck  for  Groningen  and  the  prince's  cousin  Odijk.  They 
were  haughtily  repulsed  on  the  22nd  by  Pomponne  and 
Louvois,  and  De  Groot  returned  immediately  to  The 
Hague  for  further  instructions  or  for  the  full  powers 
which  the  king  had  demanded  for  the  negotiators. 

At  The  Hague  he  found  the  States  under  the  impres- 
sion of  an  important  event,  the  attempt  on  the  life  of 
De  Witt,  against  whom  the  most  violent  reproaches  were 
heard  after  the  first  defeats.  Late  in  the  evening  of  the 
2 1st  he  was  returning  from  his  work,  doubly  arduous  in 
these  days,   with   his   servant   and   his    clerk  along   the 


De  Witt's  Fall  383 

Vijverberg  to  his  home  on  the  Kneuterdijk,  when  he  was 
attacked  by  the  brothers  Van  der  Graeff,  sons  of  the 
councillor,  and  two  accomplices  and  was  dangerously 
stabbed.  One  of  the  assassins,  Jacob  van  der  Graeff,  was 
caught  and  beheaded  on  the  29th ;  the  others  escaped 
...  to  the  prince's  camp.1  An  assault  on  Cornelius  de 
Witt  at  Dordrecht  a  few  days  later  testified  again  to  the 
popular  hatred  of  the  two  brothers,  who  were  regarded 
not  only  as  the  personal  enemies  of  the  beloved  prince 
but  as  the  artificers  of  the  country's  misfortune,  and 
whose  fall  seemed  the  first  condition  of  rescue.  That  fall 
was  rapidly  approaching,  at  least  the  overthrow  of  the 
government,  of  which  they  and  their  friends  were  the 
soul,  but  which  had  been  unable  to  save  the  country 
from  the  disasters  now  ravaging  it. 

De  Witt  in  these  circumstances  was  not  in  a  condition  to 
rise  from  his  bed,  and  his  cousin  Vivien  had  to  lead  the 
Estates  of  Holland,  when  De  Groot  appeared  on  the  25th 
with  his  message.  Opinion  favoured  the  continuation  of 
the  negotiation,  but  Amsterdam  declared  its  opposition, 
unless  the  representatives  made  a  tour  to  the  towns  to 
learn  their  feelings  in  this  important  matter.  De  Groot 
advised  peace  with  an  offer  of  Maestricht  and  the  gener- 
ality lands,  besides  payment  of  the  costs  of  war.  Am- 
sterdam's deputies  resisted  firmly,  and  it  was  resolved, 
after  asking  instructions,  to  meet  again  in  the  evening  of 
the  26th.  Amsterdam  and  four  other  towns  remained 
absent,  while  Enkhuizen  alone  objected  to  the  resolution 
to  sue  for  peace,  urged  by  the  pensionaries  of  Leyden 
and  Gouda,  Burgersdyck  and  Van  der  Tocht,  and  adopted 
by  the  members  present,  which  resolution  was  at  once 
referred  to  the  States-General.  Here  also  it  was  weighed 
in  great  haste  and  with  waxing  excitement.  Zealand  and 
Friesland  wanted  first  to  hear  from  their  Estates  ;  Utrecht 
could  not  do  so  and  abstained  ;  Overyssel  desired  peace 

1  Lefevre  Pontalis,  ii.,  p.  395. 


384  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

on  any  terms ;  Groningen  was  absent ;  Gelderland  and 
Holland  favoured  giving  the  full  powers.  But  the  end 
was  not  yet  reached.  The  president  Kann  of  Friesland 
and  the  presidents  of  the  two  preceding  weeks  refused 
to  take  the  resolution ;  finally  Wassenaer  van  Duiven- 
voorde  in  the  name  of  Holland  put  himself  in  the  presi- 
dent's chair  and  accepted  the  resolution,  which  after 
Fagel  had  declined  was  signed  by  his  first  clerk.  Thus 
by  two  votes  and  in  a  very  informal  way  the  full  powers 
were  conferred,  being  limited  only  by  the  condition  pro- 
posed by  De  Groot  himself  that  they  should  be  valid 
with  maintenance  and  restoration  of  the  sovereignty  of 
the  States  as  they  had  existed  before  the  war.1  So  great 
was  the  anxiety  that  De  Groot  was  begged  to  hasten. 
Even  in  the  prince  of  Orange's  camp  the  return  of  De 
Groot  was  awaited  with  suspense,  and  both  the  princess 
dowager  and  the  prince  himself  sought  to  obtain  from 
the  king  a  safeguard  for  their  property.  De  Groot  had 
been  unwilling  to  use  the  safeguard  offered  him  for  his 
country  house.  Amsterdam's  attitude  in  these  days  was 
worthy  of  the  great  city's  traditions  in  contrast  with  all 
these  evidences  of  cowardice  and  discouragement.  The 
municipal  council  voted  unanimously  on  the  28th  to  pro- 
test against  the  resolutions  adopted  by  the  States  and  to 
arouse  the  other  provinces  to  defence  to  the  last  drop  of 
blood.  Valckenier  and  De  Graeff,  Hooft,  Hasselaer,  the 
pensionary  Hop,  manfully  opposed  all  efforts  to  save  life 
and  property  by  humiliation,  and  the  last  named  in  the 
meeting  of  the  States  reproached  vehemently  the  other 
cities  for  their  pusillanimity  and  neglect  of  duty.  But 
De  Groot  was  on  the  way. 

During  all  this  fermentation  the  revolution  in  Holland 
and  Zealand  had  progressed.  On  the  day  of  the  attack 
upon  John  de  Witt  the  first  blow  was  given  to  his  system 
of   government.     The   citizens  of  Veere   acclaimed   the 

1  Lettres  de  De  Groot  a   Wicquefort,  ed.    Kramer,  p.  307. 


De  Witt's  Fall  385 

prince  as  stadtholder  of  Zealand,  and  the  movement  in 
this  province  spread  speedily  from  one  town  to  another  ; 
the  magistrates  yielded  to  the  popular  wish  which  saw  no 
other  salvation  from  the  impending  ruin  but  Orange. 
News  of  negotiations  with  the  enemy  kindled  a  flame  also 
in  Holland's  towns.  At  Dordrecht,  the  bulwark  of  the 
De  Witts,  a  movement  of  the  people  arose  on  the  28th 
against  them  and  in  favour  of  Orange.  "Up  with  Orange!" 
accompanied  by  "Down  with  the  De  Witts!"  resounded 
upon  all  the  streets.  The  old  council,  menaced  by  the 
populace,  assembled  and  invited  the  prince  to  come  over. 
He  arrived  in  the  city  on  the  following  day,  was  received 
in  princely  fashion,  and  after  brief  opposition  by  the 
magistrates  he  was,  at  the  demand  of  the  people,  declared 
stadtholder  by  the  government.  But  the  Perpetual  Edict 
which  he  had  sworn  to  !  Cornelius  de  Witt  refused  at 
first  to  sign  the  document,  even  after  the  prince  had  been 
solemnly  absolved  by  two  preachers  from  his  oath  to  the 
Edict,  but  he  finally  gave  way  to  the  supplications  of  his 
wife,  alarmed  at  the  raging  multitude  without.  Vivien 
signed  only  "  as  pensionary,"  as  the  servant  of  the  city's 
regents.  What  happened  in  Dordrecht  was  repeated  else- 
where. The  movement  extended  from  one  city  to 
another,  and  in  a  few  days  the  case  was  decided.  The 
actual  appointment  by  the  States  still  remained,  but  what 
could  they  do,  especially  while  De  Witt  was  prevented  by 
his  wounds  from  appearing  in  the  assembly  ? 

Just  then  De  Groot  returned  with  the  intelligence  that 
Louis  demanded  part  of  Gelderland  south  of  the  Lek,  for 
Cologne  Rijnberk  with  some  territory,  for  Miinster  the 
greater  portion  of  Overyssel,  for  England  Delfzijl  with 
the  environs  ;  for  himself  he  would  be  satisfied  with  the 
cession  of  a  part  of  the  generality  lands,  Crevecceur, 
Bois-le-Duc,  and  Maestricht ;  finally  he  asked  for  com- 
plete freedom  and  equality  for  the  Catholics,  repeal  of  all 
commercial  regulations  against  France,  an  advantageous 

VOT..  IV. — 25. 


386  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

treaty  of  commerce,  24  million  francs  for  war  expenses, 
and  the  annual  presentation  by  a  deputation  of  a  gold 
medal  in  token  of  gratitude  "  for  having  preserved  to  the 
United  Provinces  the  independence  which  the  kings  his 
predecessors  had  caused  them  to  acquire."  All  the  efforts 
of  the  ambassadors  to  reduce  these  humiliating  terms 
secured  nothing  but  a  limitation  of  the  frontier  to  the 
Waal  and  a  diminution  of  the  war  expenses  to  twenty 
million  francs.  But  these  demands  were  much  too  high, 
and  on  July  1st  the  ambassadors,  not  daring  to  use  their 
full  powers,  departed  for  The  Hague,  promising  to  come 
back  within  five  days.  Those  were  trying  days  for  the 
Estates  which  still  lacked  De  Witt's  trained  leadership. 
From  all  sides  came  reports  of  tumults  and  declarations 
in  favour  of  Orange ;  amid  turbulence  and  war,  while  the 
enemy  lay  on  the  border  and  nobody  felt  sure  of  the  de- 
fence, there  must  be  deliberation  concerning  a  change  in 
the  system  of  government  and  concerning  the  hard  con- 
ditions of  peace  at  the  same  time.  A  Rotterdam  burgo- 
master ventured  to  bring  up  the  subject  of  the  stadtholder- 
ship;  the  delegates  from  Dordrecht  alone  declined  to  discuss 
it,  but  the  others  were  ready,  and  Burgersdyck  of  Leyden 
proposed  that  the  town  councils  should  be  consulted.  A 
postponement  of  two  days  was  accepted,  and  all  seemed 
to  depend  upon  Amsterdam,  which  under  the  influence  of 
Valckenier  and  Van  Beuningen  inclined  to  the  abrogation 
of  the  Edict.  When  the  Estates  met  again  on  the  3d  of 
July,  the  affair  was  settled  :  repeal  of  the  oath  to  the 
Edict  was  granted  and  Amsterdam  proposed  the  intro- 
duction once  more  of  the  stadtholdership  immediately 
and  without  restriction.  Hodie  constat,  hodie  agatur. 
Early  in  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  July  the  resolution 
went  through  for  offering  to  the  prince  the  stadtholder- 
ship of  Holland  as  his  forefathers  had  possessed  it  with 
the  exception  only  of  the  appointment  to  municipal 
offices.     A  stately  deputation  went  to  his  camp  to  offer 


De  Witt's  Fall  387 

him  the  dignity,  and  after  being  relieved  from  his  oath 
the  prince  accepted  it.  Zealand  had  come  to  the  same 
resolution  two  days  earlier.  On  the  8th  the  States- 
General  also  appointed  him  captain-  and  admiral-general 
of  the  Union.  What  a  sudden  change  for  the  young 
prince !  He  received  it  with  calm  self-control  and  was 
installed  on  the  9th  without  much  ceremony,  returning 
then  to  the  camp  of  Nieuwerbrug.  His  grandmother 
saw  the  aim  of  her  life  accomplished  and  wished  him  the 
patience  and  steadfastness  of  his  renowned  grandfather  in 
the  troublous  days  awaiting  him. 

Amidst  these  events  the  demands  of  Louis  were  re- 
ceived with  vexation  and  exasperation.  On  motion  of 
Amsterdam,  which  declared  for  breaking  off  the  negotia- 
tion, Holland  resolved  to  refer  to  the  newly  elected  stadt- 
holder,  but  he  pronounced  the  terms  unacceptable  and 
himself  ready  to  defend  Holland's  frontiers,  provided  re- 
enforcements  were  sent  him.  The  French  conditions  were 
then  rejected  unanimously,  though  it  was  desired  to  have 
De  Groot  continue  the  negotiation.  He  asked  for  new 
instructions,  calling  attention  to  the  expiration  of  the 
time  fixed  by  him  at  Zeist.  Van  Beuningen,  proposed  as 
his  associate,  refused  to  go  and  urged  the  continuation  of 
the  war,  as  after  the  prince's  elevation  a  favourable  dispo- 
sition of  the  English  court  and  help  from  Brandenburg 
and  the  emperor  might  be  counted  upon.  Holland  and 
afterwards  the  States-General  resolved  not  to  stop  the  ne- 
gotiation, notwithstanding  the  terms  offered  were  rejected, 
but  De  Groot  declined  to  resume  his  task,  and  Van  Ghent 
now  obtained  alone  the  mission.  This  was  equivalent  to 
breaking  off  the  negotiation  with  France.  That  with  Eng- 
land had  little  more  success.  Halewijn  and  Dijkveld  on 
arriving  there  were  treated  almost  like  prisoners.  But 
meanwhile  the  prince  himself,1  after  discussing  matters 
privately  with  Sylvius  who  was  passing  through,  had  sent 

1  See  Fruin  in  Nijh.  Bijdr.  N.  R.,  iii.,  p.  287. 


388  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

his  trusted  servant  Van  Reede  van  Schonauwen  to  Charles 

II.  to  sound  him  as  to  the  possibilities  of  peace.  The 
manner  of  the  reception  accorded  to  the  English  minis- 
ters, Buckingham  and  Arlington,  travelling  through  Hol- 
land on  their  way  to  the  French  headquarters  indicated 
that  much  hope  was  beginning  to  be  felt  of  England's 
mediation.  The  two  English  lords  visited  the  prince  also 
at  Bodegraven  and  consented  in  his  name  to  offer  to  Louis 
Maestricht  and  the  Rhine  fortresses.  But  the  English 
government  was  not  at  all  of  a  mind  to  help  draw 
the  republic  out  of  the  fire  so  cheaply.  On  coming  to 
Louis  XIV.,  now  at  Heeswijk,  the  English  ambassadors 
(July  16th)  concluded  a  new  treaty  with  him,  which  bound 
the  two  monarchs  closely  to  one  another,  and  by  which 
England  stipulated  for  itself  Sluis,  Walcheren,  Cadzand, 
Goeree,  and  Voorne,  besides  25  million  francs  for  war  ex- 
penses, an  annual  payment  for  the  herring  fishery,  and 
recognition  of  its  pretensions  respecting  the  flag.    William 

III.  was  then  to  become  sovereign  of  the  remaining  por- 
tion of  the  republic,  after  the  subtraction  of  what  France, 
Miinster,  and  Cologne  were  to  obtain. 

The  prince  had  been  really  disposed  to  concede  pecu- 
liarly favourable  conditions  to  England, and  Sylvius,having 
again  returned  there,  had  received  promises  from  him,  by 
which  on  his  own  authority  he  offered  to  the  king,  pro- 
vided he  would  separate  from  France :  recognition  of  the 
demands  concerning  the  flag,  100,000  francs  a  year  for  the 
herring  fishery,  cession  of  Surinam,  payment  of  four  million 
francs  for  war  expenses,  Sluis  in  pledge,  sovereignty 
over  the  seven  provinces  for  the  prince.  Charles  II.,  how- 
ever, rejected  these  terms,  and  therewith  ended  for  the 
time — and  fortunately — this  negotiation.1  Arms  were 
to  decide,  now  under  the  undaunted  lead  of  the  young 

1  The  letters  exchanged  in  Costerus,  Historisch  verhael  ofte  deductie  van 
zaeken  raekende  het  formerett  van  de  republique  in  1372  en  van  het gebeurde 
in  1672  en  1673  (Leiden,  1736).     See  Schotel,   in  ATijh.   Bijdr.  N.  R.,  iv. 
P.  7. 


De  Witt's  Fall  389 

prince  himself,  who  after  this  brief  hesitation  was  deter- 
mined to  die  in  the  last  ditch  rather  than  to  purchase 
peace  with  dishonour. 

The  course  of  affairs  in  Holland  and  Zealand  had  re- 
moved the  foundations  of  De  Witt's  system,  but  he  was 
still  council  pensionary  and  his  friends  were  everywhere 
in  the  government.  During  those  July  days  in  Holland 
the  agitation  manifested  itself  in  popular  risings  against 
the  adherents  of  the  fallen  system,  and  the  prince  took 
no  vigorous  measures  to  repress  the  turbulence.  By  re- 
quest of  the  States  he  exhorted  to  peace,  but  he  refused 
to  punish  the  culprits,  asserting  that  the  leaders  were  in 
too  high  places,  and  that  he  needed  his  soldiers  on  the 
border.  Evidently  he  wished  the  resignation  of  the  chief 
statesmen  and  considered  popular  agitation  as  the  best 
means  of  obtaining  it.  The  publication  of  a  letter  to  the 
prince  from  Charles  II.,  in  which  the  latter  threw  the 
whole  blame  of  the  war  on  the  enemies  of  Orange, 
poured  oil  into  the  fire  of  popular  passion.1  Some  facts 
already  indicated  the  fate  awaiting  the  partisans  of  the 
States.  The  severe  punishment  inflicted  on  Montbas,  deg- 
radation and  ineligibility  for  any  command,  was  changed 
at  the  instance  of  the  prince  to  imprisonment  for  fifteen 
years,  but  even  this  penalty  appeared  insufficient  and 
Montbas's  affair  was  again  examined  for  the  purpose  of 
condemning  him  to  death.  He  only  escaped  the  scaf- 
fold by  flight  and  sought  safety  with  the  enemy.  His 
fate  and  the  disturbances  of  every  day  alarmed  De  Witt's 
followers,  and  many  of  them  prepared  to  fly.  De  Groot 
fearing  arrest  withdrew  to  the  Spanish  Netherlands.  A  re- 
port of  De  Witt's  secret  flight  was  spread,  but  the  coun- 
cil pensionary  was  too  proud  to  save  himself  in  that  way 
and  remained  quietly  at  home  waiting  for  his  complete 
recovery,  surrounded  by  his  family  and  ready  to  face  the 
gathering  storms,    refraining  from  all  opposition  to  the 

1  Lefevre  Pontalis,  ii.,  p.  465. 


39°  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

prince's  growing  authority,  of  which  some  of  his  friends 
were  really  guilty.  His  opponents  did  not  leave  him 
unmolested.  Scandalous  pamphlets  accused  him  of  im- 
proper use  of  the  secret  funds,  and  he  deemed  it  necessary 
from  his  sick-bed  to  defend  himself  by  disclosing  his 
private  affairs,  whereupon  he  was  on  July  23d  exonerated 
from  all  suspicion  by  a  resolution  of  the  Estates  adopted 
unanimously.  But  the  prince  himself  answered  with  cool 
evasion  to  the  great  statesman's  request  for  help  against 
this  accusation.     It  was  a  bad  omen. 

His  brother  Cornelius  was  the  first  victim  of  hatred. 
The  most  shameful  accusations  were  uttered  against  him 
also,  and  calumny  spoke  of  cowardice  and  incompetence, 
treason  and  misuse  of  public  money.  In  a  riot  at  Dord- 
recht, his  portrait  in  the  city  hall  was  torn  to  pieces,  and 
the  head  was  hung  on  the  gallows.  He  was  arrested  sud- 
denly on  the  24th  and  taken  to  The  Hague,  where  he 
was  imprisoned  in  the  Kasteleinij.1  The  proceedings 
were  in  deep  secrecy,  and  the  council  pensionary  could 
only  with  difficulty  learn  that  upon  the  denunciation  of 
a  certain  barber,  Tichelaer  of  Piershil,  his  brother  was  sus- 
pected of  complicity  in  a  plot  to  assassinate  the  prince. 
The  barber  was  a  man  of  ill-repute,  and  three  years 
earlier  he  had  been  prosecuted  in  the  governor's  name 
for  an  attempt  at  rape,  later  for  perjury  and  insults  to  his 
judges.  The  governor  was  heard  on  the  testimony  of 
this  rogue  who  related  that  early  in  July  the  governor 
had  wanted  to  persuade  him  to  assassinate  the  prince  in 
his  camp.  .In  the  very  first  examination  he  protested 
earnestly  and  asserted  that  Tichelaer,  on  the  contrary, 
had  desired  to  speak  to  him  about  an  "  important  affair," 
which  might  save  the  country,  and  that  he  had  been 
unwilling  to  hear  anything  about  it.  Neither  he  nor  his 
brother  felt  uneasy  over  the  result.  The  doubtful  feat- 
ure of  the  matter  was  that  the  governor  without  further 

1  See  Wijnne,  Het  proces  van  Cornells  de  Witt,  in  Geschiedenis,  p.  230. 


De  Witt's  Fall  391 

investigation  had  taken  the  precaution  to  warn  his  wife, 
and  through  her  the  secretary  of  the  town,  Muys  van 
Holy,  through  him  one  of  the  burgomasters  and  the 
under-sheriff,  while  it  would  have  been  better  to  inform 
the  competent  authority  immediately  of  Tichelaer's  dan- 
gerous offer.  This  was,  at  the  most,  a  blamable  post- 
ponement. The  Dort  deputies,  knowing  the  hostile 
disposition  of  the  court  towards  the  governor,  who  had 
many  enemies  on  account  of  his  undeniable  pride  and 
passion,  found  it  necessary  to  ask  the  Estates  to  bring  the 
matter  before  a  judge  of  Dordrecht  and  at  least  to  have 
Tichelaer  arrested,  which  had  been  demanded  also  by 
Jacob  de  Witt,  the  aged  father  of  the  accused.  The 
Estates  did  not  venture  to  displease  the  prince  by  releas- 
ing immediately  the  accused  and  appointed  commis- 
sioners to  investigate.  That  the  prince  was  ill-affected 
towards  the  governor  appeared  from  his  wishing  to  let  the 
law  take  its  course.  The  court  imprisoned  Tichelaer  in 
the  Gevangenpoort,  where  the  governor  was  also  trans- 
ferred, while  all  efforts  to  secure  his  release  failed.  The 
council  pensionary  did  his  best  to  win  advocates  and  to 
collect  legal  opinions  in  his  brother's  favour.  De  Ruyter 
declared  there  was  not  a  word  of  truth  in  the  accusations 
concerning  the  governor's  conduct  on  the  fleet.  On  the 
1st  of  August,  after  appearing  in  church  the  preceding 
day  to  thank  God  for  his  recovery,  the  council  pensionary 
visited  the  prince.  The  interview  was  cool,  and  to  De 
Witt's  offer  of  his  resignation  William  III.  replied  with 
indifference  that  De  Witt  must  take  it  to  the  Estates. 

On  the  4th  the  council  pensionary  made  his  last  appear- 
ance in  the  Estates,  understanding  that  he  could  no 
longer  find  a  place  in  the  government  under  the  new  sys- 
tem, and  preferring  to  resign  voluntarily  rather  than  to 
play  an  insignificant  part  or  to  be  dismissed.  He  an- 
nounced his  purpose  in  an  appropriate  speech,  in  which 
he  alluded  to  his  activity  of  nineteen  years,  his  warnings, 


392  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

his  exhortations  to  prepare  for  defence,  the  fateful  course 
of  the  war,  which  naturally  had  cast  the  blame  for  every- 
thing on  the  government  and  especially  on  him,  the 
first  servant  of  the  state,  who  therefore  now  asked  for 
his  release,  expecting  that  the  Estates,  in  accordance 
with  their  thrice  repeated  promise,  would  grant  him 
the  post  of  councillor  in  the  High  Council.  The  Estates 
were  willing  to  relieve  him  with  a  warm  expression  of 
thanks  in  the  name  of  the  majority,  while  Amsterdam 
and  four  other  cities  wished  to  give  him  simply  the 
release  asked  for ;  they  requested  from  him  further  a 
report  on  the  finances.  But  next  day  Haarlem  moved 
an  investigation  of  his  administration  particularly  with 
regard  to  the  prince's  army  and  the  secret  funds.  The 
prince  did  not  deny  the  desirability  of  this,  but  advised 
he  should  be  discharged  merely  without  the  beautiful 
formulas  of  thanks.  So  it  was  done,  and  the  excellent 
man  complained  of  being  misunderstood  by  his  people 
who  now  hated  him  fiercely.  Although  the  prince  ap- 
proved of  his  admission  to  the  High  Council,  Zealand 
managed  to  postpone  it.  But  with  all  the  complaints 
De  Witt  was  satisfied  by  the  conclusion  of  the  affair. 
He  rejoiced  too  soon.  Five  days  later  Fagel  was  elected 
to  his  place  with  instructions  corresponding  in  the  main 
to  those  of  De  Witt,  while  the  latter's  offices  of  keeper  of 
the  great  seal  and  governor  of  the  fiefs  went  to  a  member 
of  the  nobility.  The  prince  had  approved  of  the  instruc- 
tions and  chosen  Fagel  from  the  list  recommended  to 
him,  including  Van  Beverningh,  Van  Beuningen,  Bur- 
gersdyck,  and  Van  Niedeck. 

Cornelius  de  Witt's  case  was  meanwhile  undecided,  and 
the  accused  awaited  his  fate  calmly  during  several  days, 
reading  and  writing  to  his  wife,  whose  anxiety  about  the 
result  of  the  trial  was  quieted  by  his  brother.  As  no 
change  came,  the  governor  began  to  grow  uneasy  and  at 
last   to  dispute  the  jurisdiction  of  his  judges  over  him. 


De  Witt's  Fall  393 

The  unfavourable  disposition  of  some  of  them  was  not 
improved  by  this.  Some  obscure  and  conflicting  answers 
of  the  governor,  careless  remarks  of  a  political  nature, 
notwithstanding  his  further  explanations  and  his  convin- 
cing attitude  toward  the  accuser,  gave  the  judges  occasion 
to  sentence  De  Witt  to  the  rack  in  order  by  a  "  sharper 
examination  "  to  bring  the  truth  to  light,  as  they  said. 
On  the  17th  of  August,  by  four  votes  to  two,  he  was 
handed  over  to  the  executioner  to  be  tortured.  Horrible 
misdeed  of  these  conscienceless  judges  ! '  He  was  tor- 
tured fearfully  on  the  19th,  but  no  screwing  and  beating, 
no  stretching  and  bruising  could  break  the  steadfastness 
of  the  innocent  victim,  and  amid  the  most  excruciating 
pains  he  proclaimed  his  innocence  to  the  judges  according 
to  some  with  the  words  of  Horace  about  the  just  and 
persevering  man,  whose  proud  spirit  the  rage  of  his  fellow- 
citizens  and  the  tyrant's  menacing  visage  cannot  stir, 
according  to  others  with  expressions  of  faith  in  the 
righteousness  of  God.  But  early  on  the  following  day 
the  judges,  without  using  the  word  "guilty,"  pronounced 
upon  the  innocent  man  the  sentence  of  deposition  from 
all  his  offices  and  of  banishment  from  the  province — a 
sentence  justifying  Burnet's  observation  that  the  purpose 
was  to  remove  him  rather  than  to  uphold  the  laws.2 

And  upon  the  same  day  the  terrible  tragedy  was  ended.* 
The  governor  had  asked  his  brother  to  come  to  him,  and 
the  former  council  pensionary  hesitated  not  an  instant  to 
accept  the  invitation,  although  his  family  begged  him  to 
stay  at  home,  because  frightful  reports  had  been  circulat- 
ing of  new  plans  for  murder,  and  mobs  had  repeatedly 
assembled  before  the  prison,  as  the  blinded  populace 
firmly  believed  in  the  governor's  guilt  and  in  the  com- 

1  De  Bosch  Kemper,  Staatkundige  geschiedenis  van  Nederland,  p.  167. 

2  History,  ii.,  p.  491  ;  Wijnne,  p.  256. 

8See  Lefevre  Pontalis,  ii.,  p.  515  et  seq.;  Fruin,  De  schuld  van  Willem 
III.  en  zijn  vrienden  aan  den  moord  der  gebroeders  De  Witt,  in  Gids,  1867,  i. , 
p.  201;  Wijnne,  Geschiedenis,  p.  258;  Wagenaar,  xiv. ,  p.  157. 


394  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

plicity  of  his  brother,  and  hated  both  as  enemies  of  the 
prince,  traitors,  sellers  of  the  country,  as  the  causes  of  the 
republic's  great  misfortune.  He  rode  in  his  carriage,  with 
his  clerks  following,  to  the  prison  which  was  guarded  by 
two  militiamen.  The  two  brothers  conversed,  calm  and 
self-possessed  as  usual ;  the  governor  wanted  to  appeal  to 
the  High  Council,  but  John  advised  against  it  as  illegal 
and  useless.  While  they  were  talking,  a  turbulent  multi- 
tude was  gathering  before  the  prison.  Tichelaer  had  been 
liberated  by  the  court  on  the  same  morning  and,  perhaps 
at  the  instigation  of  one  of  the  judges,  Van  Nierop,  had 
trumpeted  around  that  the  governor  was  only  banished 
and  would  thus  escape  the  punishment  he  deserved.  Agi- 
tation displayed  itself  immediately  in  The  Hague,  and 
people  flocked  to  the  Gevangenpoort,  incited  by  the 
wretch  and  his  friends,  by  screaming  women,  soon  also  by 
some  sedate  citizens.  John's  oldest  clerk,  sent  out  to 
bring  the  sentence,  had  a  narrow  escape  from  the  furious 
crowd  outside.  The  second  clerk  came  to  warn  them 
that  the  carnage  was  sent  away,  and  the  governor  urged 
his  brother  to  go,  but  the  guard  held  him  back  by  force 
amid  threatening  shouts  of  the  populace.  Returning  to 
his  brother,  John  de  Witt  resigned  himself  to  remaining. 
The  brothers  might  still  have  been  rescued,  if  the  deputy 
councillors  had  done  their  duty.  On  their  report  of  the 
prevailing  agitation  the  Estates  called  to  their  help  the 
three  companies  of  cavalry  in  garrison  at  The  Hague  to 
keep  the  peace  under  the  supervision  of  the  deputy 
councillors,  and  to  disperse  the  people,  had  the  "  most  re- 
liable "  companies  of  militia  assemble,  and  warned  the 
prince  at  Nieuwerbrug  in  order  to  avert  a  tumult.  The 
three  companies  under  Count  Tilly  took  a  station  near 
the  prison,  but  nothing  was  done  towards  scattering  the 
vicious  rabble.  The  deputy  councillors  went  no  farther; 
their  president,  Van  Boetzelaer  van  Asperen,  was  an 
ardent  partisan  of  the  prince  and  thought  enough  had 


De  Witt's  Fall  395 

been  done  ;  the  brothers  seemed  saved,  but  the  crowd  re- 
mained and  waited.  Meanwhile  the  entire  militia  to  the 
number  of  about  iooo  men  gathered  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  prison  according  to  orders.  They  showed  a  dispo- 
sition very  unfavourable  to  the  brothers  and  mixed  with 
the  multitude  ;  some  militiamen  pushed  into  the  prison  to 
be  sure  that  both  were  still  there  ;  others  climbed  with 
muskets  upon  the  nearest  roofs  to  prevent  their  escape. 
Tilly,  though  separated  from  the  prison  by  the  militia, 
held  the  crowd  in  check  merely  by  his  presence,  until  a 
generally  believed  report  of  a  troop  of  plundering  peasants 
marching  on  The  Hague  from  the  Westland  caused  the 
deputy  councillors  to  resolve  to  send  the  cavalry  to  the 
entrances  of  the  city  to  repel  this  attack.  Tilly  refused 
at  first,  but  then  obeyed  a  written  order  from  Van  Asperen 
and  went  away  with  two  of  the  companies.  It  was  the 
death  sentence  of  the  brothers. 

The  field  was  now  clear  for  the  leaders  of  the  turbu- 
lent throng,  the  goldsmith  Verhoeff,  the  alderman  Van 
Bankhem,  the  physician  Van  Baelen,  and  other  citizens, 
in  general  persons  unfavourably  known.  The  frightened 
government  of  The  Hague  attempted  to  bringto  reason  Ver- 
hoeff, who  played  the  chief  part,  but  he  declined  to  listen  to 
requests  to  preserve  order  and  declared  that  he  wished  for 
the  death  of  the  brothers.  His  company  of  militia  pressed 
up  to  the  prison,  and  the  door  was  shot  through  with 
bullets.  Verhoeff  threatened  to  open  it  with  hammers, 
when  the  jailer  yielded.  It  was  just  four  o'clock.  The 
desperate  band  poured  in  and  found  the  brothers  calmly 
together,  Cornelius  in  bed,  John  sitting  at  the  foot 
of  the  bed  and  reading  aloud  from  the  Bible.  The  militia 
officers,  who  had  joined  them  some  hours  before  and 
now  desired  to  defend  them,  were  thrust  aside,  and  amid 
great  clamour  John  was  led  off  by  Verhoeff,  Cornelius 
roughly  thrown  down  the  stairs,  beaten  on  the  way  and 
wounded  with  blows  of  clubs  and  stabs  of  pikes.     The 


396  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

two  brothers  took  each  other's  hands  but  were  speedily- 
separated  and  knocked  down  upon  the  street  in  the 
midst  of  the  loud  cries  of  the  furious  mob.  Cornelius 
died  first  from  heavy  blows  with  clubs,  and  wounds  in- 
flicted with  daggers  and  hatchets,  then  John  who  with 
his  mantle  about  his  head  ran  into  the  ranks  of  Ver- 
hoeff' s  company  and  was  first  hit  by  a  pistol  shot  fired 
close  to  him  and  finished  by  clubs  and  musket  shots. 
At  half-past  four  all  was  over  and  the  madmen,  drunk 
with  bloodshed,  danced  on  the  bodies  which  were  finally 
hung  up  by  the  feet  to  the  lamp-post  on  the  Groene 
Zoodje,  horribly  mutilated,  even  cut  to  pieces  by  desper- 
adoes desirous  of  a  bloody  relic.  Until  late  in  the  even- 
ing the  rabble  shrieked  about  the  abused  remains,  and  it 
is  whispered  that  even  Cornelis  Tromp  came  with  pleas- 
ure to  look  upon  the  scene  of  terror;  it  is  certain  that  the 
magistracy  of  The  Hague,  overcome  with  fright,  gazed  at 
the  horrible  work  from  the  windows  of  a  neighbouring  wine 
shop,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  a  preacher  of  The 
Hague  on  the  following  day,  a  Sunday,  praised  the  murder- 
ers from  his  pulpit.  Late  in  the  evening  Verhoeff  cut  the 
hearts  out  of  the  corpses  which  were  taken  down  towards 
midnight  by  the  faithful  servant  of  the  former  council 
pensionary  and  carried  off  to  be  buried  in  the  New  Church 
before  morning  in  the  presence  of  a  small  company. 

Thus  died  the  two  brothers  who  had  loved  their  country 
and  cared  for  its  interests,  hie  armis  maximus,  ille  toga,  as  a 
medal  says  with  the  portrait  of  both,  though  different 
both  of  them  being  integer  vitee,  scelerisque parns,  in  truth 
nobileparfratrum.  The  prince  was  absent  and  therefore 
not  responsible,  but  he  did  not  punish  the  crime  on  ac- 
count of  the  number  and  position  of  the  guilty  men ! 
What  is  worse,  he  rewarded  the  most  shameless  offenders 
and  consequently  did  not  hesitate  to  assume  the  appear- 
ance of  approving  their  actions,  even  of  complicity  in 
their    crime.     Tichelaer    obtained   a  pension    from    the 


De  Witt's  Fall  397 

prince's  purse  and  an  under-sheriff's  post.  Van  Bank- 
hem  became  sheriff  of  The  Hague  and,  in  spite  of  all  his 
later  misdeeds,  he  was  protected  for  years  by  the  prince 
until  finally,  on  account  of  the  most  disgraceful  facts,  he 
was  prosecuted  and  condemned  to  death,  which  sentence 
remained  unexecuted  by  reason  of  his  death  in  prison. 
Verhoeff,  afterwards  a  suspected  innkeeper  and  highway- 
man, was  recommended  by  Tromp  for  the  enlistment  of 
volunteers  under  John  Maurice.1  The  stadtholder's  hard 
mind  could  never  forget  the  humiliation  of  his  youth ; 
never  would  he  deny  those  who  had  wished  to  serve 
him  in  this  way,  although  there  can  be  no  thought  of  any 
actual  complicity  upon  his  part  or  that  of  his  friends. 
The  "  execrable  deed,"  so  characterised  by  Fagel,  was 
assuredly  no  less  disapproved  of  by  William  III.,  but 
political  considerations  induced  him  to  let  the  matter 
rest,  to  guard  the  doers  from  punishment,  even  to  re- 
ward them. 

John  de  Witt  thus  fell  with  his  system  of  govern- 
ment, his  fine  career,  which  embraces  a  splendid  period 
of  the  Dutch  people's  existence,  ended  by  one  of  the 
most  horrible  murders  mentioned  in  history.  With  indig- 
nation the  gentle  philosopher  Spinoza  alluded  to  the 
ultimi  barbarorum  in  the  letter  sent  to  Leibnitz  and  announ- 
cing  the  death  of  the  great  statesman  and  scholar  who  had 
also  been  his  benefactor.  Christiaan  Huygens,  hearing  of 
the  event,  asked  himself  if  the  Epicureans  had  not  been 
right  in  their  bitter  saying  :  versari  in  reptiblica  non  est  sapi- 
entis.  In  the  memory  of  the  nation  the  20th  of  August, 
1672,  is  joined  as  a  second  "black  day"  to  the  13th  of 
May,  1619,  when  another  statesman  fell  a  victim  of 
his  system.  With  sadness  the  nation  remembers  the 
fate  of  these  two  great  statesmen,  who  came  out  from 
its  midst.  But  not  sadness  alone,  gratitude  also — fervent 
gratitude — inspires  it  when  thinking  of  what  John  of  Old- 

1  Wagenaar,  xiv.,  p.  1S0. 


39s  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

4 

enbarnevelt  and  John  de  Witt  were  for  it.  Their  names 
it  puts  as  those  of  "heroic  and  resolute"  patriots  with  the 
names  of  the  great  princes  of  Orange  who  led  it  in  the 
days  of  glory  and  humiliation.  In  its  recollection  it  em- 
braces the  representatives  of  antagonistic  forms  of  gov- 
ernment with  equal  veneration  for  great  gifts  and  self- 
sacrificing  love  of  country  employed  in  the  service  of 
the  same  fatherland. 


d 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE  GREAT  WAR 

THE  generation  inhabiting  the  republic  of  the  United 
Netherlands  after  the  peace  of  Munster  was  in 
many  respects  of  an  extraordinary  nature.  The  sons 
of  three  generations,  who  had  passed  their  days  in  war, 
learned  to  look  at  life  from  the  hard  side.  Little  heed 
was  given  to  ordinary  Christian  morality  by  the  inborn 
commercial  spirit,  developed  by  the  fine  situation  of  the 
country  as  a  centre  of  traffic  and  furthered  by  the  profits 
of  trade  with  remote  regions.  The  natural  roughness  of 
a  seafaring  people  was  little  softened  during  the  long  and 
bitter  war,  and  not  until  its  last  stages,  when  the  enemy 
was  driven  from  the  country,  did  the  arts  and  sciences  ex- 
ercise upon  the  highest  circles  their  refining  influence 
which  penetrated  very  slowly  to  the  lower  classes.  The 
predominant  faith,  strict  dogmatic  Calvinism,  was  not  cal- 
culated to  smooth  the  rough  sides  and  to  lead  souls  to  gen- 
tleness. Energy,  vigilance,  marked  selfishness,  cunning, 
ingenuity,  tenacity,  roughness,  inflexibility,  hardness,  were 
some  of  the  most  prominent  characteristics  of  the  people 
at  this  glorious  period,  joined  to  a  certain  good-nature  that 
seems  not  incompatible  with  suspicion.  These  qualities 
had  fortunate  results  in  De  Witt's  time,  and  under  the 
guidance  of  a  series  of  remarkable  men,  such  as  usually 
appear  in  a  nation  after  a  hard  struggle  for  existence,  they 
raised  that  nation  to  a  high  rank  in  the  world.  In  the 
thirty  years  of  William  III.'s  rule  their  action  remains 
plainly  visible. 

399 


400  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

William  III.  himself  is  one  of  those  men  of  the  great 
epoch,  who  may  be  considered  as  the  best  representatives 
of  the  Dutch  national  type,  with  individual  modification 
of  some  qualities  under  the  influence  of  personal  experi- 
ences. Energetic,  alert,  ambitious,  crafty,  resourceful,  per- 
sistent, rough,  inflexible,  hard,  mistrustful,  he  was  all  that 
and  furthermore  taciturn  and  reserved  owing  to  the  piti- 
ful circumstances  of  his  life  during  the  decisive  years 
of  his  youth,  owing  also  to  the  delicate  health  which  had 
impeded  his  development, — his  bodily  development  at 
least,  for  the  coughing  youth,  to  whom  the  entire  nation 
now  looked  up  as  to  its  rescuer  from  dire  distress,  was  in- 
tellectually a  giant.  His  acuteness,  his  clear  judgment, 
his  healthy  understanding,  his  excellent  memory,  were  de- 
veloped in  an  admirable  manner  notwithstanding  the 
varying  systems  of  education  to  which  he  was  subjected. 
He  was  not  ideally  gifted.  His  mind  was  positive, 
averse  to  speculation,  a  mind  of  cool  deliberation,  not 
fervent  but  rational,  passionate  sometimes,  but  gener- 
ally calm,  persevering  even  to  obstinacy.  Thus  the  stadt- 
holder  went  through  life,  uncommunicative  as  he  had 
learned  to  be  in  his  sombre  youth,  with  a  strong  will  pur- 
suing the  aims  he  had  set  before  himself — a  grand  but 
solitary  figure,  more  imposing  than  attractive.  Thus  his 
tall  form  appears  before  us  with  the  oblong  face  framed  by 
long  locks,  with  the  piercing  glance,  the  long  Stuart  nose, 
the  imperious  attitude,  weakly  stooping,  simply  dressed, 
upon  his  strong  horse.  Thus  he  was  portrayed  by  Netsch- 
er,  by  Blooteling,  and  by  the  pen  of  his  secretary,  the 
younger  Constantyn  Huygens.  Thus  history  knows  him, 
the  great  statesman  and  general  of  the  last  quarter  of  the 
seventeenth  century.  Such  was  the  young  man,  to  whose 
rule  the  state  of  the  United  Netherlands  was  row  intrusted. 

The  condition  of  this  state  was  perilous  in  the  summer 
of  1672,  but  signs  of  improvement  began  to  appear.  The 
enemy's  main  force  under  Luxembourg  still  lay  orithe  bor- 


The  Great  War  401 

ders  of  Holland,  restrained  only  by  the  water  line.  Zealand 
was  not  unmolested.  A  small  French  army  under  de 
Nancre"  attacked  Aardenburg  on  June  26th,  but  the  little 
town  was  so  successfully  defended  by  a  handful  of  sol- 
diers and  a  few  hundred  citizens  commanded  by  the  val- 
iant ensign  Beeckman  that  the  enemy  had  to  withdraw. 
Nimwegen,  Grave,  and  Crevecceur  were  captured  by  the 
enemy;  also  Bommel  fell,  after  which  Turenne  threw  him- 
self into  the  territory  of  Bois-le-Duc,  while  some  of  the 
French  troops  went  to  complete  the  surrounding  of  Maes- 
tricht.  Steenwijk  and  other  places  in  Overyssel  were  taken 
without  much  difficulty  by  the  forces  of  Miinster  and  Co- 
logne, but  they  did  not  yet  venture  to  push  into  Friesland, 
defended  by  Aylva  with  a  few  troops  and  his  Frisian  mi- 
litia. The  enemy  first  turned  towards  Groningen,  where 
the  frontier  forts  were  captured  without  a  blow  besides  the 
important  Bourtange.  Coevorden  detained  the  enemy  less 
than  a  fortnight,  and  on  July  9th,  guided  by  the  traitor 
Schuylenburgh,  he  appeared  before  the  gates  of  Groningen, 
which  under  command  of  the  brave  Rabenhaupt  was  pre- 
pared for  a  stubborn  defence  by  inundations  and  excellent 
organisation  of  the  troops,  numbering  with  the  inclusion 
of  militia  and  students  between  four  and  five  thousand  men. 
The  besieged  held  out  over  five  weeks,  and  despite  the  in- 
cessant bombardment  and  reiterated  assaults  upon  the  out- 
works they  so  weakened  the  enemy  that  he  was  compelled 
to  raise  the  siege  on  August  28th.  The  attacks  of  the 
Miinster  forces  on  the  Frisian  intrenchments  at  Heeren- 
veen  were  repulsed  and  soon  the  enemy  had  to  evacuate 
both  provinces,  being  followed  by  the  Dutch  troops  who 
made  themselves  masters  once  more  of  northwestern 
Overyssel  and  of  a  large  part  of  Drenthe.  The  defender 
had  here  become  an  attacker. 

The  fleet  on  the  Scheldt  and  Zuyder  Zee  prevented 
every  attempt  to  disturb  the  security  of  these  waters. 
The  privateers,  especially  those  of  Zealand  where  200  of 

VOL.   IV. — 25 


4Q2  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

them  are  said  to  have  been  fitted  out,  inflicted  serious 
damage  on  the  enemy.  In  July  an  Anglo-French  fleet 
of  about  ioo  ships  appeared  on  the  coast,  where  the  Dutch 
fleet,  only  half  so  strong,  was  stationed  at  Goeree.  The 
enemy  wanted  to  land  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Texel,  but 
a  violent  storm,  destroying  some  of  his  ships  and  injuring 
others,  spoiled  these  plans.'  The  enemy's  great  mistake 
was  in  not  making  every  exertion  during  June  to  conquer 
Holland  instead  of  waiting  to  besiege  and  occupy  the  forti- 
fied places  of  Gelderland,  Utrecht,  and  Overyssel,  where 
garrisons  had  to  be  put,  so  that  Luxembourg  before  the 
water  line  was  left  with  only  16,000  men  and  Turenne  on 
the  Meuse  and  Rhine  with  12,000,  while  Chamilly  sur- 
rounded Maestricht  with  some  thousands.  Thus  William 
III.  secured  an  opportunity  to  strengthen  his  positions 
behind  the  water  line  amid  the  important  events  and 
agitation  in  Holland.  Powerfully  aided  by  Amsterdam, 
whose  environs  were  quickly  placed  in  an  excellent  state 
of  defence,  he  made  his  left  flank  safe.  At  threatened 
points  intrenchments  were  thrown  up  and  the  country 
was  flooded ;  sailors,  marines,  fugitives  from  the  eastern 
garrisons,  released  prisoners  of  war,  made  up  for  the  want 
of  troops,  so  that  the  army  was  soon  increased  to  57,000 
men;  militia  and  armed  peasants  were  employed  for  real 
service,  especially  for  the  batteries  on  the  coast.  The 
young  prince  showed  himself  an  able  and  prudent  com- 
mander, supported  by  Van  Beverningh  as  deputy  in  the 
field  and  by  skilful  generals,  among  whom  now  appeared 
George  Friedrich,  count  of  Waldeck,  as  a  field  marshal  and 
as  the  prince's  chief  adviser.2  In  September  Holland  was 
metamorphosed  into  an  impregnable  fortress  so  that  the 
French  dared  not  attack  it  vigorously  and  courage  began 
to  revive  in  the  province. 

1  The  story  of  the  wonderful  double  ebb  tide  is  erroneously  placed  in  this 
time.     See  Fruin,  in  Bijdr.  AT.  K.,  x.,  p.  125. 

2  Muller,  Wilhelm  III.  von  Oranien  und  Georg  Friedrich  von  Waldeck, 
i-,  P-  33. 


The  Great  War  403 

The  prince  took  advantage  of  this  to  attack.     A  first 
attempt  on  Naarden  failed,  but  he  made  a  second  on  Oc- 
tober 10th  for  the  conquest  of  Woerden.     This  failed  also, 
Zuylesteyn  was  killed  in  Luxembourg's  unexpected  attack 
on  his  rear,  and  the  force  retreated  with  heavy  losses,  but 
the  enterprise  proved  that  the  new  troops  were  not  so 
easily  vanquished  by  the  enemy  as  formerly.     Some  days 
later  in  a  council  of  war  at  Alfen  the  prince  proposed  a 
bold  plan — to  leave  a  force  sufficient  for  the  defence  of 
the  water  line  and  to  move  rapidly  southwards  through 
Brabant  to  Maestricht  with  10,000  infantry  and  almost  all 
the  cavalry,  together  about  23,000  men,  in  order  with 
German  and  Spanish  help  to  threaten  the  enemy's  com- 
munications and  to  constrain  him  to  retreat  from  these 
provinces.     Early  in  November  the  troops  gathered  at 
Rozendaal,  and  on  the  8th  the  army  moved  from  there  to 
the  Meuse  near  Maestricht,  which  was  relieved  some  days 
later,  while  the  surprised  French  force  under  Duras,  suc- 
ceeding the  deceased  Chamilly,  retreated  to  the  Rhine  at 
Andernach,  where  Turenne  was  awaiting  the  Brandenburg 
and  imperial  armies.     The  prince  now  moved  northwards 
to  the  Roer,  captured  Valkenburg,  and  menaced  Tongres. 
But  the  united  German  armies  remained  on  the  right  bank 
of  the    Rhine,  being  constantly    watched    by    Turenne. 
Thus  left  to  himself  and  again  threatened  by  Duras,  the 
prince  in  the  middle  of  December  undertook  an  arduous 
expedition  along  the  Meuse  to  the  distant  Charleroi,  the 
repository  of  the  French  army  stores.     Including  Spanish 
auxiliary  troops  he  had  about  30,000  men,  but  the  enter- 
prise was  a  failure.     The  commander  of  the  city,  Montal, 
who  was  in  Tongres,  threw  himself  with  a  small  troop  of 
cavalry  into  his  important  fortress  and  greatly  increased 
its  power  of  resistance,  so  that  the  siege  lasted  longer  than 
the  prince  had  expected.     A  sudden  frost  prevented  the 
continuation  of  the  siege  works.     The  prince  took  Binche, 
but  then  moved  away  and  appeared  again  on  December 


404  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

30th  with  his  reduced  army  at  Alfen  in  Holland.  This 
undertaking  was  also  a  failure,  but  it  showed  what  a 
formidable  foe  Louis  XIV.  had  in  the  young  Orange. 

Luxembourg  was  desirous  of  taking  advantage  of  the 
frost  to  cross  over  Holland's  water  line.  Hitherto  he  had 
confined  himself  to  expeditions  with  small  results  due  to 
the  watchfulness  of  the  Dutch  commanders,  though  many 
frontier  villages  were  burned  and  plundered.  On  De- 
cember 27th  he  assembled  10,000  men  at  Woerden  and 
marched  into  Holland  over  the  frozen  flooded  fields  along 
the  Rhine.  Count  Konigsmarck  left  the  camp  at  Bode- 
graven  and  fell  back  to  Leyden,  whereupon  the  enemy 
took  possession  of  Bodegraven  and  Zwammerdam  and  de- 
vastated them  in  a  horrible  manner.  Suddenly  it  began 
to  thaw  and  the  only  practicable  road  back  was  by  way  of 
Nieuwerbrug  to  Woerden,  while  the  defenders  of  the 
water  line,  aided  by  thousands  of  armed  peasants,  blocked 
the  road  to  Leyden  or  Gouda.  That  to  Woerden  was 
also  blocked  by  the  intrenchments  of  Nieuwerbrug,  but 
the  commander,  Colonel  Pain-et-Vin,  seized  with  a  sudden 
panic,  evacuated  them  and  thus  rescued  the  French  army 
from  certain  destruction.  He  was  in  consequence  se- 
verely treated  at  the  prince's  instigation  and  condemned 
to  death.  The  sentence  was  executed  in  the  camp  at 
Alfen  late  in  January.  But  Luxembourg  reached  Woer- 
den safely  on  December  30th,  laden  with  plunder  from 
the  burned  villages  and  farms  which  never  forgot  the 
"  French  fury." '  On  the  day  before,  Coevorden  was 
surprised  by  a  column  from  Groningen  under  Colonel 
Eybergen,  guided  by  the  patriotic  sexton,  Meindert  van 
Thynen,  a  great  advantage  for  the  country  of  Drenthe 
and  Groningen,  which  was  hastily  quitted  by  the  enemy. 

At  the  beginning  of  1673  the  situation  was  quite  changed 
from  that  of  a  half-year  earlier,  although  three  provinces 
were  still  in  the  enemy's  hands.     The  army  had  regained 

1  Knoop,  p.  207. 


The  Great  War  405 

confidence  under  the  lead  of  the  young  Orange  prince 
and  Waldeck,  and  it  was  numerous  enough  to  assume  the 
offensive.  Besides  weak  Spain  there  were  allies,  who  in- 
deed did  not  yet  accomplish  much  but  kept  a  part  of  the 
hostile  troops  busy  far  away  on  the  Rhine.  And  the 
people  plucked  up  courage,  though  complaining  bitterly 
of  the  heavy  taxes,  the  flooding  of  their  lands,  the  stop- 
page of  commerce  and  industry.  That  half-year  was  a 
time  of  storm  and  stress  for  Holland.  The  murder  of  the 
De  Witts  had  given  the  signal  for  tumults  elsewhere,  di- 
rected against  the  adherents  of  the  fallen  government  and 
under  the  watchword  "  Up  with  Orange,  "  which  was 
often  shamefully  abused.  Rotterdam,  Delft,  Leyden, 
Gouda,  Dordrecht,  Haarlem,  Amsterdam  were  not  free 
from  them.  The  council  pensionary  Fagel  called  for  meas- 
ures against  such  disturbances,  and  deputy  councillors  pro- 
posed authority  for  the  prince  to  investigate  the  relations 
between  people  and  regents  and  to  maintain  or  change 
the  municipal  governments  "  without  violation  of  the  priv- 
ileges." A  resolution  to  this  effect  was  taken  on  August 
28th.  The  prince  acted  and  replaced  various  regents  by 
others  of  his  party.  There  were  great  difficulties  in  Am- 
sterdam. Some  of  the  magistrates  had  desired  to  make 
the  prince  sovereign.  Excitement  among  the  people 
seemed  about  to  lead  to  a  riot  on  September  6th,  when  the 
house  of  the  popular  De  Ruyter,  now  suspected  as  a  friend 
of  the  De  Witts,  ran  great  danger  of  being  plundered. 
A  meeting  of  citizens  next  day  demanded  the  removal  of 
the  suspected  regents,  restoration  of  the  "  ancient  rights  " 
of  the  citizens  in  the  election  of  magistrates,  maintenance 
of  the  privileges  of  the  guilds,  reform  in  the  government  of 
the  city  and  militia,  all  comprised  in  twelve  articles,  which 
were  spread  through  the  city  in  the  form  of  a  petition. 
This  attempt  to  introduce  a  more  democratic  style  of 
government  was  a  dismal  failure.  The  city  government 
finally  requested  help  from  the  prince  and  offered  its  res- 


406  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

ignation,  when  he  answered  evasively.  Some  of  the  re- 
gents here  now  lost  their  seats,  while  Van  Beuningen  and 
Hudde  were  restored  to  the  burgomastership  and  in  the 
following  year  Valckenier  also,  who  was  again  considered 
as  the  leader  of  the  Amsterdam  government.1  The  major- 
ity in  the  Estates  of  Holland  was  transposed,  and  this 
speedily  brought  quiet.  In  the  towns  of  Zealand  changes 
were  likewise  made  in  the  government.  A  general  am- 
nesty proclaimed  in  November  put  an  end  to  dangerous 
agitation,  though  here  and  there  some  persons  roused  pop- 
ular discontent.  Even  De  Ruyter  on  coming  home  in 
October  was  assailed  and  had  to  be  taken  under  the  prince's 
particular  protection.* 

With  the  beginning  of  1673  more  vigorous  action  was 
hoped  for  from  the  allies.3  The  indefatigable  Lisola  had 
convinced  the  imperial  court  of  Vienna  that  only  a  close 
alliance  of  the  emperor  with  the  States-General  could 
prevent  the  latter  from  concluding  peace  with  France.  It 
was  not  inconceivable  that  France  might  give  back  all  its 
conquests.  The  elector  of  Brandenburg  and  the  count  of 
Monterey  at  Brussels  promised  help  and  urged  the  States 
to  continue  the  war.  In  December  the  Vienna  govern- 
ment determined  to  approve  definitively  of  a  subsidy 
treaty.  At  last  the  foundation  seemed  to  be  laid  for  the 
great  alliance,  which,  according  to  Lisola's  long  cherished 
wishes,  with  the  emperor  and  the  States  as  the  centre,  was 
to  oppose  the  threatened  supremacy  of  France  in  Europe. 
But  it  soon  appeared  that  much  must  happen  before  these 
wishes  were  realised.  The  imperial  government,  influ- 
enced by  the  Jesuits,  was  far  from  having  resolved  to 
follow  the  path  indicated  by  Lisola  and  to  declare  war 

1  Bontemantel,  ed.   Kernkamp,  ii.,  p.  180.      See  Kroon,  Amsterdam  in 
1672,   and  Gebhard,   Amsterd.   anteekeningen ,  in  Nijh.  Bijdr,  JV.  J?.,  x., 

P-  139- 

2  Wagenaar,  xiv. ,  p.  188. 

3  Pribram,  Lisola,  p.  587;  P.  L.  Muller,  Neder lands  eerste  betrekkingcn 
met  Oosienrijk,  p.  38. 


The  Great  War  407 

upon  France  for  the  preservation  of  the  strongest  Prot- 
estant power.  The  elector  of  Brandenburg,  disappointed 
at  the  course  of  the  previous  campaign,  withdrew  from 
the  alliance  and  concluded  peace  with  France  in  June. 
The  prince  had  consequently  the  greatest  difficulty  in 
holding  the  peace  party  of  Holland  in  check,  now  that 
the  allies  were  showing  themselves  so  little  reliable.1 

The  chances  of  a  peaceful  solution  later,  however,  be- 
came greater.  Holland's  peace  party  was  supported  by 
the  entreaties  of  the  three  provinces  still  groaning  under 
the  enemy's  occupation.  Sweden  endeavoured  to  bring 
about  a  peace  congress  and  was  listened  to  by  both  par- 
ties, so  that  Cologne  was  chosen  as  the  place  of  meeting. 
In  England  also  the  party  of  peace  urged  negotiation 
with  the  States.  France  saw  that  the  German  princes  had 
not  been  entirely  won  over  and  mistrust  of  its  real  pur- 
poses must  be  removed.  The  war  party,  as  whose  chiefs 
the  prince  and  Fagel  in  the  republic,  Monterey  at  Brussels, 
and  Lisola  might  be  considered,  was  compelled  to  yield 
something  to  the  universal  desire  for  peace.  Though 
nothing  came  of  a  proposed  truce,  negotiations  were 
opened  in  Cologne  at  the  end  of  June  under  the  mediation 
of  Sweden.  Van  Beuningen  for  Holland,  De  Mauregna  ult 
for  Zealand,  Van  Haren  for  Friesland,  Ysbrands  for  City 
and  Land,  Odijk  in  the  name  of  the  prince  himself,  soon 
appeared  there  as  ambassadors  of  the  States-General. 
The  three  provinces  occupied  by  the  enemy  could  not  be 
admitted  to  the  negotiation,  as  they  were  not  free.  The 
prince  naturally  had  the  chief  management  of  the  affair, 
together  with  the  council  pensionary,  and  nearly  all  the 
envoys  were  their  trusted  friends.  At  Cologne  appeared 
also  Pieter  de  Groot,  who  had  been  at  Antwerp  in  the 
winter  with  De  la  Court  and  other  exiled  partisans  of  De 
Witt,  and  in  the  negotiations  he  played  a  certain  part  in 

1  Pribram,  p.  606;  Muller,  p.  47  ;  Wagenaar,  xiv.,  p.  247. 


4o3  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  interest  of  peace.1  The  negotiations  went  on  lan- 
guidly. France's  demand  for  the  cession  of  the  generality 
lands,  that  of  England  concerning  the  fishery  and  the  sur- 
render of  some  towns  on  the  sea  were  too  high  to  be  seri- 
ously considered,  and  the  offer  of  the  States  was  too  low 
for  the  enemy.  Sweden  continued  its  action  as  mediator, 
but  the  demands  of  the  four  allied  enemies  seemed  rather 
to  increase  than  to  diminish,  until  the  war  finally  began  to 
turn  in  favour  of  the  republic  and  its  allies  gave  more  effect- 
ual assistance. 

While  there  was  negotiation  at  Cologne,  both  parties 
had  resumed  war.  England  was  now  to  act  more  ener- 
getically than  in  the  preceding  year,  with  a  landing  force 
of  20,000  men  on  the  rapidly  equipped  fleet,  the  king's 
bastard,  the  duke  of  Monmouth,  accompanying  with  8000 
men  the  French  army.  This  last  was  to  move  on  Holland 
again,  while  some  antiquated  Dutch  fortresses  were  to  be 
demolished  and  the  rest  were  to  be  strongly  garrisoned. 
The  French  army  against  Holland  was  to  be  under  Conde 
and  to  number  25,000  men,  Turenne  was  to  act  on  the 
Rhine  once  more,  and  Louis  himself  in  Flanders  and  Bra- 
bant." It  was  hoped  to  draw  much  of  the  necessary  money 
from  the  conquered  provinces  themselves,  which  were  pil- 
laged in  a  frightful  manner  by  Luxembourg  and  the  in- 
tendant  Robert.  Heavy  taxes,  confiscations  on  a  large 
scale,  systematic  plundering,  destruction,  and  burning  of 
districts  already  ravaged  by  water  and  disease  exhausted 
the  population.  When  Cond£  replaced  Luxembourg  in 
the  spring  of  1673  and  repeatedly  called  the  attention  of 
Louvois  to  the  country's  miserable  condition,  the  latter 
answered  cynically  that  this  was  just  the  way  to  subjugate 
the  land  and  to  force  the  Hollanders  to  peace. 

The  prince  added  some  regiments  to  the  Dutch  army 
so  that,  with  Waldeck  as  chief  of  staff,  he  obtained  an 

1  See  his  letters  to  Wicquefort  in  Kramer's  edition,  p.  143. 
5  Rousset,  i.,  p.  427.  « 


The  Great  War  409 

army  of  28,000  men,  while  in  the  north  John  Maurice  had 
the  general  management  of  affairs.  The  militia  of  the 
cities  and  bands  of  armed  peasants  helped  to  occupy  the 
principal  points  of  Holland's  water  line,  while  similar  lines 
were  formed  on  the  borders  of  Friesland  and  Groningen. 
From  fear  of  a  landing  of  the  Anglo-French  fleet  the 
coast  was  provided  with  troops.  A  small  force  under 
Wurtz  was  stationed  in  Zealand  to  defend  this  province 
from  attack  by  sea  or  land.  After  the  improvements  of 
the  water  lines  not  only  Holland  and  Zealand  but  Fries- 
land  and  Groningen  also  were  converted  into  almost  im- 
pregnable strongholds.  Outside  of  the  lines  Coevorden 
in  the  summer  had  to  sustain  a  vigorous  assault  of  the 
Miinster  forces,  which  were  obliged  to  break  off  the  siege. 
A  cavalry  combat  at  Staphorst  in  July  ended  in  a  com- 
plete defeat  of  the  Miinster  troops,  and  they  also  surrend- 
ered the  intrenchments  east  of  Groningen  to  Rabenhaupt 
and  accomplished  little  after  the  relief  of  Coevorden 
which  fell  in  October. 

Against  the  water  line  of  Holland  Cond6  could  do  no 
more  than  Luxembourg  before  him.  He  tried  in  vain  to 
drain  off  the  floods  and  to  capture  Muiden,  but  the  water 
let  in  from  the  sea  increased  the  inundation  and  the  heavy 
Dutch  artillery  compelled  him  to  give  up  the  attack  on 
Muiden.  Better  success  attended  the  siege  of  Maestricht, 
which  was  undertaken  by  Louis  XIV.  himself  with  his  main 
force  of  45,000  men,  supported  by  a  part  of  Turenne's 
army,  and  lasted  over  three  weeks  (June  6th -July  1st). 
This  siege  of  the  city,  defended  by  6000  men,  was  unques- 
tionably one  of  the  most  remarkable  events  of  the  whole 
war,  and  in  it  the  talented  engineer  Vauban  distinguished 
himself  by  an  excellent  use  of  trenches.  After  the  loss  of 
the  chief  outworks  the  gallant  defender  Fariaux  was  com- 
pelled to  capitulate  to  superior  force  by  the  citizens,  whc 
expected  restoration  of  the  Catholic  religion  from  the 
French  rule.     It  now  seemed  the  turn  of  Bois-le-Duc, 


4io  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

and  Cond6  left  Utrecht  to  prepare  for  this  siege,  while 
Luxembourg  resumed  command  of  the  army  before  the 
water  line.  Thus  Holland  continued  to  be  besieged,  and 
the  enemy  was  still  prevented  by  the  water  line  from  con- 
quering Holland's  cities  and  from  plundering  Holland's 
country,  the  richest  district  of  Europe,  as  he  had  done  to 
Utrecht,  Gelderland,  and  Overyssel.  Amsterdam  and 
other  cities  still  held  their  proud  heads  above  the  water, 
determined  under  the  prince's  lead  to  resist  until  the  last 
redoubt  fell  or  until  the  allies  could  be  persuaded  to  wage 
war  vigorously. 

While  the  war  on  land  remained  in  the  same  state  until 
late  in  the  summer,  longer  than  a  year,  the  war  on  the  sea 
was  energetically  prosecuted.  After  the  battle  of  Solebay 
and  the  partial  dismantling  of  the  fleet,  De  Ruyter  was 
not  in  a  condition  to  venture  out.  Privateering,  at  first 
prohibited  so  that  the  naval  crews  would  not  melt  away, 
was  allowed  again  in  July,  1672,  and  many  English  and 
French  merchant  vessels  were  brought  as  prizes  into  the 
ports  of  Zealand  and  Spain.  Two  shipowners  of  Middel- 
burg  declared  in  September  that  their  captains  had  over 
thirty  prizes  in  the  harbours  of  Biscay,  which  they  would 
like  to  have  escorted  home  by  naval  vessels.1  But  the 
fleet  was  too  weak  for  such  an  undertaking,  and  the 
only  attempt  was  to  send  Van  Nes  in  November  with  a 
squadron  to  Brest  to  attack  the  French  fleet  wintering 
there.  This  enterprise  failed  on  account  of  contrary 
winds,  and  Van  Nes  returned  quickly.  New  perils  by  sea 
appeared  with  the  beginning  of  1673.  England  seemed 
bent  upon  putting  an  end  to  the  commerce  and  naviga- 
tion of  its  hated  competitor.  Delenda  est  Carthago,  ex- 
claimed the  English  chancellor  Shaftesbury  in  asking  Par- 
liament for  money  on  February  14th,2  and  Parliament 
granted  one  and  a  quarter  million  pounds  to  attain  the 

JDe  Jonge,  ii.,  p.  337. 

2  Ranke,  Englische  Geschichte,  v.,  p.  114. 


The  Great  War  4 l  r 

ardently  desired  end,  after  the  king  had  recalled  his  meas- 
ures of  toleration  of  the  Catholics,  though  secretly  con- 
verted to  their  faith,  and  after  he  had  assented  to  the 
Test  Act  which  excluded  all  Catholics  and  nearly  all  dis- 
senters from  public  offices.  Now  these  guarantees  were 
given  against  the  dreaded  predominance  of  Catholicism, 
Parliament  saw  no  harm  in  the  alliance  with  France,  al- 
though popular  opinion  was  opposed  to  war  with  the 
republic,  the  bulwark  of  Protestantism  in  Europe.  The 
duke  of  York,  openly  professing  Catholicism,  could  not 
command  the  fleet,  so  Prince  Rupert  replaced  him,  but, 
lacking  his  experience,  the  English  naval  force  was  not  so 
well  equipped  as  in  the  preceding  year.  The  Dutch  fleet 
was  brought  up  by  great  exertion  to  about  120  ships,  and 
crews  for  all  of  them  were  found  by  prohibiting  priva- 
teering again  and  navigation  to  the  Baltic  and  the  north, 
so  that  in  May  twenty  sail  could  go  out  under  command  of 
De  Ruyter,  raised  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant  admiral  gen- 
eral of  Holland,  and  of  lieutenant  admiral  Banckerts. 
Cornelis  Tromp,  restored  by  the  prince  to  his  dignity  of 
lieutenant  admiral  and  reconciled  with  De  Ruyter,  was 
soon  to  join  the  fleet  with  some  large  vessels.  The  pur- 
pose was  neither  more  nor  less  than  a  new  expedition  to 
the  Thames,  before  the  English  fleet  could  run  out  to 
unite  with  the  French.  A  squadron  under  Van  Nes  and 
Vlugh  was  already  sailing  for  the  Thames  to  close  the 
mouth  of  the  river  by  sinking  ships,  when  it  was  observed 
that  the  English  fleet  was  on  its  guard  and  had  detached 
vessels  to  defend  the  approaches  of  the  river.  The 
squadron  returned  and  the  fleet  was  ready  to  receive  the 
enemy,  when  Tromp  arrived  at  the  end  of  May.  It  was 
near  the  banks  of  Schooneveld,  on  the  coast  of  Zealand, 
when  the  Anglo-French  fleet  of  nearly  150  sail  came  to 
attack  the  small  force  of  100  sail.  On  the  anniversary  of 
the  battle  of  Solebay,  June  7  th,  there  was  a  battle,  in 
which  De  Ruyter  himself  dispersed  the  French  squadron 


412  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

of  d'Estr£es,  broke  through  the  middle  division,  and  went 
to  the  relief  of  Tromp  who  was  running  great  danger  in  a 
fight  with  the  vanguard  under  Prince  Rupert.  It  was  on 
this  occasion  that  Tromp  cried  out  to  his  men:  "  There 
is  grandfather  coming  to  our  help.  I  too  will  never  de- 
sert him  so  long  as  I  can  draw  breath."  After  a  hard 
struggle  darkness  fell,  but  the  enemy  retreated  with  great 
losses,  while  those  of  the  Dutch  were  much  less.  Seven 
days  later  the  same  fleet  offered  battle  to  the  same  enemy 
not  far  from  the  place  where  victory  had  been  won  before. 
The  Dutch  fleet  now  also  repulsed  the  allied  fleets  under 
Prince  Rupert  to  the  English  coast,  where  darkness  again 
ended  the  combat,  so  that  De  Ruyter  returned  to  his  sta- 
tion at  Schooneveld  without  being  followed  by  the  enemy, 
who  repaired  damages  in  the  Thames  and  left  the  sea 
to  the  Dutch  for  a  considerable  time.  A  small  Dutch 
squadron  under  rear  admiral  Den  Haen  even  undertook 
an  expedition  along  the  English  coast  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Thames. 

Early  in  July  the  Dutch  fleet  ran  out  again  in  search  of 
the  enemy,  who  was  preparing  for  a  third  voyage  to  the 
Dutch  coasts,  but  no  enemy  was  to  be  seen,  and  the  fleet 
cruised  off  the  mouth  of  the  Thames  until  a  pestilence  com- 
pelled its  return.  Towards  the  end  of  the  month  the  hos- 
tile fleets  appeared  with  the  intention  of  landing  and 
forcing  the  republic  to  peace.  An  unusually  long  ebb 
tide  on  the  2d  of  August  in  conjunction  with  a  dense  fog 
prevented  the  execution  of  this  plan  and  gave  rise  to  the 
story  everywhere  believed  of  the  "  double  ebb  "  which 
saved  the  endangered  republic.1  De  Ruyter,  desirous 
first  of  protecting  Zealand,  followed  the  enemy's  strong 
fleet  only  a  short  time.  The  latter  sailed  northwards  and 
spread  terror  along  the  Dutch  coast,  but  no  landing  was 
attempted.  The  prince  now  ordered  the  fleet  to  leave 
Schooneveld  and  to  oppose  the  enemy.     De  Ruyter  ar 

1  Fruin,  De  dubbele  ebbe,  in  Nijh.  Bijdr.,  N.  R.,  x.,  p.  129. 


The  Great  War  413 

rived  off  Scheveningen,  where  the  prince  excited  indescrib- 
able enthusiasm  by  visiting  the  fleet  and  considering  with 
the  council  of  war  whether  the  enemy  should  be  attacked 
notwithstanding  the  inferiority  in  strength  of  the  Dutch 
force.  It  was  resolved  to  make  the  venture,  and  the  vis- 
itor departed  from  the  fleet  amid  shouts  of —  "  Long  live 
the  prince  !  "  So  De  Ruyter  followed  the  enemy  north 
and  encountered  him  early  in  the  morning  of  August  21st 
at  Kijkduin,  wherewith  90  large  and  small  vessels  and  22 
fire  ships  he  valiantly  assailed  the  allied  fleets  of  over  140 
sail,  commanded  again  by  Prince  Rupert,  Spragge,  and 
d'Estr^es.1  The  French  van  gave  way  speedily  before 
the  violent  attack  of  Banckerts  ;  De  Ruyter  threw  himself 
on  Prince  Rupert,  who,  fighting  stoutly,  was  forced  back 
and  sought  to  join  the  rear  division  under  Spragge.  At- 
tacked by  Tromp  and  severely  damaged  by  his  admirably 
served  guns,  Spragge  also  resisted  bravely  but  lost  his  life 
in  a  boat  on  leaving  his  sinking  ship,  while  Prince  Rupert 
himself  was  in  great  danger  of  being  destroyed  by  the 
united  Dutch  squadrons.  A  general  attack  seemed  to 
offer  some  chance  of  dispersing  the  Dutch  fleet  by  su- 
perior force,  but  the  attack  failed,  as  the  French  squadron 
paid  no  attention  to  the  repeated  signals  of  the  English 
commander  and  did  not  venture  again  into  the  fight. 
After  sunset  the  enemy  retreated,  being  pursued  by  the 
Dutch,  who  returned  to  the  coast  a  few  hours  later,  while 
Prince  Rupert  went  back  to  the  English  ports  with  great 
losses  in  killed  and  wounded  and  complaining  loudly  of 
the  treacherous  behaviour  of  d'Estr£es.  The  losses  were 
severe  also  on  the  Dutch  side,  including  the  vice  admirals 
De  Liefde  and  Sweers  among  the  dead.  There  was  no 
more  talk  of  a  landing,  and  the  harbours  were  opened  for 
the  returning  merchantmen,  so  that  the  battle  of  Kijkduin 
may  be  regarded  as  a  victory.  It  was  celebrated  as  such, 
though  this  did  not  prevent  Prince  Rupert  from  claiming 

1  De  Jonge,  ii.,  p.  412. 


4H         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  victory  as  on  the  two  previous  occasions.  De  Ruyter 
and  Tromp  were  honoured  as  the  saviours  of  the  fatherland 
from  destruction  which  was  threatened  by  the  landing  of 
the  army  of  12,000  men  under  the  French  general  Schom- 
berg.  In  this  rescue  from  danger  was  seen  the  hand  of 
God,  who  had  given  victory  to  the  weaker  Dutch  fleet 
and  had  averted  a  landing  by  a  rare  natural  phenomenon 
at  the  right  moment. 

De  Ruyter  in  September  sailed  again  into  the  North 
Sea  for  the  purpose  of  threatening  the  English  coast,  but 
violent  storms  obliged  him  to  return.  The  naval  war 
during  the  winter  was  of  slight  importance.  But  the  vic- 
tories of  the  summer  began  to  have  the  desired  effect. 
There  arose  in  England  dissatisfaction  with  the  conduct 
of  the  French  squadrons,  and  d'Estrees  really  appealed  to 
his  sovereign's  command  not  to  risk  his  ships,  while  he 
manifestly  suspected  the  English  of  desiring  to  endanger 
his  fleet.  Prince  Rupert  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
movement  against  the  French  alliance,  long  disagreeable 
to  him  as  a  Protestant.  The  proposed  second  marriage 
of  the  Catholic  successor  to  the  throne,  the  duke  of  York, 
with  the  very  Catholic  princess  of  Modena  aroused  an- 
tagonism among  the  English  people,1  and  the  Parliament 
meeting  in  October,  to  which  the  king  applied  for  money, 
showed  itself  no  longer  inclined  to  act  with  France.  It  de- 
nied the  supremacy  of  Dutch  commerce  over  that  of  Eng- 
land, opposed  York's  marriage,  demanded  the  upholding 
of  the  Anglican  church  against  Catholicism,  pronounced 
against  a  standing  army,  and  called  for  the  dismissal  of 
the  most  hated  ministers.  A  new  conflict  between  crown 
and  Parliament  seemed  impending,  and  only  the  sudden 
prorogation  of  the  latter  by  advice  of  the  French  ambassa- 
dor put  an  apparent  end  to  the  dissension.  England  had 
gone  so  far  that  the  French  ambassador  interfered  in  its 

1  Fruin,  Prins    Willem  III.  in  zijn  verhouding  tot  Engeland,  p.  34  of  the 
article  reprinted  from  the  Gids,  18S9. 


The  Great  War  415 

domestic  affairs.     Charles    II.    was   playing  a  desperate 
game.     He  hoped  with  the  booty  obtained   from  Dutch 
merchantmen  and  with  Louis  XIV.'s  aid  to  find  the  money 
necessary  for  the  war  outside  of  Parliament.     The  govern- 
ment's adversaries  were  assailed  in  their  positions  and  in- 
comes.    Even  the  chancellor  Shaftesbury,  to  whom  York 
ascribed  the  movement  against  his  marriage,  was  forced  to 
give  up  his  office.     The  violent  opposition  of  all  classes  of 
the  population  brought  the  king  to  reflection.     He  deter- 
mined to  yield  somewhat  and  to  appease  the  nation  by 
making  public  the  treaties  with  France  and  renewing  the 
edicts  against  the  Catholics.     Then  he  called   Parliament 
together  in  January.     But  it  did  not  favour  the  govern- 
mental policy  and,  vigorously  incited  by  Shaftesbury,  it 
demanded  stronger  guarantees  against  Catholicism,  com- 
plained of  the  king's  ministers,  and  desired  maintenance 
of    English   liberties  and   the   disbanding   of  the   army 
standing  since  1664.     Many  eyes  were  already  directed  to 
the  prince  of  Orange,  after  York  the  nearest  male  blood 
relative  of  the  king,  as  the  proper  successor  to  the  throne 
in  case  the  childless  king  died  and    the  duke  of  York  as  a 
Catholic  had  to  be  excluded  from  the  succession.     Every- 
where in  England  the  conviction  gained  ground  that  peace 
with  the  republic  must  be  restored,  and  the  sooner  the 
better. 

These  events  in  England  made  the  prince  and  the  States 
believe  that  the  dangerous  alliance  of  England  and  France 
was  drawing  to  an  end.  The  prince  was  in  secret  communi- 
cation with  Shaftesbury  and  other  influential  members  of 
the  opposition  and  watched  English  complications.  The 
States  supported  the  peace  party  by  a  letter  to  the  king 
in  October  affirming  that  they  were  ready  for  a  fair  peace 
and  by  similar  declarations.  Under  these  circumstances 
negotiations  for  peace  at  Cologne  naturally  advanced  but 
little,  so  long  as  the  republic's  allied  enemies  persisted  in 
their  high  demands.     But  the  republic  had  more  reason  to 


4i 6  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

look  with  confidence  at  the  future.  Under  the  influence 
of  Lisola  the  fear  of  French  designs  on  the  empire  had 
increased  among  Germany's  princes  and  peoples,  and 
pamphlets  and  writings  on  the  subject  appeared  in  great 
number.  The  Vienna  court  regained  spirit,  and  the  elector 
of  Cologne  and  the  bishop  of  Miinster  began  to  be  alarmed 
at  the  FYench  lust  for  conquest,  particularly  after  the  fall 
of  Maestricht.  Spain  also  became  more  ready  to  act  vig- 
orously against  France.  Spain  promised  the  emperor  a 
subsidy  of  50,000  rix-dollars  a  month,  the  States  about  as 
much,  and  on  August  30th,  shortly  after  the  battle  of 
Kijkduin,  treaties  were  concluded  at  The  Hague  both  with 
the  emperor  and  with  Spain  and  Lorraine  in  opposition  to 
France.  The  great  alliance  desired  by  Lisola  was  accom- 
plished, and  the  States  soon  declared  they  would  only 
negotiate  in  conjunction  with  their  allies.  The  war  of  the 
republic  thus  became  a  European  war  against  France. 

In  expectation  of  the  imperial  army  collected  in  Bohemia 
under  Montecuculi,  which  was  to  move  to  the  Rhine, 
William  III.  in  September  made  a  new  attack  on  Naarden 
that  yielded  before  Luxembourg  could  relieve  it.  This  loss 
was  felt  by  the  French,  and  they  prepared  to  destroy  the 
numerous  small  forts  in  the  conquered  provinces  so  as  to 
strengthen  the  larger  fortresses  and  to  have  more  soldiers 
for  the  army  in  the  field.'  Before  it  went  so  far,  there 
was  a  masterly  move  by  the  prince,  owing  to  which  Lux- 
embourg's position  had  at  last  to  be  given  up.  He  left 
Waldeck  in  command  of  a  sufficient  force  behind  the  water 
line.  With  10,000  men  he  went  late  in  September  to 
Rozendaal, united  in  October  with  a  Spanish  army  of  15,000 
men  at  Lier,  and  towards  the  end  of  the  month  was  near 
Cologne.  The  imperial  army  came  there  also,  and  together 
siege  was  laid  to  Bonn  which  fell  on  November  13th,  fol- 
lowed by  other  fortresses  in  Cologne  and  Julich  territory. 
Then  the  prince  returned  with  his  army  to  the  Meuse  at 

1  Rousset,  i.,  p.  484. 


/The  Great  War  417 

Roermond  and  Venloo.1  This  November  campaign  had 
great  results.  It  discouraged  wavering  Cologne  ;  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Fiirstenbergs  on  the  elector  diminished,  now 
that  the  latter  lost  his  residence  Bruhl  and  had  to  seek 
refuge  in  his  capital  Cologne,  which  had  resisted  him  so 
often.  The  last  stroke  was  Prince  William's  arrest  of 
Count  Fiirstenberg,  the  elector's  first  minister,  though  he 
was  taking  part  in  the  congress  of  Cologne.  The  elector 
and  his  Miinster  ally  soon  showed  themselves  ready  for 
peace.  The  French  commanders  saw  that  they  must  face 
this  sudden  attack.  Conde's  army  moved  largely  from 
Brabant  into  Jiilich;  Luxembourg  left  garrisons  in  the 
Utrecht  fortresses  and  stationed  himself  with  8,000  men  at 
Mook  to  defend  Gelderland;  Turenne  was  on  the  Moselle 
to  oppose  Montecuculi.  In  November  and  December,  for 
fear  of  being  cut  off  from  the  distant  French  frontier,  by 
command  of  Louvois,  though  against  the  opinion  of  Conde" 
and  to  the  disappointment  of  all  France,  one  fortress  after 
another  in  Utrecht  and  on  the  Lek  and  Yssel  was  evacuated 
and  immediately  occupied  by  Waideck.  By  the  middle  of 
December  only  the  places  on  the  Meuse  and  Rhine  were 
in  French  hands,  while  Luxembourg  with  16,000  men  was 
hoping  to  reach  the  French  border.  The  prince,  whose 
army  now  was  nearly  twice  as  strong  as  that  of  the  French 
general,  endeavoured  to  oppose  him  and  succeeded  twice  in 
making  him  return  to  the  protection  of  Maestricht's  can- 
non. On  the  approach  of  winter,  however,  the  prince 
broke  up  his  army,  and  early  in  January,  1674,  Luxem- 
bourg moved  for  the  third  time,  and  this  time  unmolested, 
southwards  to  the  vicinity  of  Charleroi.  The  last  French 
garrisons  left  Gelderland  in  the  spring  and  fell  back  upon 
Grave  and  Maestricht.  Thus  after  a  year  and  a  half  the 
siege  of  the  "  fortress  Holland  "  was  given  up,  and  before 
the  end  of  the  year  the  enemy  had  evacuated  the  greater 
part  of  the  republic's  territory. 

1  Knoop,  i.,  p.  290. 


27 


4l%         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

These  great  advantages,  secured  by  the  republic  and  its 
allies,  had  a  decisive  influence  on  opinion  in  England. 
Peace  with  the  republic  was  urged  by  Parliament,  desirous 
in  opposition  to  the  crown  of  breaking  the  league  with 
France  and  strengthened  by  the  attitude  of  Spain,  which 
on  one  side  threatened  England  with  war,  on  the  other 
influenced  members  of  Parliament  with  money.  Spain 
undertook  mediation  and  brought  over  the  offers  of  the 
republic,  which  intimated  cleverly  that  France  had  made 
offers  for  a  separate  peace  in  the  summer  of  1673.  After 
some  negotiation  and  pressure  by  Parliament  and  such 
statesmen  as  Temple,  who  had  deplored  the  war  from  the 
beginning,  Charles  II.  declared  his  wish  for  peace,  and  it 
was  concluded  February  19,  1674,  at  Westminster.  The 
terms  were  in  general  those  of  the  peace  of  Breda,  although 
the  flag  question  was  so  settled  that  all  Dutch  ships  and 
fleets  must  thenceforth  salute  even  a  single  English  royal 
vessel,  bearing  the  flag,  anywhere  between  Cape  Finisterre 
and  Norway.  For  war  expenses  two  millions  were  prom- 
ised within  three  years.  Concerning  commerce  in  India, 
commissioners  were  to  meet  in  three  months.  Surinam 
remained  Dutch,  but  New  Netherland,  which  in  August, 
1673,  was  captured  without  much  difficulty  by  a  small 
squadron  sent  to  the  West  Indies  under  Cornells  Evertsen 
the  younger  and  Captain  Binckes,  was  given  back  to  Eng- 
land again.  Before  long  the  congress  at  Cologne  ended 
in  nothing.  The  French  government  declared  inter- 
national law  so  violated  by  Fiirstenberg's  arrest  that  it 
could  not  continue  negotiations.  Lisola  managed  to  per- 
suade first  Miinster  and  then  Cologne  to  accept  peace  on 
conditions  resembling  little  those  offered  previously  by  the 
two  spiritual  princes.  Miinster,  menaced  by  the  imperials 
and  on  the  other  side  defeated  at  Noordhoorn  and  Nien- 
huis  by  Rabenhaupt,  who  had  succeeded  the  aged  John 
Maurice  in  the  conduct  of  the  war  in  the  north,  consented 
on  April  22d  to  a  renewal  of  the  peace  of  Cleves  with  a 


The  Great  War  419 

return  of  all  the  conquered  territory  and  under  guarantee 
of  Spain  and  the  emperor,  and  on  May  nth  Cologne 
followed.  Thus  the  east  of  the  republic  was  entirely 
delivered  from  the  enemy  in  May,  1674,  and  France  alone 
had  to  be  dealt  with,  possessing  still  only  a  few  fortresses 
in  Dutch  territory.  After  a  struggle  of  two  years  people 
breathed  again  and  hoped  that  those  fortresses  also  might 
be  recaptured.  What  a  result  after  the  dangers  which  in 
the  summer  of  1672  had  brought  the  republic  to  the  verge 
of  destruction,  and  what  sacrifices  had  been  necessary ! 
With  gratitude  men  thought  of  the  fortunate  course  of 
affairs,  freeing  them  without  noteworthy  loss  of  territory 
from  the  enemies  who  had  assailed  the  republic  on  all  sides. 
This  success  was  due  largely  to  the  young  general  and 
statesman,  who  now  had  the  management  of  the  republic 
in  his  hands.  In  reorganising  the  disordered  state  the 
definitive  regulation  of  his  attitude  to  the  state  would 
naturally  be  considered  anew.  Was  the  prince  now  finally 
to  receive  the  sovereignty  desired  by  him  and  the  republic 
to  be  changed,  wholly  or  partially,  into  a  monarchy  ?  The 
subject  came  up  in  connection  with  the  settlement  of  affairs 
in  the  three  provinces  which  for  a  year  and  a  half  had  been 
in  the  enemy's  possession  and  had  ceased  to  take  part 
in  the  common  government.  The  danger  of  the  entire 
country  in  1672  had  lessened  the  love  for  the  republican 
form  of  government  and  had  raised  the  question  whether 
it  was  not  better  to  bestow  upon  the  real  ruler  the  title  as 
such.1  It  was  no  secret  that  many  of  the  chief  statesmen 
were  not  averse  to  such  a  reform,  among  others  the  council 
pensionary  Fagel,  the  influential  Valckenier,  and  Van 
Beverningh.  The  districts  occupied  by  the  enemy  were 
terribly  treated.  The  support  of  the  hostile  army  and 
garrisons  had  ruined  cities  and  country,  cattle  were  killed, 
agriculture  suffered,  requisitions  were  carried  to  the  ex- 
treme under  threat  of  plundering  and  burning.    The  inten- 

1  Basnage,  Annales  des  Provinces  Unies,  ii.,  p.  564. 


420         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

dant  Robert  made  himself  notorious  in  Gelderland  and 
Utrecht,  and  we  know  from  his  correspondence  and  that 
of  Luxembourg  and  Conde  with  Louvois  '  that  his  threats 
were  more  than  mere  form.  The  border  regions  of  Hol- 
land, Utrecht,  Friesland,  and  Groningen  were  spoiled  for 
years  by  the  water  let  in  from  sea,  river,  and  marsh;  the 
heavy  taxes  in  the  parts  remaining  free  were  unbearable ; 
and  commerce  and  industry  had  for  a  year  and  a  half  stood 
still.  How  much  had  to  be  restored  and  improved  before 
the  traces  of  war  could  be  said  to  have  disappeared  ! 

The  first  question  after  the  departure  of  the  French 
was — should  the  three  provinces  be  taken  into  the  union 
again  ?  A  commission  from  the  States-General  discharged 
the  De  Witt  government  still  sitting  in  Utrecht  and  sub- 
stituted for  it  a  provisional  government.  The  prince,  asked 
for  his  opinion  by  Holland,  thought  that  the  three  prov- 
inces must  be  admitted  into  the  union  with  their  old 
boundaries,  Holland  giving  back  the  parts  of  Utrecht  taken 
possession  of  during  its  defence  and  reserving  the  right  of 
flooding  the  frontier  districts  and  the  ownership  of  the 
fortifications  built  by  it  on  Utrecht  territory  in  the  course 
of  the  war.  So  it  was  resolved  by  Holland  on  February 
2,  1674.  The  plan  of  keeping  Utrecht  and  the  two  other 
provinces  out  of  the  union  until  they  were  able  to  pay  their 
share  of  the  quotas  was  rejected  by  advice  of  the  prince. 
On  April  20th  a  resolution  was  adopted  by  the  generality 
providing  that  the  three  provinces  should  be  received  into 
the  union  again  on  the  old  footing;  taxes  were  to  be  made 
uniform;  a  statement  of  revenues  in  all  the  provinces  was 
to  be  drawn  up  to  regulate  by  it  a  new  distribution  of  the 
quotas  ;  the  debt  in  arrears  of  the  three  provinces  must  be 
paid  to  the  administration;  Gelderland  must  relinquish  one 
of  its  two  places  in  the  council  of  state  to  Groningen; 
finally  the  prince  was  empowered  to  change  the  govern- 

1  Rousset,  Histoire  de  Louvois,  passim.  See  also  Nijh.  Bijdr.  Eerste 
Reeks,  v.,  p.  204. 


The  Great  War  421 

ment  in  the  three  provinces.  A  few  days  later  the  prince, 
upon  whom  Utrecht  had  conferred  the  stadtholdership  in 
November,  made  his  stately  entrance  into  the  city,  where 
he  was  welcomed  with  great  enthusiasm,  and  on  the  25th 
he  filled  the  government  of  city  and  province  with  persons 
agreeable  to  himself.  A  new  settlement  of  the  govern- 
ment was  sworn  to  on  the  following  day  by  the  new 
administration.  Arranged  by  the  prince  with  the  chief 
men  of  Utrecht,  it  put  all  power  into  the  stadtholder's 
hands.  His  representative  there  was  Van  Reede  van  Rens- 
woude,  whom  he  selected  for  the  presidency  of  the  Estates. 
A  similar  fate  was  appointed  for  the  two  other  provinces, 
but  the  prince  confined  himself  at  first  to  setting  up  a 
"provisional"  government  in  expectation  of  the  oppor- 
tunity to  make  here  also  radical  changes. 

In  Holland  itself  Haarlem  on  January  23d  brought  up 
the  matter  of  having  the  stadtholdership  hereditary,  in- 
cited, as  is  supposed,  by  the  council  pensionary.1  It 
pointed  out  the  desirability  of  being  sure  of  the  presence 
of  an  "  eminent  chief  "  in  the  state,  which  could  not  other- 
wise be  properly  governed.  Vox  populi,  vox  Dei:  with- 
out opposition  the  resolution  was  on  February  2d  adopted 
to  make  the  prince  hereditary  stadtholder,  captain  and 
admiral  general ;  the  right  of  inheritance  was  confined  to 
the  "  male  descendants  "  of  the  prince.*  It  was  a  Per- 
petual Edict,  so  Delft  and  Rotterdam  affirmed,  but  of 
perpetual  "  inclusion  "  of  the  stadtholdership.  Zealand 
adopted  the  same  resolution  on  the  same  day.  The  States- 
General  also  made  the  office  of  captain  and  admiral  general 
of  the  union  hereditary.  The  prince  furthermore  was 
urged  to  marry.  His  income  was  increased.  Amsterdam 
proposed  to  take  over  for  Holland  Prince  William  II. 's 
debt  to  Amsterdam,  amounting  to  two  millions,  and  it 

1  Lettres  de  De  Groot,  ed.  Kramer,  p.  289. 

2  See  Simon  van  Leeuwen,  Bedenkingen  over  de  stadhouderlijke  magt,  ed. 
Fruin,  in  Bijdr.  en  Meded.  Hist.  Gen.,  xviii.,  p.  442. 


422  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

was  immediately  approved.  Zealand  gave  him  30,000 
guilders  in  obligations.  The  East  India  Company  pre- 
sented him  ■£§  of  all  its  dividends  to  the  stockholders. 
Tokens  of  gratitude  and  good  feeling  flowed  in  upon  the 
prince  from  all  sides,  and  it  seemed  only  to  depend  upon 
his  will  whether  or  not  he  should  rise  higher.  For  the 
time  being  nothing  was  done  about  it,  though  all  eyes 
were  directed  to  the  rising  sun,  and  there  appeared  to  be 
a  rivalry  as  to  who  should  first  come  out  with  a  proposi- 
tion of  this  nature. 

But  before  everything  else  the  great  war  with  France 
demanded  the  prince's  utmost  care,  and  he  had  to  think 
of  preparing  for  the  new  campaign  south  of  the  great 
rivers  and  in  conjunction  with  the  Spanish  and  imperial 
generals.  In  April  and  May  of  1674  there  was  progress  in 
freeing  Gelderland  and  Overyssel  from  the  enemy.  The 
French  left  the  fortresses  on  the  Rhine  and  Waal.  Grave 
and  Maestricht  continued  to  be  occupied  as  advanced  posts 
of  the  army  which  was  collected  on  the  French  frontier 
and  was  under  Cond6  to  invade  the  Spanish  Netherlands.1 
In  the  middle  of  May  Conde  began  the  campaign  and 
eleven  days  later  he  reached  the  environs  of  Maestricht, 
where  he  soon  had  50,000  men.  At  the  same  time  Prince 
William  moved  from  the  north  and  the  imperialists  under 
De  Souches  from  the  Rhine  to  the  Meuse  to  unite  with 
the  Spanish  force  stationed  at  Brussels  and  Louvain.  The 
slight  cooperation  between  the  armies  of  the  allies  and  on 
the  French  side  Conde's  bad  health  prevented  vigorous 
action.  A  small  Dutch  corps  under  Rabenhaupt  besieged 
Grave,  and  on  August  nth  a  bloody  battle  took  place  at 
Seneffe  in  Hainaut,  in  which  the  stronger  armies  of  the 
allies  under  Prince  William,  owing  to  the  weak  attitude 
of  the  imperial  force  under  De  Souches,a  did  not  succeed 
in   defeating  Conde,  and   the   Dutch  had  to    fight  the 

1  Knoop,  ii.,  p.  27. 

3  Temple,  Memoirs  of  his  Life,  London,  1714,  p.  216. 


The  Great  War  423 

hardest.  Both  parties  claimed  the  victory.  Among  the 
allies  the  stadtholder  of  twenty-four  years  of  age  received 
the  highest  praise  for  his  spirited  conduct  and  undisturbed 
composure,  and  with  him  the  faithful  Waldeck,  who  was 
here  severely  wounded,  Prince  Henry  Casimir  of  Nassau, 
aged  seventeen,  Nassau-Ouwerkerk,  Beverweert's  son,  and 
a  number  of  other  officers  distinguished  themselves  greatly. 
The  heavy  losses  of  the  Dutch  showed  how  bravely  the 
soldiers  formed  by  the  prince  fought  against  the  best  army 
of  Europe.  The  battle  of  Seneffe  established  the  young 
stadtholder's  fame  as  a  general,  and  it  also  restored  the 
good  name  of  the  Dutch  army.  Although  the  prince's 
enterprise  against  Oudenarde  failed  in  September  in  con- 
sequence again  of  the  attitude  of  the  imperial  troops, 
Conde  had  found  in  him  a  worthy  adversary. 

The  navy  was  energetically  managed.  De  Ruyter  en- 
deavoured in  vain  to  capture  Martinique  in  the  Antilles. 
More  important  was  another  expedition  connected  with 
plans  for  a  Huguenot  uprising  in  France,  especially  on  the 
western  coast  and  in  Languedoc  and  Provence.  Tromp 
was  to  support  these  plans  with  a  fleet  carrying  a  small 
landing  army.  The  conspiracy  formed  by  the  adventurer 
de  Sardan  and  some  young  Huguenots  was  less  extensive 
than  was  pretended.  It  was  betrayed  and  resulted  in 
nothing  but  a  weak  naval  demonstration  on  the  French 
coasts.  Tromp  landed  troops  on  Belle  Isle  and  Noir- 
moutiers  and  alarmed  the  entire  west  coast  of  France  and 
later  also  the  Mediterranean  coast.  That  France  regarded 
the  prince  as  the  soul  of  the  alliance  was  proved  by  the 
peace  proposals  it  made  to  him  after  Seneffe  for  ending 
the  war  on  the  basis  of  the  treaties  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  and 
Munster  and  with  recognition  of  his  supreme  place  in  the 
republic.  These  proposals  caused  a  negotiation  at  Maes- 
tricht,  where  d'Estrades,  the  old  friend  of  the  republic, 
appeared,  and  where  the  prince  sent  the  secretary  of 
Utrecht,  De  Pesters,  to  listen  to  the  enemy's  offers.    From 


424         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  English  side  efforts  were  made  by  Temple,  who  had 
again  come  to  The  Hague  as  ambassador,  and  afterwards 
by  Arlington  and  Sylvius  to  persuade  the  prince  to  a 
separate  or  a  general  peace.  But  an  understanding  could 
not  be  reached,  and  the  Dutch  refused  to  desert  Spain 
and  the  other  allies.  The  prince  now  continued  the  siege 
of  Grave  begun  by  Rabenhaupt,  until  on  the  27th  of 
October  this  fortress  surrendered  after  a  valiant  defence 
of  three  months. 

The  capture  of  Grave  freed  Gelderland  from  the  dreaded 
neighbourhood  of  the  enemy,  and  in  the  winter  of  1674- 
1675  the  reorganisation  of  this  province  and  Overyssel 
could  be  taken  up.  The  way  the  work  was  begun  shows 
that  William  III.  hoped  for  the  opportunity  to  have  the 
sovereign  power  conferred  upon  himself,  first  in  Gelderland, 
then  in  the  whole  republic.  Perhaps  a  more  comprehen- 
sive idea  was  considered,  having  been  discussed  since  the 
war's  commencement  by  Fagel  and  Van  Beuningen  in  a 
general  way  with  the  imperial  ambassador,  the  idea  of 
receiving  once  more  the  republic  into  the  German  empire 
as  the  Burgundian  or  Batavian  circle.  This  project,  again 
spoken  of  in  January,  1675,  was  quickly  given  up.1  Nim- 
wegen  was  the  place,  from  which  the  prince  started  his 
Gelderland  plans.  After  everything  was  carefully  pre- 
pared at  the  end  of  1674  and  the  prince's  friends,  including 
the  Bentincks,  had  worked  upon  the  influential  magistrates 
and  noblemen,2  the  provisional  government  of  Nimwegen 
requested  the  prince  to  allow  a  discussion  of  provincial 
interests  in  the  provisional  governments  of  the  three 
quarters  of  the  province.  The  prince  consented  naturally 
and  the  quarters  met  and  resolved  unanimously  on  Jan- 
uary 29,  1675,  to  offer  him  the  government  of  the  province 
under  the  ancient  title  of  the  duke  of  Guelders  and  count 

1  Muller,  Nederlands  betrekkingen  met  Oostenrijk,  p.  IOO. 

2  See  Nijh.  Bijdr.,Eerste  Reeks,  iii.,  p.  197 ;  viii.,  p.  158  ;  Wagenaar,  xiv., 
p.  345;  Sylvius,  Historien,  ii.,  pp.  164,  179,  205. 


The  Great  War  425 

of  Zutphen.  The  manner  of  the  prince's  reception  of  the 
offer  showed  that  he  was  not  averse  to  it,  but  he  declared 
he  could  not  accept  without  hearing  from  the  other  prov- 
inces. He  expected  to  be  received  as  sovereign  by  them 
also,  or  otherwise  to  have  the  offer  withdrawn.  His  court 
was  already  talking  of  the  "  count  of  Holland.  "  Utrecht 
strongly  favoured  the  plan,  but  Holland  and  Zealand  did 
not  answer  his  expectations.  Some  towns  of  Holland 
were  for  it,  but  others,  notably  Haarlem  and  Leyden, 
opposed  it,  though  not  very  vigorously.  In  Zealand  at- 
tachment was  manifested  to  the  republican  form  of  govern- 
ment, and  the  example  of  Gideon  was  cited  to  point  out 
the  right  way  to  the  prince.  Now,  however,  the  prince 
decided  finally  to  give  up  the  plan,  and  on  February  20th 
he  declared  in  the  provisional  assembly  of  Gelderland 
that,  thankful  for  the  confidence  reposed  in  him,  he  de- 
clined the  offer.  His  vehement  letter  to  Zealand  showed 
his  resentment  at  the  way  the  proposal  was  received  there, 
and  the  distrust  displayed  had  insulted  him.  Without  a 
sovereign  title  his  influence  was  great  enough  for  him  in 
the  different  provinces,  and  he  feared  to  displease  some 
of  his  own  partisans,  in  particular  to  anger  the  Zealanders 
jealous  of  the  old  freedom  by  pushing  through  the  affair, 
which  would  have  cost  him  little  trouble.  Even  among 
the  greatest  champions  of  the  house  of  Orange  there  were 
many  who  saw  no  salvation  in  the  prince's  elevation  to 
sovereignty  and  were  devoted  to  the  old  form  of  the  state, 
under  which  their  fathers  had  lived.  The  allies  had 
watched  the  affair  uneasily,  fearing  internal  dissensions 
in  the  republic  and  a  consequent  relaxation  of  military 
operations.  Later  generations  have  regretted  that  at  this 
favourable  moment  William  III.  did  not  make  an  end  of 
the  indisputably  ambiguous  condition  of  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  Provinces,  causing  the  greatest 
difficulties  even  during  the  rule  of  the  prince  himself. 
Reforms   were   now   to   be   made   in    Gelderland  and 


426  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Overyssel  as  they  had  been  in  Utrecht.  The  prince 
immediately  accepted  the  hereditary  stadtholdership  in 
the  first  province,  to  whose  chief  place,  Arnhem,  he  had 
betaken  himself,  restored  the  court  of  Gelderland,  and 
introduced  government  regulations,  by  which  was  yielded 
to  him  the  appointment  of  councillors,  burgomasters, 
sheriffs,  bailiffs,  officers,  justices,  magistrates,  etc.,  without 
nomination  or  recommendation  of  any  kind;  he  was  to 
have  unlimited  command  of  the  provincial  militia,  and  the 
settlement  of  differences  was  left  to  him.  Then  the  prince 
went  to  Overyssel,  where  on  March  2d  the  government 
in  cities,  villages,  and  quarters  was  rendered  scarcely  less 
dependent  upon  him,  while  here  also  he  was  invested  with 
the  hereditary  stadtholdership,  and  the  command  of  the 
military  force  and  the  settlement  of  differences  were 
conferred  on  him. 

The  recovery  of  the  three  provinces  had  a  great  influence 
on  church  affairs  in  those  provinces,  where  the  Catholic  faith 
had  lifted  up  its  head,  as  soon  as  the  foreign  Catholic  ruler 
had  taken  possession  of  the  country.  Then  it  was  high  tide 
for  the  Catholic  church,  and  in  many  places  it  was  restored 
to  honour  after  long  years  of  oppression  and  prohibition  of 
its  public  worship.  But  the  moderation  of  the  vicar  Johan- 
nes van  Neercassel  avoided  excesses.  Churches  held  by  the 
Reformed  nearly  a  century  were  as  a  rule  not  disturbed, 
though  the  Utrecht  cathedral  and  the  great  church  of 
Zutphen  were  of  course  used  by  the  Catholics.  Their 
worship  was  everywhere  allowed  in  the  conquered  terri- 
tory, and  processions  moved  through  city  and  village  as 
of  old.  Some  zealous  Catholics  voiced  the  sentiment — 
"  Frenchman  rather  than  prince,"  and  occasionally  a  feel- 
ing of  relief  from  the  heavy  yoke  appeared  in  them.  Nat- 
urally the  Catholic  clergy  used  their  influence  with  the 
enemy  in  favour  of  their  fellow-believers.  This  was  all 
changed  with  the  recovery  of  the  three  provinces.  The 
principal  churches  occupied  were  stripped  of  their  Catholic 


The  Great  War  427 

adornment,  Voetius  mounted  the  pulpit  of  Utrecht  again, 
and  the  Catholics  were  everywhere  reminded  of  the  laws 
against  them.  But  the  alliance  with  Austria  and  Spain 
prevented  vengeance  being  taken  for  the  "  popish  bold- 
ness "  of  the  time  of  the  occupation,  as  these  two  Catholic 
powers  were  known  to  be  interested  in  the  lot  of  their  co- 
religionists. In  1675  Neercassel  could  truthfully  testify 
that  freedom  for  his  church  was  then  greater  than  before.1 
But  in  the  Reformed  church  itself,  both  in  Holland  and 
elsewhere,  the  changes  of  1672  to  1675  had  important 
results.  The  moderate,  Cocceian  or  Cartesian,  even  liber- 
tine regents  of  De  Witt's  time  were  replaced  by  the  more 
Voetian  partisans  of  Orange,  who,  like  the  prince,  adhered 
more  closely  to  the  principles  of  Dort.  Here  and  there 
in  Holland  and  Zealand  there  soon  arose  between  the  two 
tendencies  violent  dissension  which  had  also  some  political 
influence. 

Thus  three  provinces  had  become  entirely  dependent 
upon  the  prince,  and  two,  Holland  and  Zealand,  were  now 
more  than  ever  subject  to  the  stadtholder's  authority. 
In  City  and  Land  and  Drenthe  the  young  prince  of  Nassau 
was  in  February  raised  to  the  dignity  of  hereditary  stadt- 
holder,  but  Friesland  hesitated  to  take  this  step.  The 
northern  provinces  remained  apart  as  before,  and  the 
arbitrary,  passionate  character  of  the  young  Henry  Casimir, 
who  could  not  easily  submit  to  the  strong  will  of  his  cousin 
of  Orange,  was  later  to  occasion  great  difficulties.  At  the 
siege  of  Grave  the  Frisian  prince  complained  of  the  way  in 
which  William  III.  treated  his  quarrel  with  Rabenhaupt 
about  the  chief  command  of  the  Groningen  and  Drenthe 
troops,3  and  soon  various  matters  increased  the  personal 
estrangement  between  the  two  young  princes. 

The  English  government  meanwhile  did  not  give  up 
the  hope   of   persuading  the   warring  powers  to   peace. 

1  Arch,  aartsb,   Utrecht^  xviii.,  p.  278. 

5  See  Van  Sypesteyn,  Geschiedkundige  Bijdragen,  iii.,  p.  13. 


428  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Temple  continued  to  negotiate  with  the  prince  and  the 
council  pensionary,  and  the  evident  exhaustion  of  France 
made  this  power  also  not  unwilling  to  consider  peace  seri- 
ously, now  that  a  strong  party  in  England  wanted  to  stop 
being  only  half  neutral — for  English  troops  under  Churchill 
still  fought  in  the  French  army  —  and  to  join  the  allies  in 
order  to  thwart  thedreaded  plans  of  Louis  XIV.  for  Catholi- 
cism and  the  extension  of  France.  On  the  other  hand  the 
Catholic  party  at  the  English  court  made  efforts  to  remain 
on  a  friendly  footing  with  France.  The  question  was  which 
of  the  two  parties  would  win  the  unprincipled  Charles  II., 
and  both  the  prince  and  Louis  XIV.  endeavoured  secretly 
to  support  their  friends,  the  former  by  working  upon  the 
Protestant  feelings  of  the  English  nation,  the  latter  by 
lavishing  money  and  promises  among  the  English  ministers, 
courtiers,  and  members  of  Parliament.  Connected  with 
these  intrigues  was  the  arrest  of  Wicquefort  in  March,  1675, 
on  account  of  the  discovery  of  his  secret  relations  with  Eng- 
lish agents  during  and  after  the  war,  of  which  he  had  now 
made  use  to  set  the  prince  and  his  royal  uncle  against  one 
another.  Wicquefort,  under  suspicion  as  an  old  friend  of 
John  de  Witt,  was  put  into  the  Voorpoort  notwithstand- 
ing his  office  of  resident  for  Poland  and  Liineburg,  and 
after  half  a  year  of  confinement  he  was  condemned  to 
imprisonment  for  life.1 

Towards  spring  preparations  for  war  began  on  both 
sides,  after  Waldeck  had  departed  for  Vienna  in  Decem- 
ber to  consult  with  the  court  council  of  war  there  about 
the  cooperation  of  the  allies  in  the  Netherlands.  Louis 
XIV.  himself  was  to  lead  an  army  of  60,000  men  against 
them  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands  and  set  out  in  May  for 
the  Meuse,  where  he  captured  Dinant  and  Limburg  but 
could  accomplish  little  more,  as  the  prince  of  Orange, 
still  suffering  from  the  effects  of  the  smallpox  so  danger- 

1  He  escaped  in  February,  1679,  and  died  three  years  later.     See  Ever- 
wijn,  Abraham  de  Wicquefort, 


The  Great  War  429 

ous  for  his  family,  succeeded  with  the  aid  of  the  Spanish 
troops  in  saving  Brabant.  A  deep  impression  was  made 
in  France  by  Turenne's  death  at  the  battle  of  Sasbach 
against  the  imperialists,  who  were  now  opposed  by  Conde" 
on  the  Rhine,  while  popular  tumults  in  Brittany  and 
Guyenne  showed  the  disposition  of  the  country.  At  the 
same  time  war  was  kindled  in  the  Baltic  lands.  Bran- 
denburg fell  out  with  Sweden  and  renewed  its  alliance 
with  the  States  which  now  also  declared  war  on  Sweden. 
Then  Denmark  joined  them  and  attacked  the  duke  of  Hol- 
stein,  who  was  in  league  with  Sweden,  while  Munster,  now 
on  the  side  of  the  allies,  invaded  the  Swedish  territory  of 
Bremen.  A  general  war  on  land  and  sea  began  to  be  de- 
veloped, which  stirred  up  all  Europe  but  did  not  seem  in 
the  north  to  be  advantageous  to  France  and  its  allies. 

The  French  government,  even  before  the  campaign, 
showed  a  readiness  to  open  negotiations ;  the  English  gov- 
ernment offered  its  services  again,  and  it  was  soon  agreed 
that  a  general  peace  congress  of  greater  importance  than 
that  of  Cologne  should  be  held.  Nimwegen  was  chosen 
as  the  place  of  the  congress,  and,  after  some  difficulties 
owing  to  the  refusal  of  the  States  to  allow  there  the  free 
exercise  of  the  Catholic  religion,  the  first  ambassadors  of 
the  different  powers  assembled  in  the  spring  of  1676. 
The  Dutch  negotiators  were  the  same  as  at  Cologne ; 
Temple  and  Berkeley  represented  the  English ;  the  chief 
personages  on  the  French  side  were  the  aged  d'Estrades, 
Colbert-Croissy,  and  the  able  Jean  Antoine  de  Mesmes, 
count  d  Avaux ;  the  place  of  imperial  ambassador, 
Lisola  having  died  in  December,  1674,  was  taken  by  a 
less  skilful  diplomat.  But  it  was  some  time  before  all 
the  ambassadors,  after  questions  concerning  etiquette, 
titles,  and  passports,  reached  Nimwegen,  and  it  was  still 
longer  before  the  bases  of  a  general  peace  could  be  agreed 
upon.  The  city  of  the  negotiation  with  its  environs  was 
declared  neutral  territory. 


43Q  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Meanwhile  the  war  dragged  along  in  the  southern 
Netherlands,  on  the  Rhine,  and  in  the  Baltic  regions,  on 
the  water  especially  in  the  Baltic  and  the  Mediterranean, 
to  the  great  injury  of  the  republic's  commercial  interests, 
its  competitor  in  the  world's  market,  England,  making 
use  of  the  opportunity  to  extend  trade  and  boasting 
already  of  not  being  behind  the  republic,  thanks  to  the 
Navigation  Act,  which  had  forced  English  commerce  to 
a  vigorous  development.  The  army  of  the  republic  un- 
der William  III.  could  only  with  difficulty  hold  out 
against  the  strong  French  armies  under  Cond6  and 
d'Humieres,  as  it  was  supported  but  feebly  by  the  Span- 
iards, while  the  imperial  troops  on  the  Rhine  had  their 
hands  full  in  protecting  the  territory  of  the  empire.  So 
the  campaign  of  1676  became  a  war  of  sieges,  in  which 
the  French  made  themselves  masters  of  some  small  for- 
tresses of  Hainaut  and  the  prince  did  not  see  the  siege  of 
Maestricht  crowned  with  success.  When  the  French 
army  under  Schomberg  approached  at  the  end  of  August 
to  relieve  the  besieged  fortress,  Prince  William's  army 
had  to  give  up  the  siege  on  account  of  its  heavy  losses. 
More  discouraging  than  the  failure  of  the  siege  of  Maes- 
tricht was  the  severe  blow  inflicted  upon  the  republic  by 
the  death  of  De  Ruyter.  The  Spanish  fleet  had  been 
unable  to  defend  Naples  and  Sicily  against  the  French 
attacks,  and  the  Spanish  government  therefore  requested 
the  republic  to  send  to  its  aid  a  fleet  under  De  Ruyter 
himself.  With  difficulty  were  the  States  persuaded  to 
send  the  famous  admiral  so  far  away.  The  year  before  a 
similar  fleet  under  Binckes  had  been  dispatched  to  the 
Baltic  to  help  Denmark  against  Sweden,  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  the  rear  admiral  Philips  van  Almonde  went 
there  with  a  squadron,  while  Tromp,  becoming  tempora- 
rily a  Danish  admiral,  fought  the  Swedes  at  the  head  of 
the  Danish-Dutch  fleet.  His  brilliant  victory  at  Oeland, 
June  n,  1676,  showed  the  value  of  his  assistance  to  the 


The  Great  War  431 

allies.  De  Ruyter's  expedition  was  much  less  successful. 
Owing  to  want  of  money  and  to  the  promise  of  the 
Spaniards  to  furnish  over  twenty  war  ships,  his  fleet  con- 
sisted of  only  eighteen  ships  and  some  smaller  vessels. 
De  Ruyter  protested  against  this  weak  equipment,  pointing 
out  the  large  French  fleet  that  was  to  oppose  him  under 
command  of  the  excellent  admiral  Du  Quesne,  and  having 
little  confidence  in  the  Spanish  ships.  His  warning 
was  disregarded  and  he  yielded,  saying  he  would  risk 
his  life  where  the  States  trusted  their  flag,1  though 
his  health  left  much  to  be  desired  in  consequence  of  a 
severe  attack  of  his  malady,  the  gravel.  He  felt  this 
would  be  his  last  expedition  and  departed  in  sadness.  In 
August,  1675,  he  sailed  to  Cadiz,  and  neither  there  nor 
at  Barcelona,  Cagliari,  Naples,  and  Milazzo  did  he  find 
the  expected  Spanish  fleet.  Finally  it  appeared  that  this 
fleet — "the  sea  power  of  the  ocean,"  as  the  Spaniards 
boastingly  called  it — lay  quite  unready  at  Palermo.  But 
the  French  fleet  was  already  on  the  way  to  relieve  be- 
sieged Messina,  and  De  Ruyter,  reenforced  by  some 
Spanish  galleys,  determined  to  seek  it.  On  January  8th, 
a  battle  took  place  near  the  island  of  Stromboli,  in  which 
De  Ruyter  repulsed  Du  Quesne's  stronger  fleet  and 
forced  it  to  sail  around  all  Sicily  to  Messina.  De  Ruyter 
now  received  orders  to  remain  six  months  longer  in  these 
waters.  At  Naples  his  intervention  secured  the  release 
of  26  Hungarian  preachers  from  the  Spanish  galleys.3 

He  complained  again  of  the  weakness  of  his  fleet,  after 
reenforcement  by  the  small  Spanish  ships  still  unequal  to 
the  French  force.  The  States  protested  to  Spain  about 
one  thing  and  another  and  offered  to  build  new  vessels  for 
Spanish  account,  threatening  to  recall  their  fleet.  Before 
it  came  to  this,  De  Ruyter  had  returned  to  Sicily,  and  he 
sailed  out  from  Palermo  on  March  14th,  strengthened  by 

1  De  Jonge,  ii.,  p.  561. 

2  Brandt,  Leven  van  De  Ruyter,  p.  gn. 


432  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

ten  Spanish  ships  of  war.  The  fleet  went  through  the  strait 
of  Messina,  then  southwards,  and  failed  in  an  attack  upon 
Agosta.  The  French  fleet  now  appeared,  thirty  war  ships 
with  other  vessels,  to  which  De  Ruyter  could  only  oppose 
nineteen  smaller  ships  with  some  inferior  craft.  In  sight  of 
Etna  the  battle  began  on  the  afternoon  of  April  22d,  in 
which  De  Ruyter  won  the  victory  after  an  obstinate  fight 
and  put  the  enemy  to  flight.  But  the  success  was  dearly 
bought.  Besides  the  many  killed  and  wounded  and  the 
severe  damage  to  the  ships,  De  Ruyter  himself  was 
wounded.  His  left  foot  was  carried  away,  while  his  right 
leg  was  badly  hurt.  The  fleet  went  to  Syracuse,  where 
his  wounds  at  first  gave  hope  of  recovery,  until  a  traumatic 
fever  on  the  29th  of  April  ended  his  life.  Thus  died  the 
"great  soldier  and  good  patriot"  far  from  his  fatherland. 
His  body  was  embalmed  and  brought  home  on  the  fleet 
in  the  following  year,  being  interred  at  Amsterdam  March 
16,  1677,  and  Rombout  Verhulst  finishing  his  beautiful 
tomb  four  years  later.  With  De  Ruyter  disappeared  the 
second  of  the  great  Dutch  admirals  who  have  left  an  im- 
mortal name  in  history.  He  stands  higher  than  Marten 
Tromp  in  the  memory  of  posterity,  which  honours  in  him 
the  most  brilliant  period  of  the  Dutch  navy,  the  great  sea- 
man, the  brave,  honest,  simple  lover  of  his  country,  the 
idol  of  his  men,  the  "grandfather,"  whom  all  recognised 
as  their  superior  and  loved  as  their  fatherly  friend. 

His  fleet  remained  for  months  after  his  death  in  Sicilian 
waters  under  command  of  vice  admiral  Den  Haen. 
With  the  weak  Spanish  armada  he  soon  went  to  meet  the 
enemy.  Luck  had  deserted  the  fleet.  On  the  2d  of 
June  he  also  was  killed  in  a  fatal  battle  at  Palermo.  His 
successor  Callenburgh,  who  was  captain  of  De  Ruyter's 
ship  and  still  had  the  famous  admiral's  body  on  board, 
rescued  what  was  possible  and  then  sailed  for  Naples  at 
the  risk  of  being  intercepted  by  the  French  fleet  of  quad- 
ruple his  strength.     Philips  van  Almonde,  coming  by  land 


The  Great  War  433 

from  the  republic,  now  assumed  command  and,  the 
promised  great  Spanish  fleet  not  appearing,  he  left  these 
waters  in  October  to  return  first  to  Spain  and  then  to  the 
fatherland,  arriving  there  in  February,  1677. 

More  fortunate  was  Almonde  in  command  of  the  fleet 
aiding  Denmark  against  the  Swedes  in  the  Baltic,  later 
also  the  lieutenant  admiral  Bastiaense  Schepers,  while 
Tromp  repeatedly  led  to  victory  the  Danish  fleet  which 
he  had  reformed  and  manned  largely  with  Dutch  crews 
under  Dutch  captains,  until  the  Danish  king,  weary  of  the 
war,  dismissed  the  valiant  admiral  from  his  service.  With 
the  small  Brandenburg  fleet  Tromp  now  endeavoured  to 
injure  the  Swedes  and  served  the  elector  at  the  conquest 
of  Riigen,  after  which  he  returned  to  the  republic  in  Au- 
gust, 1678.  A  sharp  contest  was  waged  also  in  the  North 
Sea,  where  the  French  privateer  Jean  Bart,  who  had  long 
been  in  the  Dutch  service,  from  the  old  pirates'  -nest 
Dunkirk  inflicted  great  losses  on  the  mercantile  marine 
and  the  fishery.  Squadrons  under  Schepers,  Van  Nes, 
Cornelis  Evertsen,  Vlugh,  were  often  fitted  out  to  hold 
him  and  other  privateers  in  check,  but  they  did  not  always 
succeed.  Other  squadrons  helped  protect  Dutch  and 
Spanish  commerce  on  the  ocean  and  the  Mediterranean, 
one  of  them  being  commanded  by  the  rear  admiral  Engel 
de  Ruyter,  son  of  the  admiral.  Brave  deeds  were  done 
by  many  a  captain  in  this  guerrilla  warfare  against  the  ris- 
ing naval  power  of  France  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  After 
the  battle  of  Kijkduin  the  Dutch  fleet  engaged  in  no  great 
battles  owing  to  the  increasing  difficulty  of  manoeuvring 
with  so  many  heavy  ships  and  because  the  enemy  would 
not  risk  its  young  navy  in  one  great  battle.  Small  mobile 
squadrons  were  used,  and  it  was  easier  to  find  commanders 
for  them.  Notable  was  the  expedition  of  commander 
Jacob  Binckes  with  a  squadron  to  the  West  Indies,  where 
he  took  Cayenne  and  some  of  the  French  Antilles,  and 
directed  his  course  to  Tobago,  the  Dutch  colony  planted 

vol.  rv. — 28 


434         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

there  in  1654  having  been  since  often  devastated  by  Eng- 
lish and  French.  D'  Estrees  with  a  strong  French  fleet 
soon  recaptured  Cayenne  and  went  to  Tobago,  where 
Binckes  repelled  his  furious  attacks  at  the  cost  of  nearly 
the  whole  Dutch  squadron  burned  in  a  battle  of  March, 
1677.  A  second  attempt  of  d'  Estrees  met  with  better 
success  in  December.  Binckes  himself  perished,  the 
island  was  lost,  the  garrison  suffered  death  or  capture  or 
fled.  The  last  years  were  not  fortunate  on  the  sea,  and 
Evertsen's  expedition  to  Spain  in  the  spring  of  1678  fur- 
nished little  but  disappointment  on  account  of  the  weak 
support  of  the  Spaniards.  It  was  hoped  that  an  English 
expedition  would  follow  it,  but  this  did  not  take  place. 

This  hope  was  not  baseless  in  1678,  because  England 
was  inclined  at  last  to  join  the  alliance  against  France. 
The  continuation  of  the  great  war  showed  more  and  more 
that  the  republic,  with  the  feeble  help  of  Spain  and  the 
emperor  and  so  long  as  strife  lasted  in  the  Baltic  countries, 
was  not  in  a  condition  to  curb  the  power  of  France  so 
grandly  developed  under  Louis  XIV.  It  had  to  contend 
with  difficulties  on  land  as  on  the  sea.  Louvois  had 
again  provided  a  large  army  for  his  king  who  laid  siege  to 
Valenciennes  in  March,  1677.  That  city  fell  and  then  the 
French  besieged  Cambrai  and  St.  Omer.  William  III. 
and  Waldeck  attempted  to  relieve  the  latter  city,  but  at 
Mont-Cassel  on  April  nth  the  Dutch  army  was  beaten  by 
the  stronger  French  force  under  Orleans,  and  only  the 
prince's  masterly  management  of  the  retreat  averted  dis- 
aster, although  he  lost  all  his  artillery  and  a  third  of  his 
men  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners.  The  young  gen- 
eral's imperturbable  courage  did  not  desert  him.  He  urged 
on  the  allies  and  in  August  ventured  to  lay  siege  to 
Charleroi,  but  it  had  speedily  to  be  stopped,  and  the 
prince  with  much  talent  extricated  himself  from  the  dan- 
ger of  being  surrounded  by  a  superior  French  force. 
Opinion  was  not  improved  by  these  unsuccessful  enter- 


The  Great  War  435 

prises.  Weary  of  endless  war,  people  longed  eagerly  for 
peace  even  without  the  allies.  Heavy  war  expenses,  de- 
feats in  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  losses  at  sea,  the  impos- 
sibility of  raising  up  commerce  and  industry  excited  a 
universal  desire  for  peace,  and  Amsterdam  especially  de- 
manded it.  Fearing  a  general  European  coalition  under 
the  lead  of  the  republic,  Louis  XIV.  showed  a  readiness 
to  offer  favourable  conditions,  if  it  would  leave  the  allies  to 
their  fate.  In  1676  he  consented  to  send  his  ambassadors 
to  Nimwegen  and  seemed  inclined  to  renounce  any  ex- 
tension of  territory  at  the  republic's  expense,  provided 
the  stipulations  of  the  peace  of  the  Pyrenees  regarding 
Spain  were  not  insisted  upon,  but  those  of  Aix-la-Chapelle 
were  accepted.1  The  French  ambassadors  at  Nimwegen 
did  their  best  to  convince  the  Dutch  representatives  of 
their  peaceful  disposition,  declared  a  willingness  to  recog- 
nise the  prince  in  all  his  dignities,  affirming  the  bad  policy 
of  DeWitt  alone  had  brought  on  the  war,  and  promised 
to  give  back  to  the  prince  his  principality,  again  seized 
upon  by  Louis  XIV.,  and  the  property  of  his  family  in 
Franche  Comte.  The  prince,  however,  would  not  hear  to 
all  this.  He  would  only  work  for  peace  in  cooperation 
with  the  allies  and  on  the  basis  of  the  peace  of  the  Pyre- 
nees, while  he  thought  a  middle  course  had  been  found  in 
the  proposal  to  marry  the  young  king  of  Spain  to  the 
daughter  of  the  duke  of  Orleans,  the  conquered  fortresses 
of  the  southern  Netherlands  becoming  her  dowry.  The 
French  declined  this  and  the  wrangling  continued. 

In  the  republic  people  began  to  be  dissatisfied  with  the 
prince  and  his  thirst  for  military  glory.  In  Amsterdam 
Van  den  Bosch,  formerly  secretary  of  De  Witt,  became  pen- 
sionary in  1677.  Some  pamphlets  already  appeared  against 
William  III.,  especially  those  of  the  half-crazy  visionary 
Rothe1,    who  had  long  assailed  him,  had  sought  refuge 

1  See    concerning    these    negotiations   Temple's   reports    and    those    of 
d'Estrades  in  vol.  viii.  of  his  Negotiations. 


436  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

abroad,  and  now  had  secretly  returned.1  Rothe  was  ar- 
rested and  imprisoned  for  years,  and  the  prince  considered 
himself  strong  enough  to  follow  his  own  line  of  conduct. 
Through  Temple  and  Shaftesbury  he  hoped  to  draw  Eng- 
land into  the  coalition.  Leading  English  statesmen  were 
at  first  averse  to  such  a  connection,  but  Charles  II.  him- 
self, afraid  of  the  secret  relations  between  the  prince  and 
prominent  members  of  the  opposition,  had  formed  the 
plan  of  uniting  his  nephew  more  closely  to  his  family  by  a 
marriage  between  William  III.  and  his  oldest  niece  Mary, 
the  daughter  of  the  Catholic  York.3  This  matrimonial 
plan  must  have  appeared  desirable  to  the  prince,  for  it 
opened  to  him  a  certain  road  to  the  English  throne  in 
case  York's  second  marriage  produced  no  sons.  The 
king's  confidants,  Arlington  and  Ossory,  came  to  offer  him 
the  princess  at  the  end  of  1674,  but  the  prince,  fearing  he 
would  be  implicated  in  court  politics  and  thus  brought 
into  disfavour  with  his  English  friends,  evaded  the  offer 
and  declared  he  could  not  think  of  marriage  in  time  of 
war.  Thus  matters  remained  until  1676.  Charles  II. 
took  good  care  not  to  summon  Parliament ;  he  could 
count  upon  secret  subsidies  from  Louis  XIV.  as  long  as 
he  left  his  troops  in  the  French  service  and  persisted  in 
his  so-called  neutrality  ;  at  the  same  time  he  continued  to 
urge  upon  the  prince  and  the  States  through  Temple  a 
separate  treaty  with  France.  There  came  a  change  in  the 
spring  of  1676.  The  prince,  disappointed  in  his  expecta- 
tions of  the  war,  now  sought  the  king's  friendship  and 
asked  permission  to  visit  him.  But  Charles  II.  and  York 
were  then  less  amicably  disposed.  At  last  Parliament 
assembled  again  in  February,  1677,  and  insisted  upon 
measures  for  the  rescue  of  the  Netherlands  from  France, 
upon  an  alliance  with  the  coalition,  upon  war  with  France. 
After  the  defeat  of  Mont-Cassel  the  prince  also  showed 

1  De  Boer,  in  Tijdschrift  voor  Gesch,,  xv.,  4. 
9  Fruin,   Willem  III.,  p.  43. 


The  Great  War  437 

himself  less  stiff  on  the  subject  of  the  war.  Charles  II. 
and  York  now  assented  to  his  coming,  and  on  October 
19th  the  prince  appeared  in  London,  where  he  speedily- 
asked  for  the  hand  of  his  cousin.  The  application  was 
favourably  received  by  Charles  and  his  brother,  and  some 
days  later  the  marriage  was  concluded — an  important  affair 
for  the  future  of  the  English  and  Dutch  people. 

But  the  prince  came  not  merely  for  this  political  mar- 
riage. He  hoped  also  to  bring  about  a  rupture  between 
the  English  court  and  France.  Soon  he  convinced 
Charles  II.  of  the  necessity  of  acting  against  France  and 
of  compelling  it  to  revert  to  the  peace  of  the  Pyrenees, 
though  some  fortresses  might  have  to  be  given  it  on 
account  of  its  victories.  The  prince  returned  to  the 
republic  in  December,  and  on  January  26th  Charles  II. 
made  a  treaty  with  it,  after  the  terms  of  peace  agreed 
upon  with  William  III.  had  been  rejected  by  France.  A 
fleet  and  an  army  were  to  cooperate  with  those  of  the 
republic  as  speedily  as  possible.  In  England  the  king's 
plans  were  mistrusted,  and  it  was  feared  that  the  prince 
had  been  won  over  to  his  policy.  In  the  republic  peace 
was  wanted  and  not  a  continuation  of  the  war.  Distrust 
of  the  prince's  plans  arose  there  also,  and  the  conse- 
quences of  the  previous  English  marriage  in  the  house  of 
Orange  were  remembered  with  terror,  the  complications 
of  1650  being  attributed  to  it.  The  mutual  lack  of  confi- 
dence hindered  the  desired  cooperation,  and  it  was  late 
in  the  summer  before  the  chance  of  it  improved.  Mean- 
while the  French  armies  were  again  approaching  the 
Dutch  frontiers,  and  Maestricht  was  still  occupied  by 
French  troops.1  Must  the  territory  of  the  state  endure 
another  attack?  Faith  in  the  prince's  prudence  began  to 
waver.  The  best  statesmen,  even  the  prince's  friends, 
had  moments  of  discouragement.  Fagel  spoke  for  a  sep- 
arate peace ;  Van  Beverningh  and  Van  Beuningen  wished 

1  Knoop  and  Fruin,  De  slag  van  St.  Denis  ('s  Gravenhage,  1881),  p.  58. 


438         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

for  peace  ;  Gilles  Valckenier  and  Hooft,  leaders  of  the  two 
Amsterdam  factions,  were  united  in  the  desire  for  peace, 
and  began  together  to  oppose  the  prince's  growing 
power1;  the  new  Amsterdam  pensionary,  Van  den  Bosch, 
carried  on  a  secret  correspondence  with  d'Estrades  at 
Nimwegen  known  to  him  from  De  Witt's  time.  It  was 
no  secret  that  the  young  stadtholder  of  Friesland,  Henry 
Casimir  II.,  was  jealous  of  his  cousin  of  Orange.  The 
former  dissensions  of  Frederick  Henry's  days  between 
the  Frisian  branch  and  that  of  Orange  seemed  about  to 
be  renewed.  Henry  Casimir  feared  the  plans  now  dis. 
cussed  in  the  north  for  placing  the  entire  republic  under 
the  prince  of  Orange  and  pushing  aside  in  fact  the  Frisian 
branch. 

French  diplomacy  made  a  masterly  use  of  all  this  both 
in  England  and  in  the  republic,  strengthened  the  distrust 
of  the  government  at  London  and  half  won  over  Charles 
II.  to  the  French  side  again,  augmented  the  division 
in  the  republic  and  thus  disturbed  the  prince's  plans, 
while  it  was  always  holding  out  favourable  terms  to  the 
Dutch  envoys  at  Nimwegen  to  persuade  them  to  the 
ardently  desired  separate  peace.  At  the  same  time  Louis 
XIV.  prosecuted  energetically  the  war  in  the  Spanish 
Netherlands  from  the  early  spring  of  1678.  First  he 
moved  towards  Lorraine,  but  suddenly  turned  to  Flan- 
ders, took  in  March  within  a  few  days  Ghent  and  Ypres, 
laid  the  country  districts  of  Flanders  and  Brabant  under 
contribution  in  merciless  fashion,  and  threatened  to  be- 
siege Brussels,  after  which  Luxembourg  began  slowly  to 
surround  Mons  with  no  less  than  50,000  men.  This  rapid 
advance  of  the  French  troops  started  England  up  at  last, 
and  English  troops,  now  on  the  side  of  the  allies,  occu- 
pied Ostend  and  Bruges,  while  an  English  corps  under 
the  king's  bastard  Monmouth  was  soon  to  come  to  the 

1  Fruin  in  Nijh.  Bijdr.  jde  Jv.,  v.,  p.  227,  chiefly  from  Bontemantel,  see 
ed.  Kernkamp,  ii.,  p.  245. 


The  Great  War  439 

support  of  William  III.,  who  on  his  side  moved  to  the 
relief  of  Mons.     Mutual  distrust  between  Parliament  and 
the  crown  opposed  the  accomplishment  of  these  promises. 
Ghent's  capture  produced  a  deep  impression  in  the  Neth- 
erlands, and  the  repeated   faithlessness  of  the    English 
government  caused  little  reliance  to  be  placed  on  English 
help.     The  old  party  of  the  States  coming  up  again  de- 
termined to  avail  itself  of  this  feeling;  some  of  its  leaders 
met  privately  in  March  and  opened  communication  with 
d'Estrades,  who  advised  they  should  refuse  to  the  prince 
to  raise  any  more  taxes  for  war  and  should  emphatically 
inform  him  that  France  was  quite  ready  for  an  advan- 
tageous separate  peace.1     The  prince  yielded  somewhat 
to  the  storm  and  offered  to  consult  with  England.     But 
the  French  negotiators  at  Nimwegen  declined  the  Eng- 
lish mediation  and  applied  directly  to  the  States  with  the 
offer  to  give  back  Maestricht,  to  conclude  a  commercial 
treaty,  and  to  leave  Spain  a  fortified  line  on  the  borders 
of  the  Spanish  Netherlands.     Favourable  terms  were  put 
in  prospect  for  the  allies  also,  though  France  thought  of 
holding  conquered  Franche  Comt6  and  bringing  Lorraine 
entirely  under  its  sovereignty.     These  advantageous  con- 
ditions for  the  republic  excited  lively  satisfaction  there, 
and  the  strong  peace  party  called  for  their  immediate 
acceptance,  but  the  slow  course  of  such  affairs  and  the 
prince's  evident  unwillingness  made  matters  drag  through 
the  whole  spring.     Finally  the  States  asked  Louis  XIV. 
for  a  truce  of  six  weeks,  and  it  was  granted. 

The  Dutch  ambassadors  at  Nimwegen  now  endeavoured 
to  persuade  the  allies,  succeeding  readily  with  Spain  which 
was  dependent  upon  the  republic's  aid.  The  emperor, 
however,  and  the  German  princes,  Brandenburg  foremost, 
and  Denmark,  which  latter  would  have  to  give  up  their 
conquests  to  Sweden  at  the  peace,  refused  and  complained 
bitterly  of  the  faithlessness  of  the  States.     Sure  of  Spain, 

1  Fruin,  De  slag  van  St.  Denis,  p.  65. 


44°  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  States  reported  to  the  king  that  they  accepted  his  pro- 
posals, and  they  commissioned  their  representatives  to 
sign  the  peace  together  with  Spain.  Peace  was  concluded 
in  fact,  and  the  prince  reluctantly  agreed  to  it.  Luxem- 
bourg began  to  evacuate  Brabant ;  only  the  ratification  of 
the  treaty  was  still  necessary.  The  French  troops  remained 
around  Mons,  close  to  the  Dutch-Spanish  army  of  the 
prince,  which  was  to  prevent  the  surrounding  of  this  im- 
portant city.  At  the  last  moment  a  difference  arose  at 
Nimwegen  over  the  time  set  for  the  evacuation  of  the 
fortresses  occupied  by  the  French,  including  Maestricht, 
which  Louis  XIV.  would  not  wholly  evacuate  before 
Sweden  had  recovered  its  lost  possessions — an  unreason- 
able condition  made  only  because  dissension  had  broken 
out  again  in  England  between  king  and  Parliament  and 
Louis  felt  safe  on  that  side.  Peace  was  not  yet  signed, 
much  less  ratified,  while  Mons  already  suffering  from 
hunger  might  yet  fall  into  the  hands  of  Luxembourg,  who 
objected  to  the  bringing  of  provisions  into  the  city. 
Neither  the  States  nor  the  Spaniards  wanted  to  leave 
Mons  for  a  moment  in  French  hands,  because  the  French 
ambassadors  at  Nimwegen  had  intimated  that  they  would 
give  back  the  city,  if  it  fell  after  peace  was  signed  and 
ratified,  not  disclosing  what  they  would  do,  if  it  fell  before 
that  time.  This  attitude  of  France  awakened  alarm  in  the 
Netherlands  and  in  England.  Charles  II.  sent  Temple  to 
The  Hague  again  to  propose  to  the  States  that  France 
should  be  forced  to  accept  peace,  and  Holland  and  Amster- 
dam considered  themselves  threatened  by  Louis.  The 
prince  returned  to  the  army  at  the  end  of  July,  and  both 
powers  demanded  of  Louis  a  withdrawal  of  his  condition 
concerning  the  evacuation  before  August  I  Ith,  or,  in  case  of 
refusal,  England  would  join  the  coalition.  Every  day  bad 
news  from  Mons  was  feared,  every  day  an  attempt  to  re- 
lieve it  was  expected,  the  prince  having  everything  ready. 
French  diplomacy  endeavoured  to  sow  distrust  between 


The  Great  War  44 l 

England  and  the  States  that  peace  might  be  postponed 
and  Mons  be  played  into  Luxembourg's  possession.  The 
States  realised  that  this  must  be  prevented  at  any  price,  and 
the  prince,  with  Waldeck  as  chief  of  his  staff,  moved  up  on 
the  loth  in  order  to  attack  the  enemy  on  the  following  day, 
the  end  of  the  time  allowed  to  France. 

At  the  last  moment  French  diplomacy  made  a  masterly 
move  at  Nimwegen.  It  yielded  to  the  demand  for  evacua- 
tion and  persuaded  the  Dutch  ambassadors  on  the  ioth 
to  sign  the  peace  just  before  midnight,  while  that  with 
Spain  could  not  be  made  ready,  some  points  requiring  to 
be  formulated.  Thus  the  republic  had  peace,  but  next 
day  the  French  began  making  all  sorts  of  difficulties  for 
Spain  in  the  hope  that  Mons  might  fall  and  be  exchanged 
for  something  else.  Meanwhile  the  prince  moved  closer 
to  Luxembourg's  position.  The  report  of  the  conclusion 
of  peace  was  already  noised  about  the  camp.  No  official 
letters  came  to  confirm  the  rumour,  but  on  the  13th  news 
was  shown  in  print  around  the  prince  giving  Van  Bever- 
ningh's  report  of  the  ioth  to  the  States  that  he  was  to 
sign  the  peace  that  same  evening.  Luxembourg  had 
heard  similar  rumours,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  14th 
d'Estrades  appeared  in  his  camp  with  the  official  intelli- 
gence. The  French  general  was  on  the  point  of  informing 
the  prince  of  Orange,  who  had  still  no  report  from  his 
government,  and  thus  of  avoiding  the  battle  already  offered 
him,  but  he  hesitated  and  believed  that  the  honour  of  war 
obliged  him  to  fight  the  battle.  At  St.  Denis,  an  hour's 
distance  from  Mons,  the  prince  attacked  him,  and  the 
battle,  in  which  the  prince  gave  proofs  of  uncommon  per- 
sonal courage  and  of  a  reckless  contempt  for  death,  ended 
indecisively,  but  was  not  renewed  on  the  following  day. 
Towards  noon  of  the  15th  the  prince  received  the  report 
from  the  council  pensionary  and  from  the  Spanish  side 
and  gave  up  further  strife  as  useless.  The  enemy  moved 
away  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Mons  a  few  days  later  and 


442  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  prince  returned  home.  The  war  was  over.  After  a 
month  peace  between  France  and  Spain  was  concluded 
through  Dutch  mediation,  France  keeping  Franche  Comt6 
and  a  series  of  important  fortresses,  including  Valenci- 
ennes, Cambrai,  St.  Omer,  Ypres,  and  Maubeuge.1  In  the 
course  of  the  next  year  the  other  allies,  one  after  another, 
made  separate  treaties  of  peace,  loudly  complaining  of  the 
faithlessness  of  the  States  which  had  left  them  in  the  lurch. 
The  battle  of  St.  Denis  has  occasioned  a  remarkable  conten- 
tion between  Messrs.  Knoop  and  Fruin  as  to  William  III.'s 
attitude  with  regard  to  this  battle.  The  discussion  has 
shown  that  the  prince  had  received  no  official  report  of  the 
conclusion  of  peace  and  Luxembourg  had  received  such  a 
report.  The  accusation  may  well  be  denied  that  William 
III.  risked  the  bloody  battle,  knowing  peace  was  made,  in 
order  to  undo  that  peace. 

Thus  ended  after  six  years  the  war  that  was  to  destroy 
the  republic.  Under  the  lead  of  the  great  soldier  of  the 
house  of  Orange  and  with  the  help  of  the  allies  coming  at 
the  eleventh  hour  it  preserved  its  independence  and  terri- 
tory. Its  way  of  rewarding  those  allies  must  be  disap- 
proved of,  but  no  one  can  take  from  it  the  glory  of  having 
stood  firmly  during  years  for  the  defence  not  only  of  itself 
but  also  of  Europe  against  the  conquering  lust  of  the  in- 
satiable French  king,  whose  sturdiest  opponent  was  con- 
stantly shown  to  be  Prince  William  III. 

1  See  Actes  et  n/gociations  de  lapaix  de  Nimigue,  ii.,  p.  729,  the  collection 
where  all  the  official  documents  relating  to  this  peace  are  to  be  found. 


CHAPTER   XVI 

PREPARATION   OF   THE   GREAT   COALITION 

PEACE  was  now  concluded,  but  from  the  first  moment 
the  prince  understood  that  this  peace  was  really 
nothing  more  than  a  truce.  There  was  no  sign  of  an  ap- 
pearance that  France  had  given  up  its  plans  in  the  Span- 
ish Netherlands  and  the  German  empire  or  its  desire  to 
extend  its  frontiers  to  the  Rhine.  Plainly  it  had  wished 
for  peace  merely  to  avert  the  threatened  European  coali- 
tion and  to  be  able  to  wait  for  a  more  favourable  time. 
The  prince  was  resolved  to  seek  the  task  of  his  life  in  the 
frustration  of  those  plans,  in  the  maintenance  of  what  was 
beginning  to  be  called  the  "  European  balance  of  power." 
William  III.  considered  himself  called  by  God  to  this  task 
for  religious  as  well  as  political  reasons,  because  Louis 
XIV's  course  in  religious  matters  showed  that  the  victory 
of  France  would  be  likewise  that  of  Catholicism.  William 
regarded  himself  as  appointed  by  God  to  defend  the  polit- 
ical and  religious  liberty  of  Europe  and  of  the  civilised 
world.1  And  he  was  determined  in  this  struggle  for  free- 
dom and  faith  to  prove  himself  the  worthy  scion  of  the 
great  founder  of  his  house,  whose  device— -je  maintiendrai 
—was  also  his  cherished  motto,  his  aspirations  being  best 
represented  by  the — pro  religione  et  libertate.  This  high 
ideal  has  given  to  his  person  and  government  a  peculiar 
character,  by  which  his  time  is  distinguished  in  Dutch 
history    from    the   period    immediately  preceding.     The 

1  Fruin,  Prins  Willem  III.  in  zijn  verhouding  tot  Engeland,  p.  115.     See 
P.  L.  Muller,    Wilhelm  III.  von  Oranicn  ttnd  G.  F.  von  Waldeck,  ii.,  p.  17, 

443 


444  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Cartesian  DeWitt,  the  Catholic  Lisola,  had  merely  con- 
templated a  political  contest  with  France,  the  former 
guided  by  the  particular  interest  of  the  republic,  the  latter 
by  that  of  the  emperor  and  empire.  What  they  had  be- 
gun from  their  limited  point  of  view  William  III.  took  up 
with  a  wider  and  deeper  vision.  To  his  high  ideal  he 
subordinated  and  sacrificed  his  own  interest,  his  own  per- 
son, the  interests  of  his  dynasty  and  of  the  countries  and 
peoples  intrusted  to  his  rule.  He  risked  his  life  times 
innumerable ;  he  ventured  his  domestic  happiness  in  the 
service  of  his  policy,  when  he  united  himself  with  the 
woman  who,  not  until  much  later,  won  his  heart  by  her 
self-sacrificing  love  ;  he  overcame  his  personal  inclinations 
by  submitting  to  the  limitation  of  his  royal  power  in  Eng- 
land, the  necessary  condition  of  his  elevation,  which  as- 
sured to  him  England's  help  against  France.  This  im- 
molation of  self,  this  energetic  pursuit  of  his  grand  pur- 
pose, has  given  to  the  outwardly  cool,  stubborn,  weak 
man  the  sympathy  of  posterity,  which  honours  him  higher 
than  did  most  of  his  contemporaries,  because  it  sees  in 
him  the  unselfish,  tireless  champion  of  the  high  ideals  of 
political  and  religious  liberty  dear  to  the  present. 

His  government  was  not  fortunate  for  the  republic  in  all 
respects,  not  even  during  the  ten  and  later  the  five  years 
of  peace,  the  half  of  his  reign,  when  it  could  recover  from 
the  difficulties  brought  upon  it  by  war.  He  regarded  the 
republic  more  as  the  implement  put  by  God  into  his  hand 
for  the  attainment  of  the  desired  end  than  as  the  state 
whose  interests  were  committed  to  his  care.  He  knew 
the  need  of  improvement  in  its  faulty  form  of  govern- 
ment, but  did  not  take  the  trouble  to  strive  for  its  reform. 
He  was  content  with  the  great  power  given  him  between 
1672  and  1675  and  paid  slight  attention  to  the  way  his 
creatures  used  the  authority  conferred  by  him  on  them, 
provided  they  remained  the  obedient  servants  of  the 
policy  which  he  prescribed  for  them.     Not  unknown  to 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition      445 

him  were  the  actions  of  his  second  cousin  and  favourite 
Odijk,1  the  rapacious  prodigal,  whom  he  appointed  in 
1668  to  the  influential  dignity  of  first  noble  in  Zealand. 
William  knew  that  his  cousin  trafficked  in  the  offices  of 
Zealand  in  shameless  fashion,  but  he  did  not  end  this 
business,  because  he  recognised  Odijk's  personal  attach- 
ment to  himself  and  Odijk  by  his  brilliant  life  at  The 
Hague  enhanced  the  splendour  of  the  court.  Under  the 
patronage  of  this  adventurer,  considered  by  his  guests  as 
a  rogue  and  cheat,  official  corruption  flourished,2  and  the 
governing  cabals  in  the  towns  of  Zealand,  suppressed 
after  the  fall  of  the  De  Witt  party,  were  restored  in  favour 
of  the  other  party.  Affairs  went  elsewhere  as  in  Zealand. 
At  Amsterdam  the  government  of  before  1672  was  re- 
placed by  Valckenier's  clique,  which  had  great  influence3 
on  the  appointments  and  regarded  in  the  beginning  as  a 
law  the  recommendation  of  those  who  the  most  "  are  in 
favour  with  His  Highness."  The  "  resolution  for  har- 
mony "  of  May,  1676,  offered  by  Valckenier  to  the  other 
burgomasters,  was  nothing  but  a  combination  aiming  to 
win  over  the  opposite  party  in  order  together  to  resist  the 
prince.  It  was  not  fully  accepted,  but,  when  Hooft  be- 
came burgomaster  again  in  1677,  he  and  Valckenier  ruled 
over  the  city  until  the  latter's  death  three  years  later.  In 
smaller  cities  also  men  entered  the  government  by  influ- 
ence, intrigue,  or  gifts,  through  the  favour  of  His  High- 
ness, just  as  earlier  through  De  Witt  or  his  friends.  At 
Rotterdam  a  candidate  for  the  town  council  had  to 
promise  to  obey  the  prince  "  blindly."  In  the  East  India 
Company,  in  church  consistories,  in  all  governing  boards, 
similar  abuses  were  very  common  at  this  time,  all  the 
profitable  offices  being  played  into  the  hands  of  friends 
and    relatives,   and   under  the  prince's   protection    such 

1  See  Fruin,  Aanteekeningeti  op  Droste,  ii.,  p.  470. 

2  De  Witte  van  Citters,  Contracien  van  Correspondentie,  p.  xviii. 
3 See  Bontemantel,  ii.,  p.  208. 


446  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

wrongs  were  punished  less  than  before.  What  happened 
in  Holland  and  Zealand  took  place  in  the  other  provinces 
also  on  a  large  scale,  so  that  in  this  regard  William  III.'s 
period  was  a  time  of  retrogression  rather  than  of  progress. 
In  Henry  Casimir's  stadtholderships  the  evil  was  little 
less  extensive. 

These  affairs  were  made  critical  by  the  circumstance 
that  the  prince  could  hardly  be  called  particular  in  the 
choice  of  his  instruments.  Odijk  is  not  the  only  one  who 
had  a  bad  name.  The  prince's  treatment  of  the  chief 
personages  in  the  drama  of  the  De  Witts  does  not  move 
to  admiration  of  his  ruling  principles,  and  what  the 
younger  Constantijn  Huygens  in  his  journals  communi- 
cates concerning  the  chief  members  of  the  prince's  circle, 
though  much  calumny  may  be  given  out  for  truth,  shows 
that  the  mischief  was  not  confined  to  the  municipal  gov- 
ernment boards  or  to  the  anonymous  press.  The  prince's 
favourites  in  general  bore  a  bad  reputation,  and  while 
their  influence  lasted,  they  used  it  in  every  way  for  their 
own  profit.  "  Injustice  and  desire  for  higher  estate " 
were  no  less  general  in  William  III.'s  days  than  in  those 
of  De  Witt  and  were  more  strikingly  displayed,  while  the 
regents  of  the  later  time  were  inferior  in  ability  to  those 
of  the  preceding  period.  This  was  because  the  prince 
required  docility  in  his  creatures  rather  than  ability ; 
which  often  brings  independence  of  judgment,  his  rule 
being  much  injured  by  this  preference.1  The  fame  of 
the  Dutch  diplomatists  in  this  period,  however,  did  not 
remain  far  below  the  height  it  attained  in  De  Witt's 
time.  Van  Beverningh  retired  from  public  affairs  at  the 
age  of'65  after  the  peace  of  Nimwegen  and  devoted  him- 
self, until  his  death  in  1690,  to  the  cultivation  of  rare  and 
exotic  plants  at  his  villa  near  Leyden,  where  he  was  cura- 
tor of  the  university.  De  Groot  a  year  after  his  return 
from  exile  was  brought  before  the  court  of  Holland  on 

1  Fruin,  Willem  III.  in  zijne  verhouding  tot  Engeland,  p.  115. 


1 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition      447 

account  of  the  discovery  of  his  correspondence  with  the 
condemned  De  Wicquefort  during  the  negotiations  at 
Cologne  but  was  acquitted  in  December,  1676,  to  the 
vexation  of  the  prince ;  he  died  two  years  later  at  his 
country  house  near  Haarlem.  Van  Beuningen,  the  bril- 
liant diplomatist,  and  man  of  the  world,  for  some  years 
after  the  peace  of  Westminster  occupied  the  important 
post  of  ambassador  in  London,  where  he  was  until  1682 
the  faithful  servant  of  the  new  ruler's  policy.  Then  he 
began  to  oppose  the  prince,  resigned  his  ambassadorship, 
was  unable  to  maintain  himself  as  burgomaster  in  Am- 
sterdam, and  in  a  fit  of  dejection  withdrew  from  poli- 
tics to  become  absorbed  in  the  mystical  ideas  that  had 
attracted  him  of  old.  Soon  he  showed  signs  of  mental 
derangement,  especially  after  his  singular  marriage  in  his 
old  age ;  a  few  years  later  he  became  quite  insane  and 
died  so  in  1693  almost  forgotten.  Their  place  was  taken 
by  eminent  noblemen  like  Godard  van  Rheede,  lord  of 
Amerongen,  who  won  reputation  by  negotiating  with 
Brandenburg,  like  Everhard  van  Weede,  lord  of  Dijkveld, 
one  of  the  trustiest  servants  of  the  prince's  policy.  Like 
them  the  council  pensionary  Fagel  adhered  uncondition- 
ally to  the  prince's  views.  With  Waldeck,  who  besides 
his  military  talent  possessed  that  also  of  the  diplomatist, 
these  men  were  the  excellent  instruments  disposed  of  by 
the  prince  in  conducting  foreign  affairs,  and  they  could 
stand  comparison  with  the  diplomatists  of  De  Witt's 
time.  But  they  were  the  tools  of  the  prince's  policy 
much  more  than  De  Witt's  statesmen  had  been  his  tools, 
and  this  was  even  more  true  of  such  men  as  the  prince's 
gentleman  of  the  bedchamber  and  confidential  friend, 
Hans  Willem  baron  Bentinck,  now  and  then  used  in  deli- 
cate negotiations  to  reach  the  great  end  of  a  European 
coalition  against  France. 

If  this  end  was  to  be  attained,  the  prince  must  first  of 
all  have  to  fear  no  opposition  in  the  republic  itself.  Since 


448  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Amsterdam  had  antagonised  him  in  1677  and  the  Frisian 
stadtholder  had  begun  to  thwart  him,  this  opposition  gave 
the  prince  no  rest.  It  had  to  be  overcome,  as  was  plainly- 
shown  by  events  after  the  peace  of  Nimwegen.  The 
way  peace  was  secured  had  roused  the  prince's  exaspera- 
tion against  Amsterdam,  and  its  secret  cooperation  with 
the  enemy  was  not  unknown  to  him.  With  Valckenier 
at  its  head  the  great  commercial  city  defied  the  powerful 
stadtholder  and  worked  against  his  anti-French  policy. 
After  Valckenier's  death  the  lead  at  Amsterdam  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Johan  Hudde  and  Nicolaas  Witsen,  learned 
and  excellent  men  but  less  able  as  statesmen.  Neither 
they  nor  Van  Beuningen,  who  was  burgomaster  at  Am- 
sterdam a  few  years  longer,  followed  the  prince's  wishes 
entirely,  but  their  opposition  was  less  strong  than  that  of 
the  energetic  Valckenier.  French  diplomacy  availed  it- 
self cleverly  of  Amsterdam's  disposition.  The  French 
ambassador  d'Avaux,  who  represented  his  government 
here  after  the  peace,  always  emphasised  the  fact  that  he 
was  ambassador  to  the  States  and  not  to  the  prince.  He 
flattered  the  States  as  much  as  possible,  and  Louvois  at 
Paris  offered  the  ambassador  of  the  republic  an  alliance 
with  great  advantages  for  commerce  and  navigation  and 
the  promise  to  let  the  Spanish  Netherlands  alone  in  case 
of  war.  Thus  France  hoped  to  vanquish  the  republic's 
resistance.  The  prince's  plans  were  impeded,  though 
nothing  came  of  the  proposed  alliance.  Those  plans 
were  directed  at  Germany  and  England.  Just  then 
England,  where  the  fear  of  Catholicism  was  leading  to 
persecution,  seemed  on  the  right  road,  and  the  prince's 
influence  on  the  king  had  never  been  greater,  but  there 
was  slight  reliance  placed  in  the  permanence  of  the  Eng- 
lish policy.  Things  were  not  much  better  in  Germany, 
although  Waldeck  on  behalf  of  the  prince  succeeded  in 
forming  a  "  union  "  of  various  small  German  princes  on 
the  Rhine  with  Nassau  as  its  centre.     Brandenburg  com- 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition     449 

plained  still  of  the  peace  of  Nimwegen  and  demanded  its 
unpaid  subsidies  of  the  States  as  did  the  emperor  him- 
self, and  it  was  even  persuaded  into  a  secret  league  and 
subsidy  treaty  with  France.  The  rising  Hanover  showed 
the  same  disposition.  Notwithstanding  Waldeck's  efforts 
the  Rhenish  union  was  very  slow  in  extending  over  north 
Germany  and  becoming  a  union  of  the  upper  imperial 
circles  against  France. 

This  was  all  in  process,  when  France  threw  off  the  mask 
by  establishing  the  chambres  de  reunion,  destined  to  ascer- 
tain what  parts  of  the  German  empire  had  formerly  be- 
longed to  the  fortresses  and  lands  now  become  French 
possessions,  while  it  immediately  occupied  the  duchy  of 
Luxemburg  and  moved  its  troops  far  into  Brabant  and 
Flanders  ostensibly  to  maintain  its  rights  obtained  at 
Nimwegen.  Great  was  the  indignation  on  all  sides  at 
these  sudden  demands.  Poor  Spain,  paralysed  by  court 
cabals  and  intrigues,  looked  up  anxiously  to  the  republic. 
The  chief  princes  of  northern  and  central  Germany,  in- 
cluding some  of  those  "  armed  "  princes  who  always  had 
troops  ready  to  sell  for  subsidies,  joined  the  union  owing 
to  Waldeck's  exertions  and  thus  formed  the  alliance  of  the 
upper  imperial  circles.  But  Brandenburg  opposed  this 
movement  and  tried  to  keep  the  emperor  out  of  the 
league.  The  alarm  became  greater,  when  France  seized 
upon  Strasburg  August  30,  168 1,  and  began  to  force  Lux- 
emburg to  surrender  by  a  blockade.  In  October  Sweden 
concluded  an  alliance  with  the  republic  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  peace  of  Miinster  and  Nimwegen,  and  it  was 
hoped  that  England,  the  emperor,  Denmark,  Branden- 
burg, and  the  minor  German  potentates  would  join,  so 
that  France  must  finally  come  to  it.  William  III.  and 
Waldeck  endeavoured  to  obtain  a  union  of  all  the  inter- 
ested princes  in  the  German  empire  under  the  emperor's 
lead.  This  resulted  in  the  treaty  of  Laxenburg  in  June, 
1682,  and  then  there  was  a  beginning  of  armed  resistance 
29 


45°         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

on  the  Rhine.  Prince  William  supported  his  faithful 
Waldeck,  his  "  minister  for  German  affairs,"  and  the  ques- 
tion was  now  whether  the  republic  would  take  up  arms 
again  in  case  of  war  and  whether  England  would  coope- 
rate. But  England  remained  powerless  on  account  of  the 
division  between  king  and  Parliament  concerning  the  ex- 
clusion, desired  by  the  latter,  of  the  Catholic  York  from 
the  succession  or  the  limitation  of  his  authority  in  case  he 
should  succeed.  The  weak  Charles  II.  began  again  to 
hold  out  his  hand  to  France,  while  the  prince  saw  his  in- 
fluence decline  and,  by  a  journey  to  London,  convinced 
himself  of  his  uncle's  unreliability.  Soon  he  deemed  all 
hope  from  that  side  lost.1  England's  attitude,  coupled 
with  French  intrigues  in  Amsterdam  and  elsewhere,  de- 
termined that  of  the  States.  The  burgomasters  of  Am- 
sterdam adhered  to  their  resolution  to  do  nothing  serious 
without  England.  Help  was  promised  to  Spain,  but  nego- 
tiations were  to  come  first,  and  immediately  Louis  relin- 
quished Luxemburg  and  thus  showed  his  friendliness  to 
the  republic  in  order  to  paralyse  the  prince's  war  policy. 

Spain,  weary  of  French  violence  in  its  Netherlands, 
called  once  more  for  the  help  of  the  republic  which,  in 
accordance  with  treaties,  ought  to  have  sent  8000  troops. 
The  prince  favoured  this  and  proposed  to  the  council 
of  state  an  increase  of  the  army  by  16,000  men.  Am- 
sterdam refused  to  take  this  road  to  war  and  inspired 
elsewhere  opposition  to  the  prince's  plans  among  the 
regents  fearful  of  a  new  French  war.  The  discovery  of 
secret  relations  between  the  French  ambassador  and  the 
Amsterdam  magistrates  seemed  about  to  break  this  resist- 
ance. The  prince  reproached  them  with  treason,  spoke 
like  his  father  of  "  those  Amsterdam  rascals,"  threatened 
them  with  the  vengeance  of  the  people,  with  throwing 
''the  club  into  the  street  "  as  in  1672,  and  popular  agita- 
tion began  to  arise  destined,  it  was  expected,  to  make  it 

1  Fruin,   Willem  III.,  p.  ioo. 


I 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition     45 T 

soon  appear  "whose  head  was  firmest  on  his  shoulders." 
Neither  remonstrances  nor  deputations  could  induce  Am- 
sterdam to  yield.  It  declined  after  Spain  had  declared 
war  on  France  and  affirmed  that  it  was  justified  in  nego- 
tiating with  a  foreign  ambassador  like  d'Avaux.  Civil 
war  seemed  to  be  threatened  as  in  1650.  There  was  talk 
of  possible  military  measures  against  the  great  commercial 
city  and  of  its  plan  to  transfer  the  supreme  command 
within  its  walls  to  the  Frisian  stadtholder,  who  was  op- 
posed to  his  cousin  in  the  affair  of  raising  more  troops. 
It  was  thought  that  Amsterdam  would  be  supported  by 
France  and  Brandenburg,  whose  ambassador  was  on  good 
terms  with  d'Avaux  and  was  soon  aided  in  his  diplomacy 
by  a  special  envoy,  Paul  von  Fuchs.  But  the  prince  went 
to  work  in  another  way.  On  January  31,  1684,  he  had 
the  increase  of  the  army  adopted  in  the  Estates  of  Hol- 
land by  a  majority  of  votes  despite  the  protests  of  Am- 
sterdam and  Schiedam.  The  resolution  was  offered  to 
the  States-General  as  coming  from  Holland.  Then  ar- 
rived the  report  that  the  Spanish  government  of  Brussels 
had  intercepted  a  packet  from  d'Avaux,  in  which  a  cipher 
letter  from  him  to  his  king  mentioned  several  members  of 
De  Witt's  old  party  as  "  well-disposed  "  and  seemed  es- 
pecially to  compromise  the  Amsterdam  regents.  The 
letter  was  sent  from  Brussels  to  the  prince,  who  commu- 
nicated it  (February  16)  to  the  Estates  of  Holland  in 
secret  session  with  closed  doors.  A  violent  scene  ensued  ; 
Amsterdam's  attitude  was  sharply  disapproved  of,  while 
the  papers  in  its  office  at  the  Hague  were  sealed  and  a 
copy  of  the  intercepted  letter  was  sent  to  the  other  munic- 
ipal governments.  A  translation  cf  the  letter  appeared 
a  few  days  later  in  print.  The  affair  excited  great  alarm 
now  that  the  chance  of  a  war  with  France  seemed  so 
near.  But  d'Avaux  and  Amsterdam  protested  against 
these  things.  It  rained  little  blue  books  again,  some  for, 
others  against  the  prince  and  his  policy.     One  of  them, 


45 2  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  Missive  from  a  regent  in  the  Estates  of  Holland  by 
Philalethes,  was  attributed  to  Fagel  himself  and  brought 
forth  an  official  Vindication  of  the  conduct  of  the  lords  of 
Amsterdam.  While  the  affair  went  off  thus  in  Amsterdam, 
the  prince  attacked  his  opponents  in  other  cities  as  well.1 
He  managed  everywhere  to  establish  his  authority  and 
to  subject  the  regents  to  that  authority  with  a  vig- 
orous hand.  He  would  not  have  feared  to  take  meas- 
ures against  Amsterdam  conflicting  with  its  privileges  and 
customs.  The  old  antagonism  between  the  "  monarchic  " 
and  the  "aristocratic"  government  with  its  consequences 
for  civil  liberty  and  unity  once  more  appeared.3  The 
levy  of  soldiers  encountered  opposition  in  other  provinces 
in  the  spring  after  the  deep  impression  produced  by 
Louis  XIV.'s  brutality  towards  weak  Genoa,  which  he 
bombarded  into  submission  in  May,  1684,  on  account  of 
its  building  of  ships  for  Spaniards.  The  fate  of  the  "  Hol- 
landers of  the  Mediterranean  Sea"  was  lamented,  but  the 
power  of  France  seemed  too  great.  So  the  affair  had  to 
be  postponed,  and  Spain  continued  alone  in  its  war  with 
France. 

That  war  of  course  resulted  to  the  advantage  of  France. 
It  conquered  nearly  all  Flanders,  burned  Oudenarde,  regu- 
larly laid  siege  to  Luxemburg,  and  took  the  city  after  a 
brave  defence.  And  the  republic  sat  still,  to  the  vexation  of 
the  prince.  The  German  empire  also  did  nothing,  now  that 
the  emperor  had  to  devote  all  his  attention  to  the  Turks, 
who  had  even  besieged  Vienna  in  1683  but  were  repulsed 
with  German  and  Polish  help.  Brandenburg  still  worked 
into  France's  hand,  and  Hanover  hesitated  what  to  do. 
England's  attitude  afforded  no  hope  of  cooperation.  The 
discovery  of  the  "Protestant  treason,"  a  conspiracy  against 
the  duke  of  York,  in  which  the  king's  illegitimate  son 

1  Wagenaar,  xv.,  p.  ^59. 

s  See  the  very  numerous  pamphlets,  speeches,  and  essays  concerning  this 
in  the  catalogues  of  pamphlets  for  this  year. 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition     453 

James,  duke  of  Monmouth,  and  many  English  noblemen 
were  implicated,  caused  a  persecution  of  the  enemies  of 
York  and  the  Romish  church.  Monmouth  fled  to  Holland 
and  sought  refugee  at  the  prince's  court  in  The  Hague, 
where  he  was  readily  received  in  spite  of  the  suspicion  of  a 
secret  understanding  with  the  conspirators  thus  incurred 
by  the  prince  and  princess,  already  in  disfavour  with  York 
and  his  party.  Both  prince  and  States  did  their  best  to 
please  Charles  II.,  and  his  anger  was  soon  appeased;  but 
he  continued  to  act  secretly  with  France.  The  willingness^ 
with  which  the  sheriff  of  Leyden,  Cornells  Paets,  delivered 
up  Thomas  Armstrong,  one  of  Monmouth's  fugitive 
friends,  to  be  soon  afterwards  beheaded  in  London,  ex- 
cited resentment  at  this  deviation  from  the  custom  of  re- 
ceiving political  exiles  here.  There  seemed  to  be  no  pos- 
sibility of  a  good  understanding  between  England  and  the 
States  and  of  joint  action  against  France.  The  only  thing 
left  to  do  was  to  make  some  arrangement  with  France, 
which  did  not  seem  disinclined  now  it  had  what  it  wanted. 
William  III.  was  beaten  and  endeavoured  to  save  whatever 
was  possible.  A  truce  of  twenty  years  on  the  basis  of  the 
status  quo  was  concluded  in  Ratisbon  on  August  15,  1684, 
and  it  put  temporarily  into  France's  hands  everything  con- 
quered but  opened  an  opportunity,  before  the  definitive 
cession  of  these  lands  and  cities,  of  organising  opposition 
to  the  "general  monarchy"  desired  by  France.1  Time 
won  was  well  won.  But  France  wanted  more  than  the 
"general  monarchy,"  the  "supreme  power"  in  Europe, 
everywhere  spoken  of :  it  wanted  also  a  "  general  religion," 
Catholicism.  The  Edict  of  Nantes  "perpetual  and  irrevo- 
cable," which  from  1 598  assured  a  large  measure  of  freedom 
to  the  Huguenots  in  France,  was  a  thorn  in  the  eye  of  the 
strict  Catholics  under  Louis  XIV.      Rude  hands  were 

1  On  the  significance  of  this  treaty  see  P.  L.  Muller,  in  Vers/,  en 
MeJed.  Kon.  Akademie,^1'  J?.,  iv.,  p.  78,  in  opposition  to  the  opinion  of 
Fester  in  his  book  :  Die  artnirten  Stande  und  die  Reichskriegsvtrfassung. 


454         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

now  laid  upon  what  Louis  XIII.  had  maintained,  what 
Richelieu  and  Mazarin  had  been  unwilling  to  touch,  what 
the  young  Louis  XIV.  himself  had  recognised  as  law  in 
1652.  About  1660  France  numbered  more  than  one  mil- 
lion Protestants,  one  twelfth  of  the  entire  population,1 
from  Dauphiny  to  Brittany  and  Normandy  living  along 
the  edge  of  the  kingdom  and  particularly  numerous  among 
the  manufacturers,  merchants,  and  farmers,  with  over  600 
churches  and  700  preachers.  But  the  French  clergy,  ruled 
by  the  Jesuits,  looked  askant  upon  the  blooming  plant  of 
heresy  and  gradually  found  the  king's  ear  open  to  their 
remonstrances,  his  Spanish  ancestry  on  the  mother's  side 
manifesting  itself  in  increasing  devoutness.  It  opposed 
the  building  of  Protestant  churches  in  places  where  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  did  not  really  apply,  and  in  1666  the  king 
declared  the  Edict  should  be  exactly  enforced.  This  was 
the  beginning  of  the  official  persecution,  which  had  in  fact 
commenced  some  years  earlier  by  all  sorts  of  molestations 
and  insults,  so  that  no  worship  of  the  Protestants  took 
place  at  Charenton  near  Paris  without  disturbance  and  no 
dying  man  was  safe  from  attacks  upon  his  faith."  Not- 
withstanding the  bitter  complaints  of  the  Protestants  one 
royal  declaration  after  another  restricted  their  liberties ; 
finally,  family  life  was  reached  by  the  permission  to  convert 
children  seven  years  old  to  the  Catholic  religion  and  to 
take  them  away  from  their  families.  No  persecution, 
however,  could  do  away  with  Protestantism ;  only  a  few 
gave  up  the  struggle  and  changed  their  faith  or  left 
the  land  of  their  fathers,  while  active  preachers  like 
Du  Bosc,  Jurieu,  Benoit,  Basnage,  Bayle  kept  their 
flocks  together.  Then  the  system  of  compulsion  began 
in  1682.  "Compel  them  to  come  in"  was  recommended 
to  the  government  as  a  duty  by  the  Gallican  church.  A 
warning  in  this  spirit  was  proclaimed,  and  the  king  ap- 

1  Histoire  gdne'rale,  ed.  Lavisse  and  Rambaud,  vi.,  p.  281. 

2  Journal d'un  voyage  a  Paris, passim. 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition     455 

pointed  commissioners  to  apply  these  ideas,  to  remove 
Protestant  officials,  close  shops  and  inns  owned  by  Prot- 
estants, demolish  churches,  and  prevent  religious  worship. 
The  commissioners  obtained  soldiers  to  complete  their 
task.  Hundreds  of  families  were  reduced  to  beggary, 
hundreds  fled  to  Switzerland,  to  the  republic,  to  the 
Protestant  sections  of  northern  Germany,  to  England  to 
escape  imprisonment  and  corporal  punishment.  It  became 
even  worse  with  the  beginning  of  1685.  A  last  protest 
of  the  persecuted  was  answered  by  a  demand  from  the 
clergy  for  the  abrogation  of  the  Edict,  because  it  could  no 
longer  serve  as  a  general  law  on  account  of  the  modifications 
gradually  made  in  it.  The  king,  now  under  the  influence 
of  Madame  de  Maintenon  and  the  Jesuits,  desired  nothing 
better.  The  terrible  dragonnades  of  Beam  were  imitated 
in  all  the  provinces  ;  dragoons  invaded  the  houses,  plun- 
dered, abused,  tortured  the  poor  Protestants  to  convert 
them  on  the  spot.  Hundreds  fled,  other  hundreds  submit- 
ted, others  gave  up  their  lives  for  their  faith  or  atoned  for 
their  constancy  as  galley  slaves.  Every  day  reports  reached 
the  court  of  "conversion"  by  the  sword,  and  the  clergy 
dared  to  speak  of  this  "  road  strewn  with  flowers,"  of  its 
aversion  to  the  executions  necessary  "  to  destroy  this 
hydra." 

The  revocation  of  the  Edict  on  October  17,  1685,  was 
the  crown  of  the  work.  Not  a  single  right  remained  to 
the  "  pretended  reformed  religion  ";  its  adherents  might 
still  dwell  in  France,  but  their  children  must  be  brought 
up  as  Catholics,  and  the  property  of  emigrants  was  con- 
fiscated and  they  themselves  were  condemned  to  the  gal- 
leys for  life.  Thus  Louis  earned  the  praises  of  his  clergy, 
the  approval  of  Pope  Innocent  XL,  though  the  pope  had 
scruples  against  the  mingling  of  political  and  religious  mo- 
tives and  against  the  conversions  by  violence  in  France 
and  later  disapproved  often  of  the  persecutions  there.1 

1  See  Fruin,   Willem  III.,  p.  145.     Also  the  brief  of  December  13,  16S5, 


456         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Thus  the  king  earned  the  curses  of  the  tens  of  thousands 
who  emigrated  before  the  revocation,  of  the  hundreds  of 
thousands  who  now  left  home  and  hearth  to  seek  else- 
where for  the  freedom  which  could  no  longer  be  theirs  in 
France.  The  day  of  the  17th  of  October,  1685,  cost  France 
half  a  million  of  inhabitants,  and  they  took  with  them, 
according  to  an  eminent  French  historian  of  our  time, 
"  treasures  of  heroism,  constancy,  self-sacrifice,"  that  could 
never  be  replaced.  The  free  Protestant  republic  provided 
a  new  fatherland  for  thousands  of  these  refugees.  The 
Protestant  court  of  the  stadtholder  and  his  wife  supported 
a  number  of  men  and  women  of  all  ranks  among  them  ; 
the  cities  of  Holland  and  the  other  provinces  opened  wide 
their  gates  to  thousands  of  industrious  and  educated 
people  :  preachers,  officers,  merchants,  workmen,  farmers, 
who  came  streaming  in.  In  1686  their  number  was  esti- 
mated at  not  less  than  75,000,  and  they  continued  flocking 
to  the  land  of  personal  freedom,  where  they  could  worship 
in  their  own  language  in  the  Walloon  communities  exist- 
ing longer  than  a  century.1  The  cities  endeavoured  to 
attract  the  French  manufacturers  and  workmen  by  privi- 
leges, loans,  temporary  exemption  from  taxes.  Industry, 
especially  in  the  cities  of  Holland,  derived  the  greatest  ad- 
vantages from  them.8  Old  branches  of  industry  received 
new  life  from  this  sudden  influx  of  fresh  strength ;  new 
industries  were  established,  like  those  of  hats,  silken  stuffs, 
gauze,  velvet,  taffeta,  lace.  A  dark  side  was  the  increasing 
influence  of  French  education  in  polite  circles,  the  action 
of  the  French  language  on  the  Dutch  tongue.  This  great 
immigration  was  entirely  merged  into  the  more  numerous 
population  of  the  country.  In  the  second  or  third  genera- 
cited  in  Histoire  generate,  p.  301,  as  compared  with  the  papal  declarations 
of  16S8  to  De  Cock  and  of  1689  (Ranke,  Pap'ste,  iii.,  p.  115).  Concerning 
the  pope's  attitude  see  especially :  Immich,  Papst  Innocenz  XI.  (Berlin, 
1900),  p.  64. 

1  See  d'Avaux,  N/gociations,  vols.  v.  and  vi. 

s  Pringsheim,  Beilrdge  zur  wirtschaftlichen  Entwicklungsgeschichte,  p.  33. 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition     457 

tion  the  mingling  with  the  original  Dutch  people  was  so 
thorough  that  the  influence  of  the  French  element  seems  to 
vanish  from  the  investigator's  eye.  The  descendants  of 
the  French  immigrants  are  now  only  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  Netherlanders  of  older  ancestry  by  their  names 
and  family  traditions. 

The  treatment  of  the  Protestants  in  Catholic  France 
had  an  irritating  effect  upon  the  feeling  in  the  Netherlands 
against  the  Catholics.1  The  eagerly  read  stories  of  the 
dragonnades  and  other  abuses ;  the  poverty  of  many 
refugees  ;  alarming  reports  of  renewed  persecutions  of  the 
Waldenses  in  Savoy,  of  the  Catholic  government  in  Eng- 
land, now  that  Charles  II.  had  been  succeeded  in  1685  by 
the  Catholic  York  as  James  II.,  of  the  appearance  of  a 
Catholic  branch  of  the  princely  house  in  the  Palatinate ; 
sensational  conversions  of  German  Protestants,  the  em- 
peror's victories  over  the  Turks,  and  the  restoration  of 
Catholicism  in  Hungary — all  this  made  people  believe  in 
a  general  Catholic  activity  in  Europe,  in  a  "  Great  council 
of  Rome,"  of  which  the  Jesuits  were  the  soul  and  Louis 
XIV.,  James  II.,  and  Fiirstenberg  were  the  most  powerful 
tools.  Violent  pamphlets  stirred  up  the  agitation,  and  it 
was  not  quieted  by  the  circumstance  that  the  Catholics  un- 
der the  guidance  of  Neercassel  refrained  from  giving  of- 
fence and  even  contributed  money  for  the  poor  refugees. 
The  States-General  discussed  a  revival  of  strict  regulations 
against  the  Catholics,  but  Holland  managed  to  postpone 
the  matter,  as  the  merchants  were  opposed  to  any  such 
severity  and  the  imperial  ambassador  at  The  Hague, 
Cramprich,  who  interested  himself  in  the  faith  of  his  co- 
religionists, had  to  be  favoured  on  account  of  the  prince's 
plans  for  the  great  coalition,  into  which  even  the  pope  was 
gradually  drawn  from  fear  of  the  predominance  of  France. 
Late  in  1687  the  expulsion  of  Jesuits,  Franciscans,  Do- 
minicans, etc.,  was  proposed  in  Holland,  but  the  proposal 

1  Knuttel,  De  toestand der  Katholieken,  i.,  p.  290. 


45 8         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

did  not  become  a  law  and  soon  the  awakened  religious 
passions  subsided.  In  Zealand  commercial  and  political 
considerations  opposed  the  urgency  of  the  preachers,  who 
were  warned  to  be  calm  and  to  observe  "  moderation  in 
the  affairs  of  the  papists."  In  Friesland  and  Groningen 
only  were  serious  measures  taken  against  the  Catholics, 
and  there  were  persecutions  and  plunderings  of  churches. 
The  persecutions  and  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  had 
a  decided  influence  on  the  Great  Elector's  attitude.1  The 
political  consequences  of  his  secret  league  with  France, 
from  which  he  had  expected  support  against  Sweden  in 
his  designs  upon  Pomerania,  had  been  a  failure.  When 
Louis  XIV.  showed  himself  as  the  champion  of  Catholi- 
cism, the  thought  of  Brandenburg's  position  in  Germany 
as  the  most  powerful  Protestant  state  came  to  the  fore, 
and  the  elector's  Protestant  sympathies  made  him  offer  his 
country  also  as  a  refuge  for  the  persecuted.  His  good  rela- 
tions with  France  suffered  from  this,  although  he  did  not 
yet  give  up  the  alliance,  on  account  of  the  subsidies,  and 
tried  to  smooth  over  the  reception  of  the  French  emigrants 
settling  especially  in  Berlin  and  the  taking  into  his  service 
of  exiled  officers,  including  the  famous  marshal  Schom- 
berg.  In  May,  1685,  he  sent  his  trusted  counsellor,  Paul 
von  Fuchs,  to  the  republic  to  restore  a  good  understand- 
ing with  it  and  his  nephew,  the  prince  of  Orange.  Fuchs 
succeeded  in  his  mission:  the  alliance,  concluded  in  1678, 
before  the  peace,  was  prolonged  until  1700,  and  the  dis- 
sension between  the  prince  and  Amsterdam  was  settled 
by  the  mediation  of  Fuchs.  The  latter  cost  no  less 
trouble  than  the  former,  because  obstinacy  on  both  sides 
had  long  prevented  harmony.  The  chances  for  it  had 
risen  somewhat  in  the  spring  of  1685.  Through  the  me- 
diation of  the  princess  of  Anhalt,  daughter  of  Frederick 

1  P.  L.  Mullen,  Een  Brandenburgsche  zending  in  Nederland  in  i6Sj,  in 
Nijh.  Bijdr.  N.  R.,  vi.,  p.  77,  and  Nederland  en  de  Groote  keurvorst,  in 
Nijh.  Bijdr.  N.  J?.,  vi.,  p.  169. 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition      459 

Henry  and  mother-in-law  of  Henry  Casimir  from  1683, 
peace  was  brought  about  in  March  between  the  two 
cousins,  and  Henry  Casimir  pledged  himself  in  writing  no 
longer  to  oppose  but  to  support  the  policy  of  William  III. 
"in  relation  to  other  kingdoms  and  commonwealths."1 
This  reconciliation  weakened  the  Amsterdam  party,  and 
the  efforts  of  d'Avaux  to  bind  Amsterdam  to  France  be- 
came less  effectual.  Just  at  this  time  Fu'chs  appeared  as 
mediator  and  in  the  course  of  the  summer  succeeded  in 
bringing  the  prince  and  the  burgomasters  of  Amsterdam 
together.  Amsterdam  agreed  that  the  army  should  not 
be  reduced  during  the  current  year,  assented  to  the  alli- 
ance with  Brandenburg  and  the  accompanying  financial 
sacrifice  in  favour  of  the  elector,  and  only  secured  a  regu- 
lation of  the  tariff  of  convoys  and  licenses  to  suit  itself. 
D'  Avaux  did  his  best  to  break  this  understanding,  but 
his  "artifices"  could  no  longer  disturb  the  "good  har- 
mony." The  retirement  of  Van  Beuningen  from  the  bur- 
gomastership  established  peace  more  solidly,  for  Witsen, 
Hudde,  and  the  other  rulers  of  Amsterdam  were  more 
tractable,  especially  since  the  pensionary  Hop  had  been 
gained  to  the  prince's  views.  The  prince  triumphed  here 
also,  and  the  point  was  found,  about  which  the  great  co- 
alition could  be  formed.  No  city  in  Holland  would  now 
venture  to  resist  his  will,  and  nothing  was  to  be  feared 
from  the  other  provinces. 

There  was  for  a  time  some  hope  that  England  would 
play  an  important  part  in  the  coalition.  The  new  king, 
James  II.,  was  an  ardent  Catholic,  but  also  a  defender  of 
the  balance  of  power  in  Europe.  He  manifested  an  in- 
clination to  cooperate  with  his  son-in-law,  the  prince  of 
Orange,  who  was  likewise  the  presumptive  successor  to 
the  throne  of  England.  James  II.  had  a  much  stronger 
character  than  his  deceased  brother,  and  England  could 
be  depended  upon,  if  he  were  once  won  over  to  William 

1  Sypesteyn,  Geschiedk.  Bijdr.  iii.,  p.  27. 


460         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

III.'s  policy.  Negotiations  between  the  king  and  the 
prince  aimed  to  promote  an  agreement  between  England 
and  the  republic.  Commercial  differences  were  intrusted 
to  a  mixed  commission.  The  king  desired  that  Charles 
II. 's  bastard  son,  the  young  duke  of  Monmouth,  regarded 
as  the  head  of  the  opposition  in  England,  should  be  ex- 
pelled from  the  republic,  that  the  English  emigrants  in 
general  should  leave  it,  that  suspected  officers  in  the 
English  and  Scotch  regiments  of  the  States  should  be 
discharged,  that  the  republic  with  England  should  draw  a 
line  against  France.  The  prince  consented  to  all  this. 
Harmony  did  not  long  endure,  because  James,  influenced 
by  Monmouth's  armed  invasion  of  England,  by  insurrec- 
tions in  Scotland,  by  Protestant  agitation  in  the  whole 
realm,  soon  began,  like  his  brother  before  him,  to  seek 
financial  aid  from  Louis  XIV.  A  year  later  the  king  had 
entered  upon  a  Catholic  reaction,  which  estranged  him 
further  from  his  people  and  made  that  people  look  to  the 
prince  of  Orange  as  the  saviour  of  its  faith  and  freedom 
from  the  secret  plans  of  a  Catholic  king.  Apparently  no 
help  for  the  great  coalition  was  to  be  expected  from  Eng- 
land under  James  II.,  who  was  secretly  in  league  with 
Louis  XIV.  and  at  the  critical  moment  would  stand  with 
France,  unless  a  revolution  should  change  the  course  of 
English  affairs.  Then  would  come  the  time  for  the 
prince  to  exert  a  decisive  influence  on  England's  fortunes. 
Not  until  then  might  England  finally  be  won  for  his  re- 
ligio-political  ideal. 

While  he  watched  matters  in  England,  he  and  Waldeck 
with  Brandenburg's  aid  were  busily  organising  the  party 
of  opposition  to  France  in  the  German  empire  and  pre- 
paring the  coalition  upon  a  broader  basis.  It  was  very 
slow  work  to  break  up  the  relations  between  France  and 
the  small  German  courts,  to  unravel  the  net  of  finely  spun 
intrigues.  The  Laxenburg  treaty  of  1682  remained  with- 
out much  result  owing  to  the  war  with  the  Turks  and  the 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition    461 

attitude  of  the  republic.  Waldeck  went  to  Vienna  in 
July,  1685,  to  take  part  in  the  campaign  against  the 
Turks  on  the  Danube  and  to  induce  the  German  princes 
to  persist  in  their  union  with  the  emperor  for  the  em- 
pire's defence.  He  succeeded  in  the  latter  and  supported 
the  endeavours  of  the  imperial  court  in  place  of  the  ex- 
piring Laxenburg  treaty  to  bring  about  the  Augsburg  al- 
liance (1686),  a  treaty  of  less  general  importance  than  is 
attributed  to  it  and  only  serving  to  keep  together  what 
had  been  brought  together.  Spain  and  Sweden  as 
members  of  the  empire  joined  the  nucleus  of  the  Franco- 
nian-Rhenish  princes,  and  Waldeck,  under  the  elector  of 
Bavaria  and  the  margrave  of  Baireuth,  was  to  be  field 
marshal  of  the  army  which  might  be  used  against  France. 
This  was  far  from  a  coalition  centred  around  the  mari- 
time powers,  such  as  William  III.  and  Waldeck  had 
imagined.  The  French  understood  this,  as  was  shown  by 
their  conduct  on  the  Rhine  in  occupying  several  impor- 
tant fortresses  without  any  impediment  from  the  side  of 
the  allies.  It  was  often  a  hard  task  for  the  aged  Waldeck, 
now  approaching  seventy,  but  he  continued  working  with 
the  prince  to  strengthen  the  bond  between  the  German 
princes  and  to  oppose  the  French  influence  in  the  empire. 
In  1688  the  crisis  suddenly  came  which  was  to  transform 
long  preparation  into  vigorous  action.  It  was  brought 
about  by  the  course  of  affairs  in  England,  and  Prince 
William  took  advantage  of  them  at  the  right  moment. 
Strife  there  between  sovereign  and  people  became  ever 
more  violent  both  in  religious  and  political  matters,  while 
James  II. 's  attitude  towards  France  indicated  secret 
cooperation  between  the  two  courts,  more  dangerous  now 
than  under  Charles  II.  on  account  of  the  more  obstinate 
character  of  the  new  monarch,  of  whom  his  sceptical 
brother  had  prophesied  that  he  would  not  sit  four  years 

'  See  Fester,  Die  Augsburger  Allianz  von  16S6,  and  P.  L.  Muller,   Wil- 
helm  III.  und  Waldeck,  ii.,  p.  n. 


462  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

upon  the  throne.  The  situation  was  so  serious  early  in 
1687  that  the  prince  found  it  necessary  to  send  his  confi- 
dential servant  Dijkveld  as  an  extraordinary  envoy  to  the 
English  court,  and  he  prevailed  upon  the  States-General 
and  the  Estates  of  Holland  to  consent  secretly  to  this. 
The  purpose  naturally  was  to  investigate  the  reliability 
and  the  plans  of  those  who  were  making  ready  to  set  up 
the  prince  of  Orange  against  his  uncle  and  father-in-law. 
The  mission  was  a  complete  success,  and  Dijkveld  returned 
in  summer  with  many  letters  fromeminent  Englishmen  who 
desired  to  enter  into  relations  with  the  prince.  Thence- 
forth the  prince  carried  on  secret  negotiations  with  them. 
The  king  did  not  perceive  what  was  going  on  about  him, 
and  his  envoy  at  the  prince's  court,  the  Catholic  Ier 
D'Albyville,  did  not  see  through  the  designs  there.  Even 
d'Avaux  in  his  letters  confessed  that  he  was  perplexed, 
although  he  knew  what  it  must  all  come  to  in  the  end. 
James  cast  the  warnings  of  d'Avaux  to  the  winds  and 
asked  the  prince  and  the  States  for  their  cooperation  in 
his  measures  of  toleration  for  the  Catholics.  But  the 
prince  did  not  wish  to  lose  favour  with  his  English  friends 
and  the  English  people,  and  refused  absolutely  to  do  any- 
thing against  the  interest  of  his  religion,  though  he  was 
averse  to  any  religious  persecution.  The  princess  agreed 
entirely  with  her  husband  and  would  have  nothing  to  do 
with  the  proposals  of  her  father.  Living  at  first  coolly  and 
without  mutual  love,  the  husband  and  wife  after  ten  years 
of  marriage  were  brought  closer  together  and  learned  to 
understand  and  appreciate  one  another.  The  gentle  and 
amiable  princess,  whose  diaries  and  letters  have  in  large 
part  come  down  to  us,  was  able  to  win  the  confidence  and 
love  of  her  husband,  hitherto  cold  and  somewhat  mistrust- 
ful towards  her.1  If  James  II.  should  die  childless,  his 
successors  would  assuredly  not  continue  in  his  course. 
This  had  to  be  made  plain  in  England  to  counteract  the 

1  See  concerning  her:   Kramer,  Maria  II.  Stuart,  Utrecht,  1890. 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition    463 

efforts  of  James  and  his  partisans  to  show  that  the  prince 
and  princess  approved  of  his  measures.  Fagel's  noted 
letter  to  the  Scottish  dissenter  Stewart  served  this  pur- 
pose, the  council  pensionary  announcing  that  prince  and 
princess  favoured  abolishing  penalties  for  deviation  from 
the  Anglican  church,  but  by  no  means  the  admission  of 
Roman  Catholics  to  all  offices.  The  letter  was  immedi- 
ately printed  and  thousand  of  copies1  were  distributed  over 
England,  so  that  it  acquired  the  character  of  a  manifesto 
to  the  English  people  against  the  king's  policy. 

Meanwhile  James  persisted  in  his  measures  to  assist  the 
Catholics  and  confirm  his  sovereign  authority.  He  was 
treading  the  path  that  had  led  his  father  to  the  scaffold 
and  that  was  to  bring  him  also  to  ruin.  In  May,  1688,  he 
had  seven  refractory  bishops  of  the  Anglican  church  im- 
prisoned in  the  Tower  and  proclaimed  anew  his  "declara- 
tion of  indulgence."  Amid  the  consequent  exasperation  a 
son  was  born  to  him  on  June  10th,  an  event  which  seemed 
to  assure  the  future  of  his  dynasty.  In  the  preceding  fall 
the  expected  birth  had  been  announced  here  and  there, 
and  the  report  was  received  with  great  joy  by  the  Cath- 
olics, with  dismay  and  suspicion  by  the  Protestants.  When 
the  birth  took  place  a  month  before  the  designated  time 
and  was  managed  at  court  in  a  very  mysterious  fashion, 
the  presumption  gained  ground  that  the  young  "prince 
of  Wales"  was  a  supposititious  child  procured  by  the 
Jesuits,  but  modern  researches  have  shown  this  hypothesis 
to  be  baseless.  The  prince  and  princess,  who  had  at  first 
found  no  reason  to  doubt  and  had  sent  over  Zuylesteyn 
with  their  congratulations,  were  soon  of  another  opinion, 
especially  when  Anne,  the  only  sister  of  the  princess,  wrote 
to  them  that  she  did  not  consider  the  so-called  prince  of 
Wales  as  genuine.3     An  end  was  speedily  made  in  the 

1  Extracts  in  Wagenaar,  xv.,  p.  361,  printed  among  other  places  in  Holt. 
Mercurius  1687,  p.  92. 

2  See  relating  to  the  genuineness  :Fruin,  pp.  171,  177  ;  Kramer,  p.  159. 


464  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

English  chapel  of  the  princess  of  Orange  of  the  prayers 
for  her  young  brother.  There  was  great  commotion  in 
England  itself,  and  the  acquittal  of  the  seven  bishops  in- 
creased it.  On  June  30th  some  prominent  Englishmen 
signed  an  invitation  to  the  prince  to  come  over  and  rescue 
England's  religion  and  liberties  from  the  hands  of  the  ex- 
isting government.  Admiral  Herbert  with  the  document 
appeared  a  few  days  later  at  the  villa  of  Honselaarsdijk, 
where  William  III.  usually  sojourned  at  this  period.  The 
prince  hesitated,  consulted  with  his  wife,  but  soon  accepted 
the  not  unexpected  proposal  that  presaged  for  him  a  bril- 
liant part,  as  it  gave  him  an  opportunity  of  saving  the 
religion  and  freedom  of  a  great  nation  and  might  provide 
him  with  means  for  attaining  the  coalition  against  France, 
the  great  purpose  ever  present  to  his  mind. 

The  choice  by  the  Cologne  chapter  of  Cardinal  Wilhelm 
Egon  von  Fiirstenberg,  Louis  XIV. 's  old  friend,  as  arch- 
bishop of  Cologne  showed  to  the  princes  of  the  empire 
their  peril  from  this  side.  The  dead  archbishop  had  pos- 
sessed the  rights  of  bishop  in  Miinsterand  Hildesheim,so 
that  his  territory  including  Liege  stretched  from  the  Meuse 
to  the  Weser.  If  Fiirstenberg  united  all  this  under  his 
sway,  Louis  XIV.  would  be  a  great  step  in  advance,  for 
he  hoped  with  his  adherent's  aid  to  change  the  truce 
of  1684  into  a  definitive  peace  giving  him  permanent 
ownership  of  the  lands  and  cities  temporarily  occupied. 
It  was  doubtful  whether  the  pope  would  confirm  this 
election,  but  the  design  of  France  was  evident. 

The  prince  had  accepted  the  English  invitation,  and 
the  die  was  cast.  The  republic  must  now  decide  if  it 
would  furnish  him  with  the  means  for  doing  what  Eng- 
land desired  of  him  and  what  he  ardently  wished  in  the 
interest  of  religion  and  liberty.  The  answer  was  not  long 
uncertain.  The  equipment  of  the  fleet,  begun  in  the  pre- 
ceding autumn,  was  prosecuted  with  energy.  With  the 
help  of  the  government  and  admiralty  of  Amsterdam,  of 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition    465 

Bastiaensze    Schepers    at    Rotterdam,    and    of   Odijk  in 
Zealand  it  was  resolved  in  December  to  fit  out  21  ships  of 
medium  size  ostensibly  against  the  Algerine  corsairs  and 
on  account  of  complications  between  Sweden  and  Den- 
mark.    From  July  work  went  on  vigorously  in  the  yards, 
while  4000  sailors  were  enlisted  and  transports  sufficient 
for  the  troops  were  hired.     In  October  a  fleet  of  43  war 
ships  and  some    fire  ships,  besides   smaller   vessels    and 
about  350  transports,  was  ready  under  command  of  the 
lieutenant  admiral  Cornelis  Evertsen    and  the   vice   ad- 
miral   Philips   Almonde.       Cornelis   Tromp,  succeeding 
De  Ruyter  as  lieutenant  admiral   general,  had   dropped 
into  the  background  for  some  years  past  in  consequence 
of  dissensions  with  the  prince  ;  besides  he  would  not  easily 
have  consented  to  yield  the  chief  command  to  the  admiral 
Herbert  as  lieutenant  admiral   general   of   the  common 
fleet,  an  arrangement  made  to  satisfy    English   popular 
feeling.     Naturally  one  thing  and  another  could  not  be 
kept  secret  from  d'  Avaux,  and  he  did  not  fail  to  warn 
Louis  XIV.  and  James  II.  of  the  republic's  great  arma- 
ments, but  always  without  finding  a  hearing,  though  he 
could  now  declare  that  England  was  aimed  at.     Measures 
concerning  the  army  to  go  over  were  taken  in   deep  se- 
crecy and  with  great  care.     In  July  and  August  Bentinck 
on  behalf  of  the  prince  hired  several  regiments  from  the 
princes  of  northern  Germany;   the  English  and  Scotch 
regiments  in  the  Dutch  service  and  some    of   the   best 
Dutch  troops  were  brought  into  readiness  ;  the  command 
under  the  prince  was  given  to  the  marshal  Schomberg; 
the  whole  army  of  14,000  men  was  collected  at  Mook, 
supposedly  to  defend  the  frontier  against  an  attack  from 
the  side  of  Cologne.     To  avoid  publicity   the   necessary 
money  was  scraped  together  privately  from  everywhere. 
Dijkveld  and  Fagel  in  July  applied  to  the  Amsterdam 
government,  particularly  to  Witsen  and  Hudde,  about  it, 
but  the  latter  hesitated  at  first  to  comply  with  the  prince's 

VOL.    IV. — 3O. 


466  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

requests.1  The  enterprise  was  spoken  of  as  an  attempt 
"to  play  Monmouth,"  but  people  were  not  altogether 
averse  to  it. 

Early  in  September  the  English  and  French  ambassa- 
dors asked  the  States-General  for  enlightenment  as  to  the 
preparations  for  war,  while  the  former  asserted  the  peace- 
ful disposition  of  his  sovereign  and  the  latter  threatened 
war,  if  England  or  Cologne  were  attacked.  The  French 
threats  had  the  opposite  effect  from  what  d'Avaux  ex- 
pected. The  prince  managed  to  convince  the  States  that 
the  enterprise  against  England  was  the  best  means  of 
bringing  that  kingdom  on  the  side  of  France's  opponents 
and  that  it  certainly  would  succeed,  as  James  could  find 
no  support  in  his  own  country.  Through  the  council 
pensionary  the  prince  then  turned  to  the  Estates  of  Hol- 
land to  demonstrate  to  them  the  necessity  of  the  under- 
taking upon  England  in  the  interest  of  the  Protestant 
religion,  of  general  policy,  and  of  the  republic  in  particu- 
lar. He  did  not  deny  that  he  and  his  wife  were  specially 
interested,  as  successors  to  the  throne  of  England,  but  he 
confidently  asked  the  state's  help  in  winning  victory  for 
his  just  cause.  Nunc  aut  numquam  !  In  deep  secrecy 
everything  was  considered  by  the  municipal  governments, 
and  "the  inclination  of  the  common  people  and  of  the 
preachers  "  against  France  moved  those  still  hesitating  to 
consent,  afraid  as  they  were  of  a  repetition  of  the  war  of 
1672  with  its  consequences.  Fagel  and  the  prince  himself 
had  long  been  working  upon  the  preachers  and  showing 
them  the  peril  of  Protestantism,  so  that  they  would  dis- 
seminate this  idea  from  the  pulpit  and  in  families.  On 
September  29th  the  affair  was  concluded  in  the  Estates  of 
Holland  and  on  October  8th  in  a  secret  session  of  the 
States-General  with  a  larger  attendance  than  usual.  The 
prince  obtained  a  complete  assent  to  his  request,  and  the 

1  Fruin,   Willem  III.,  p.  179  ;  Wagenaar,  xv. ,  p.  427  ;  Gebhard.  Nicolaas 
Witsen,  ii.,  passim  ;  d'Avaux,  Negotiations,  vi.,  passim. 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition    46  7 

English  demand  for  explanation  was  answered  by  declar- 
ing that  the  armament  was  not  directed  against  king  and 
people,  but  that  it  was  hoped  to  see  the  troubles  in  Eng- 
land end  through  the  removal  of  just  grievances.  The 
States  desired  not  to  wage  open  war  with  the  English 
government,  but  to  assist  the  prince  with  the  power  of 
the  state  in  his  enterprise  begun  on  account  of  those 
grievances.  Some  of  the  regents  looked  on  with  anxiety 
but  did  not  venture  to  oppose. 

The  prince's  diplomacy  took  all  possible  precautions 
with  the  European  powers.  The  Great  Elector  had  lately 
been  working  in  harmony  with  the  policy  of  the  prince, 
but  he  had  died  in  April  and  been  replaced  by  his  son 
Frederick  III.,  who  speedily  manifested  his  disposition  to 
support  the  United  Netherlands.1  Bentinck  had  a  secret 
meeting  with  Fuchs,  and  the  latter  in  the  elector's  name 
promised  troops  for  the  prince's  expedition.  Brunswick 
Liineburg  also  joined  in  it  secretly  as  well  as  Wolfenbuttel 
and  Hesse.  Waldeck  directed  Bentinck's  cautious  and 
well  concealed  steps.  Everything  was  arranged  in  treaties 
by  the  beginning  of  August.  Wtirtemberg  furnished 
three  regiments  of  cavalry,  and  Hanover  declared  its  readi- 
ness to  help  repel  any  attack  by  France  upon  the  German 
empire.  I:  September  Prince  William  went  from  Het  Loo 
to  Minder  and  Rinteln  to  meet  the  elector  and  the  land- 
grave of  Hesse.  Waldeck  sounded  the  court  of  Vienna 
and  secured  the  assurance  that  the  emperor  would  watch 
the  English  expedition  with  approval.  The  elector  of 
Saxony  and  other  German  princes  were  ready  to  follow 
Hanover's  example.  In  September  the  prince  had  an 
interview  with  Spain's  representative  in  the  southern 
Netherlands  between  Breda  and  Antwerp  and  learned  of 
Spanish  satisfaction  with  the  plan.  Even  the  papal  govern- 
ment,   though  viewing  with  apprehension  the  defeat  of 

1  Ranke,  Englische   Geschichte,  vi.,  p.  134;  Muller,    Wilhelm  III.  von 
Qranien  und  Waldeck,  ii.,  p.  25. 


468  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Catholicism  in  England,  interposed  no  serious  obstacles, 
because  the  expedition  might  break  the  supremacy  of 
France,  felt  oppressively  at  Rome,  and  serve  to  restore 
peace  in  Europe  by  the  humiliation  of  the  ambitious  king.1 
The  chances  were  still  better  on  this  side,  when  Louis  XIV., 
instead  of  following  the  advice  of  Louvois  and  attacking 
the  republic,  declared  war  in  September  on  emperor  and 
pope,  and  the  French  troops  invaded  the  empire,  which 
caused  the  German  princes  at  once  to  take  up  arms  for  the 
defence  of  the  imperial  frontiers.  Thus  the  great  war 
began.  Its  end  depended  upon  the  course  of  affairs  in 
England,  upon  the  success  or  failure  of  the  prince's  great 
expedition.  If  it  succeeded,  England  and  the  republic 
would  undoubtedly  help  to  defend  the  German  empire  > 
if  it  failed,  an  irretrievable  blow  was  inflicted  on  the 
enemies  of  France  and  France's  supremacy  in  Europe  was 
established. 

It  succeeded,  the  expedition  of  the  new  Armada  that 
conquered  England  a  hundred  years  after  the  first  had  so 
miserably  failed.  On  October  loth  appeared  the  prince's 
masterly  "  declaration,"  drawn  up  by  Fagel's  able  hand 
and  translated  into  English  by  the  court  preacher,  Burnet, 
concerning  the  reasons  that  induced  him  with  arms  to  re- 
store the  Protestant  religion  and  the  laws  and  "iberties  of 
England.  At  the  end  of  October  all  was  read),  the  fleet 
assembled  at  Hellevoetsluis,  the  army  conveyed  along  the 
Meuse  to  that  port.  With  emotion  the  prince  took  leave 
of  the  States-General  on  October  26th,  declared  he  had  al- 
ways had  the  welfare  of  the  country  in  view,  appointed 
Waldeck  to  the  command  of  the  Dutch  army,  recom- 
mended the  princess  to  their  care  "  if  anything  mortal 
should  befall  him,"  and  urged  to  harmony  in  the  troublous 
days  that  might  come.  He  addressed  the  Estates  of  Hol- 
land also  more  cordially  than  usual.  Tears  stood  in  the 
eyes  of  the  stern  men  about  him,  and  many  accompanied 

1  Ranke,  Papste,  iii.,p.  117  ;  Immich,  Innocenz  XI,,  p.  106. 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition    469 

him  on  his  journey  to  Briel.     The  same  earnest  feeling 
pervaded  the  whole  country  on  the  day  of  prayer  after  the 
prince's  arrival  at  Hellevoetsluis.     On  the  25th  he  had  a 
serious  talk  with  his  wife,  the  memory  of  which  is  preserved 
to  us  in  the  journal  of  the  princess,1  the  most  beautiful  page 
written  by  the  pious,  loving  woman,  who  saw  her  husband 
depart  to  war  against  her  father.     He  intimated  to  her  the 
possibility  of  his  death  during  the  expedition  and  the  de- 
sirability of  her  marrying  again  in  that  case,  but  not  with  a 
Catholic.    Trembling  at  the  thought  of  his  going  away,  she 
said  that  she  hoped  not  to  survive  him,  but,  if  this  happened 
now  that  she  had  no  child  by  him,  she  wished  for  none, 
though  it  was  by  an  angel.  The  departure  of  the  prince  was 
postponed  on  account  of  slowness  in  the  preparations  for 
the  fleet.  When,  on  the  30th,  he  set  sail  for  northern  Eng- 
land or  Scotland,    a  severe  storm  drove  him  back  with 
great  damage  to  Hellevoetsluis.    There  was  general  alarm, 
lest  this  delay  of  a  few  days  might  awaken  James  II.  from 
his  dream  and  cause  him  to  take  vigorous  measures  for 
defence.      Summoned  to  Briel,  the  princess  could  once 
more  see  her  hero,  but  only  during  a  few  hours  and  in  deep 
anxiety,  for  which  she  sought  and  found  consolation  in 
solitude  and  prayer.     On  the  next  day,  November  nth, 
the  fleet  put  to  sea  again,  Herbert  commanding  the  van, 
Bastiaensze  Schepers  the  middle  division,  and  Evertsen 
the    rear   guard,    followed    by  the  loving  glances  of  the 
princess,  who  stood  gazing  from  the  tower  of  Briel  until 
the  masts  of  the  shir;  3  had  disappeared,  followed  by  the 
prayers  of  the  whole  republic,  united  now  as  seldom  before 
in  wishes  for  the  success  of  the  enterprise.     The  prince's 
flag  bore  the  words  Pro  religione  et  libertate  and  under 
them  the  proud  Je  maintiendray,  the  motto  of  his  fathers. 
The  aim  and  spirit  of  the  expedition  were  embodied  in 
these    watchwords.     Anxiety  regarding   the  issue  lasted 

1  Lettres  etme'moires,  p.  80.  From  them  Fruin,  p.  192,  and  Kramer,  p.  169. 


47°  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

a  month,  but  all  ended  well.1  The  prince  this  time  directed 
his  course  towards  the  Channel,  without  molestation  from 
the  English  fleet  lying  idly  in  the  Thames,  more  than  400 
vessels  passing  through  the  strait  of  Calais  with  all  sails  set 
and  flags  fluttering,  amid  the  thundering  of  cannon  and 
blare  of  trumpets.  After  some  trouble  with  a  strong  east 
wind,  which  carried  the  fleet  past  the  harbour,  he  landed  on 
the  14th  at  Torbay  on  the  southern  coast  of  England, 
disembarked  the  troops,  and  moved  on  the  same  day  to 
Exeter,  where  he  entered  upon  the  actual  campaign.  Eng- 
land hesitated  during  a  few  weeks,  but  then  the  royal  army, 
retreating  before  the  slowly  advancing  prince,  began  to  fall 
away,  and  the  defection  soon  became  general.  James  re- 
tired to  London,  tried  at  the  last  moment,  when  surround- 
ed by  treason,  to  rescue  his  crown  by  concessions,  but  fled 
from  his  palace  in  the  night  of  December  10  to  n,  after 
having  sent  the  queen  and  their  son  away.  He  was 
arrested  at  Sheerness  and  brought  back  to  London  ;  then 
he  was  allowed  to  escape  to  France,  where  he  arrived  on 
Christmas. 

With  the  king's  flight  from  London  the  victory  of  the 
prince  was  complete,  and  not  until  then  did  he  write  to 
his  wife.  Now  that  all  was  won,  discussions  could  begin 
regarding  the  manner  of  filling  the  deserted  throne.  The 
Convention,  called  together  soon  after  the  prince's  arrival 
in  London,  declared  the  throne  of  England  vacant  (Jan- 
uary 28,  1689).  There  was  a  period  of  uncertainty  as  to 
whether  the  throne  should  be  occupied  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  regent,  or  by  the  elevation  of  Mary  alone  to  be 
queen,  or  by  making  the  prince  and  princess  together 
king  and  queen.  Finally,  by  the  wish  of  both  of  them, 
the  last  was  resolved  upon,  and  William  and  Mary  on 
February  13th  accepted  the  crown  offered  to  them.  A 
week  later  she  also  came  over  from  Holland.    The  "  glori- 

5  See  the  fine  account  of  the  expedition  in  Macaulay,  History  of  England. 


Preparation  of  the  Great  Coalition    47 1 

ous  revolution  "  was  finished,  and  "  Dutch  William  "  had 
saved  the  religion  and  liberties  of  England. 

Louis  XIV.  had  contemplated  all  this  with  deep  vexa- 
tion at  the  conduct  of  James  II.,  who,  disregarding 
French  warnings  and  offers  of  help,  had  gone  on  the  road 
to  destruction  in  his  usual  stubborn  fashion  and  was  now 
a  fugitive  on  French  soil.  The  consequences  of  events 
in  England  were  immediately  felt  by  France.  Against 
Louis  XIV.  all  the  powers  were  now  united  that  had  any 
reason  to  complain  of  him.  It  was  a  period  of  great  im- 
portance in  the  history  of  the  world,  when  pope,  emperor, 
and  empire,  in  league  with  the  two  Protestant  maritime 
powers,  "  opposed  the  concentrated  might  of  the  furious 
Cock "  in  order  to  rescue  Europe's  freedom.1  That 
period  of  the  world's  history  dawned  when  the  prince, 
starting  from  the  republic  and  relying  upon  its  fleet  and 
army,  mounted  the  throne  of  the  Stuarts.  At  Vienna 
under  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits  there  had  been  some 
reluctance  to  unite  with  the  maritime  powers,  but  after 
the  expedition  to  England  Louis  in  November  had  finally 
declared  war  upon  the  States,  professedly  on  account  of 
the  support  given  his  enemies  in  the  affairs  of  Cologne. 
The  declaration  of  war  was  accepted  by  the  States  early 
in  March,  1689,  in  a  manifesto  "for  the  defence  of  re- 
ligion and  liberty  "  against  French  violence.  Spain  fol- 
lowed this  example  in  May,  and  somewhat  later  England 
also  declared  war  on  France,  as  d'  Avaux  had  long  before 
predicted  would  happen  whenever  the  prince's  expedition 
succeeded.  All  this  at  last  turned  the  scale  in  Vienna  to 
the  side  of  the  allies.  Jacob  Hop,  pensionary  of  Amster- 
dam, sent  to  Vienna  in  April,  was  able  on  May  12th  to  sign 
there  the  treaty,  by  which  the  emperor  pledged  himself 
to  the  States  to  aid  in  restoring  the  peace  of  Miinster 
and  that  of  the  Pyrenees  and  made  an  agreement  with 
them  respecting  the  future   of   the   Spanish   monarchy. 

1  Ranke,  Franzosische  Geschichte,  iv.,  p.  30. 


472  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Spain,  England,  the  German  princes  soon  entered  for- 
mally into  that  league  which,  as  the  "  Grand  Alliance  of 
Vienna,"  signified  the  success  of  the  efforts  of  William 
III.  and  his  partisans  in  uniting  all  Europe  against  the 
power  that  threatened  them  all  alike.  The  great  coalition 
was  in  existence,  and  it  was  to  appear  whether  it  would 
really  be  equal  to  breaking  for  good  and  all  the  power  of 
France,  now  that  England  had  joined  the  former  allies 
and  had  thrown  the  weight  of  its  navy,  army,  money,  and 
commerce  into  the  balance  against  France.  The  ideal  of 
William  III.  and  his  statesmen  was  to  be  subjected  to 
proof,  and  the  republic  bravely  plunged  again  into  the 
struggle,  which  it  had  given  up  in  discouragement  ten 
years  earlier,  roused  to  enthusiasm  for  the  general  cause 
by  the  great  warrior  and  statesman  who  guided  it  with  a 
firm  hand  and,  like  his  ancestors,  made  it  advance  in  the 
contest  for  the  Protestant  religion  and  the  political  equi- 
librium of  Europe,  the  great  principles  that  ruled  his  life 
until  his  last  breath. 


CHAPTER  XVII 


THE   COALITION   WAR 


IN  the  time  of  William  III.  the  history  of  the  Dutch 
people  starts  from  a  different  point  than  in  that  of  De 
Witt.      The  leaders  of    the  state   in    De   Witt's   period 
aimed  first  at  the  preservation  of  peace.     They  hoped, 
through  peace  after  the  long  war  for  independence,  to 
keep  the  prosperity  obtained  and  to  open  new  paths  to 
commerce  and  industry ;  in  the  wars  forced  upon  them, 
and  occupying  a  third  of  their  administration,  the  idea  of 
restoring  peace  was  constantly  active  with  them ;  their 
domestic  policy  was  chiefly  directed  to  the  establishment 
of  the  system  of  government,  from  which  they  expected 
happiness  for  the  nation ;  abroad  they  had  in  view  the 
nearest  material  interests  of  their  state  and  people.     It 
was  otherwise  with  William  III.  and  his  adherents.     Al- 
though their  end  too  was  not  war  but  peace,  they  were 
not  ready  to  purchase  this  peace  at  the  price  of  material 
profit  offered  them  by  France.     They  put  the  powers  of 
the  state  in  the  service  of  a  high  ideal  and  subordinated 
to  it  the  state's  interests ;  at  home  they  were  content  with 
''  folding   the  predominant  influence  of    their  master; 
Cvside  of  the  country  their  exertions  sought  the  abase- 
'  nt  of  the  power  striving  for  supremacy.     This  abase- 
ent  could  only  be  secured  by  a  general  European   war. 
nsequently  William  III.'s  period  is  one  of  war.     The 
ace  treaties,  both  that  of  Nimwegen  and  that  of  Rys- 

473 


474  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

wick,  were  nothing  more  than  truces  in  his  eyes,  and  only 
the  peace  of  Utrecht  in  171 3  could  bring  to  an  end  the 
series  of  wars  against  France,  which  in  the  last  quarter  of 
the  seventeenth  century  and  the  beginning  of  the  eight- 
eenth determined  the  destinies  of  the  state  and  people 
of  the  United  Netherlands. 

In  the  years  after  William  III.  became  king  of  England 
the  state  of  war,  in  which  the  republic  existed,  was  of 
great  importance  to  its  internal  condition.  There  was 
no  thought  of  reforms  in  the  faulty  government,  now  that 
the  stadtholder's  personal  ambition  seemed  satisfied  by 
his  high  dignity  elsewhere  and  his  dynastic  interests  were 
less  strongly  felt  on  account  of  the  childlessness  of  his 
marriage.  This  lack  of  children  imparted  a  tinge  of  sad- 
ness to  the  life  of  the  reconciled  pair,  awakened  in  the  minds 
of  both  a  feeling  of  loneliness  and  desolation,  was  coupled 
in  the  queen  with  the  mournful  thought  of  her  father 
wandering  in  exile,  and  it  caused  repeated  talk  of 
transferring  the  succession  to  one  of  the  related  families, 
to  the  Frisian  branch  of  the  house  of  Nassau,  or  to  a 
prince  of  the  house  of  Hohenzollern.  But  William 
III.  had  only  slight  sympathy  with  his  Frisian  cousin, 
who  on  his  side  was  not  very  obliging,  and  after  a 
short  reconciliation  withdrew  from  the  army  on  being 
passed  over  in  the  choice  of  a  first  field  marshal  at 
Waldeck's  death  in  1692. '  Prince  Henry  Casimir  was  even 
drawn  into  secret  negotiation  with  his  country's  enemy, 
Louis  XIV.,  and  the  serious  dissension  was  not  ended 
until  1694  through  the  mediation  of  the  Frisian  stadt- 
holder's wife.  When  he  died  young  in  March,  1696,  and 
left  a  son,  the  eight-year-old  John  William  Friso,  wh^se 
godfather  was  William  III.,  the  latter  inclined  to  as:; 
the  succession  to  this  young  prince.  After  Queen  Ma 
death  he  named  him  as  his  sole  heir  by  will  of  Octc 
18,  1695.     The  death  of  the  council  pensionary,  Fagel 

1  See  Van  Sypesteyn,  Geschiedk.  Bijdragen,  iii.,  p.  24. 


The  Coalition  War  475 

December,  1688,  in  the  midst  of  the  English  complica- 
tions, was  a  great  loss  to  William  III.1  His  place  was 
taken  by  Van  Hove,  pensionary  of  Haarlem,  and,  after 
his  speedy  death  in  May,  1689,  and  a  temporary  occupa- 
tion, by  the  pensionary  of  Delft,  Antonie  Heinsius,  who 
had  been  pensionary  since  1679  and  had  attracted  atten- 
tion by  his  sagacity,  though  he  did  not  at  first  belong  to 
the  Orange  party.  The  prince  had  employed  him  in  1683 
on  a  mission  to  Paris  to  defend  the  interests  of  the  princi- 
pality of  Orange  against  French  attacks,  and  Heinsius 
had  returned  from  there  and  later  from  a  mission  to  Lon- 
don a  pronounced  adherent  of  the  prince's  policy  against 
France.2  He  soon  became  the  friend  of  Fagel,  and  when 
the  latter's  health  began  to  fail,  the  prince  looked  to  the 
Delft  pensionary  as  his  helper  in  treating  foreign  affairs. 
Fagel  was  not  unwilling,  and  offered  him  in  1686  the 
office  of  pensionary  of  Dordrecht,  whose  pensionary  usu- 
ally replaced  the  council  pensionary.  But  Heinsius, 
already  forty-five  years  old,  declined,  believing  that  the 
employment  suited  "  neither  with  his  humour,  nor  with  his 
knowledge,  nor  with  his  health."  After  reiterated  en- 
treaty, the  modest  man  accepted  and  soon  proved  him- 
self an  excellent  aid  to  William  III.,  less  independent  and 
vigorous,  much  less  enthusiastic  and  ardent  than  Fagel, 
but  exact,  zealous,  honest,  able,  clear-sighted,  docile,  an 
invaluable  tool  in  the  prince's  hand.  With  Dijkveld  and 
Hop,  he  belonged  to  the  best  statesmen  of  the  last  period 
of  William  III.'s  reign. 

This  period  was  characterised  in  domestic  affairs  by  a 
strong  maintenance  of  the  Orange  prince's  supremacy  in 
the  republic,  where  his  power  was  much  greater  than  it 
could  be  in  England  with  the  limitations  imposed  upon 
the  royal  authority  after  the  "glorious  revolution."  His 
elevation  was  heard  of  here  with  great  joy  ;  bonfires  were 

1  Burnet,  History,  i.,  p.  559. 

2  Archie f  Heinsius,  ed.  Van  der  Heim,  i.,  p.  lxxiv. 


476  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

kindled,  salutes  fired,  triumphal  arches  erected  on  the  day 
of  the  coronation ;  a  day  of  thanksgiving  was  observed 
over  the  whole  country  late  in  March.  Many  feared  that 
the  republic's  affairs  would  suffer  from  lack  of  attention 
or  that  the  prince  would  find  his  double  dignity  too  oner- 
ous and  would  lay  down  the  stadtholdership.  William 
III.  never  considered  this  seriously  ;  on  the  contrary, 
when  matters  in  England  did  not  go  as  well  as  he  had  ex- 
pected, when  attacks  were  made  on  his  conduct,  his 
friends,  even  his  person,  he  repeatedly  meditated  resign- 
ing his  high  dignity  in  England,  especially  after  the 
queen's  death  in  1695.  "  Crucify  him"  followed  the  loud 
"  Hosanna  "  in  his  case  also  according  to  his  prediction, 
and  his  thoughts  often  went  back  to  the  old  fatherland, 
to  Het  Loo,  metamorphosed  from  a  hunting  castle  into  a 
princely  palace,  to  the  faithful  love  of  his  former  coun- 
trymen, to  the  rural  surroundings  of  The  Hague.  No- 
where was  William  III.  more  at  home  than  in  the 
Netherlands,  and  the  brief  periods  of  his  sojourn  here 
were  times  of  rest  in  the  brilliant  exile  of  Hampton 
Court  and  London,  where  he  lived  in  a  society  that  did 
not  please  him,  in  a  climate  that  did  not  agree  with  him, 
in  a  strife  that  vexed  him  more  and  more.  "  Dutch  Wil- 
liam" remained  a  foreigner  to  the  English  people,  though 
he  was  a  foreigner  to  whom  that  people  owed  much  and 
whose  name  it  still  venerates.  He  announced  to  the 
States  his  elevation  in  England  and  his  wish  that  both 
powers  should  go  on  in  "  inviolable  friendship."  Previ- 
ous to  this  letter  he  had  requested  the  States-General  to 
send  envoys  to  England  to  help  in  regulating  the  com- 
mon action  with  the  ordinary  ambassador  Van  Citters.1 
Witsen,  Odijk,  and  Dijkveld  were  intrusted  with  the 
mission  in  January,  and  soon  De  Wildt  and  other  mem- 
bers of  the  boards  of  admiralty  joined  them  to  settle 
mutual  maritime  interests.     The  extraordinary  embassy 

1  Gebhard,  Nicolaas  Witsen,  i.,  p.  335.     See  also  Wagenaar,  xvi.,  p.  21. 


The  Coalition  War  477 

was  commissioned  further  to  congratulate  the  king  and 
queen  of  England  and  to  discuss  an  offensive  and  defen- 
sive alliance.  This  last  encountered  opposition  from 
the  Dutch  side.  Men  hesitated  "  to  exhaust  themselves 
for  Great  Britain's  sake."  Witsen  and  Van  Citters  were 
little  inclined  to  use  "the  money  and  people  of  the 
States"  on  behalf  of  England.  After  long  delay  they 
gave  way  under  strong  pressure  from  the  king  and  signed 
the  treaty  of  September  3,  1689,  for  the  prevention  of 
commerce  with  France  and  for  carrying  on  war  together. 
For  the  time  not  even  the  repeal  of  the  Navigation  Act 
could  be  obtained,  and  everything  showed  that  the  com- 
mercial jeaiousy  between  the  two  nations  had  not  disap- 
peared. Witsen,  returning  home  with  the  others  in 
November,  complained  that  all  had  been  decided  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  king's  opinion  and  with  the  desire  of 
England.  Laughingly  and  insistently  William  III.  had 
pushed  his  will  through,  regarding  everything  as  subor- 
dinate to  the  great  aim  of  the  cooperation  of  England 
with  the  coalition,  which,  through  the  mediation  of  Hop 
going  over  to  England,  was  really  brought  about  before 
the  end  of  the  year  by  England's  official  accession  to  the 
Grand  League  of  Vienna. 

The  residence  of  the  stadtholder  in  England  caused 
troubles  in  the  government  of  the  republic,  which  had  as 
a  consequence  violent  popular  movements  and  no  less  vi- 
olent pamphlets.  In  the  usual  election  of  sheriffs  in  Am- 
sterdam at  the  end  of  January  the  nomination,  on  account 
of  the  absence  of  the  stadtholder,  who  had  to  make  the 
choice,  was  sent  to  the  court  of  Holland  for  its  selection. 
The  court,  fearing  the  prince,  sent  the  nomination  over 
to  him,  and  he  chose  from  those  nominated,  but  expressed 
his  displeasure  at  Amsterdam's  action.  Next  year  the 
city  would  not  consent  to  this  treatment  of  the  affair  and 
appealed  to  the  Estates  of  Holland  for  authority  to  give 
the  nomination  to  the  court  according  to  its  privileges,  as 


478  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

otherwise  the  sheriffs  could  not  be  sworn  in  time.  The 
king  was  consulted  in  writing,  but  Amsterdam  refused  to 
yield,  though  the  war  against  France  might  suffer.  The 
city  said  that  its  privileges  were  dearer  to  it  than  a  victory 
over  the  whole  world.  Very  disagreeable  to  the  king  was 
the  strenuous  opposition  of  Amsterdam  to  the  further  ad- 
mission of  Bentinck,  who  had  been  created  earl  of  Port- 
land in  England,  as  a  member  of  the  nobility  in  the 
Estates  of  Holland.  The  city  asserted  that  Bentinck  had 
become  an  Englishman,  had  lost  his  rights  as  a  member 
of  the  Holland  nobility,  and  cited  precedents.  The 
nobility  brought  up  precedents  on  the  other  side.  In 
January,  1690,  Amsterdam  again  handed  its  nomination 
to  the  court,  which  resolved  to  send  it  back  unnoticed. 
Meanwhile  the  old  sheriffs  remained  in  service,  and  the 
opposing  party  asked  by  what  right  this  was  allowed. 
The  justice  administered  by  the  old  sheriffs  might  have 
been  declared  illegal,  and  the  nobility  already  proposed 
a  resolution  to  this  effect.  Holland  resolved  to  pro- 
nounce the  continuance  in  office  of  the  old  sheriffs  as 
illegal  and  their  actions  as  void  notwithstanding  the 
vehement  protest  of  Amsterdam.  The  majority  of  the 
Amsterdam  council  now  determined  to  give  way  and  to 
adopt  the  proposed  middle  course.  The  nomination  was 
delivered  to  the  Estates  of  Holland,  by  them  sent  to 
England,  and  the  king  made  his  choice.  After  discussion 
between  Witsen,  Heinsius,  and  Bentinck  the  dissension 
was  settled  in  March.  Amsterdam  thenceforth  treated 
its  nomination  in  this  manner,  and  Bentinck-Portland  re- 
mained in  the  nobility.  The  stadtholder  was  once  more 
victorious,  but  apparently  his  absence  had  no  favourable 
influence  upon  the  vigour  of  the  government. 

The  ecclesiastical  movements  of  this  time  had  little  con- 
nection with  politics ;  but  the  States  watched  them  and 
the  orthodox  party  hoped  for  the  king's  support.  Voetians 
and  Cocceians  still  opposed  one  another,  even  after  the 


The  Coalition  War  479 

death  of  Cocceius  in  1669  and  of  Voetius  in  1676.  The 
former  did  not  rest  until  they  had  removed  from  his  pro- 
fessorship the  venerable  Heydanus,  who  had  long  taught 
his  moderate  Cartesian  principles  at  Leyden,  just  as  they 
had  driven  the  moderate  Van  der  Waeyen  from  Middel- 
burg.  But  Van  der  Waeyen  was  taken  under  the  protection 
of  the  Frisian  stadtholder  and  in  1677  became  professor  in 
Franeker,  from  where  he  succeeded  in  defending  the  Coc- 
ceians  against  their  enemies.  William  III.  showed  himself 
less  and  less  inclined  to  side  with  the  Voetians  in  all  respects 
and  endeavoured  by  a  conciliatory  attitude  to  bring  the 
parties  together,  which  was  finally  accomplished.  The 
resolution  of  the  Estates  of  Holland  of  1694,  exhorting  to 
"  brotherly  harmony,"  to  the  choice  of  preachers  "  of  a 
moderate  and  peaceful  disposition,"  to  the  treatment  of 
religious  matters  at  the  university  not  according  to  "  the 
rules  of  philosophy  "  but  according  to  the  "  usual  doctrine 
of  the  Reformed  Churches,  contained  in  the  Catechism, 
the  Confessions,  and  the  rules  of  the  National  Synod  of 
Dordrecht,"  '  did  much  to  appease  the  strife,  which  other- 
wise in  the  opinion  of  the  violent  Voetians  must  inevitably 
have  led  to  the  new  national  synod  desired  by  them. 
Neither  the  States  nor  the  prince  wanted  such  a  synod, 
dreading  a  repetition  of  the  discords  of  the  time  of  the 
truce.  Although  here  and  there  traces  might  appear  of  a 
revival  of  the  ideas  of  the  old  party  of  the  States,  William 
III.'s  authority  was  in  the  long  run  energetically  upheld, 
and  there  was  no  more  opposition  to  his  foreign  policy, 
which  he  held  firmly  in  hand  with  the  aid  of  Heinsius  and 
other  trusted  leaders  of  the  state,  much  better  than  was 
possible  in  England. 

The  instruments  of  that  policy,  the  army  and  navy,  were 
carefully  prepared  for  their  difficult  task.  The  army, 
trained  with  the  help  of  Waldeck,  Hoorne,  Aylva,  Ouwer- 
kerk,    Slangenburg,    Van    Rheede    Ghinckel,    and   other 

1  Res.  Holl.  iS  December,  1694. 


480  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

officers,  was  not  large,  scarcely  60,000  men,  but  formed  an 
excellent  nucleus  to  be  joined  by  the  troops  of  the  allies. 
Under  command  of  Vauban's  equal,  Menno,  baron  van 
Coehoorn,  the  Dutch  engineers  were  now  developed  into  a 
corps  fully  capable  of  their  work.  Waldeck,  the  foreigner, 
had  much  to  overcome  in  this  preparation,  especially 
during  the  absence  of  the  prince  in  England,  not  only  on 
account  of  the  opposition  of  Prince  Henry  Casimir,  who 
grudged  him  the  chief  command,  but  also  on  account  of 
the  difficulties  with  the  council  of  state  and  the  continual 
intrigues  of  the  prince's  influential  favourites.  As  soon  as 
the  king  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army,  however, 
most  of  these  troubles  vanished.  To  the  navy  also  Wil- 
liam devoted  his  attention  in  conjunction  with  Cornells 
Tromp,  Schepers,  Cornelis  Evertsen,  Job  de  Wildt,  Witsen, 
and  others.  In  1687  by  introducing  a  farming-out  of  half 
of  the  convoys  and  licenses  the  prince  managed  to  improve 
the  finances  of  the  admiralties  and  put  them  in  a  condition 
to  meet  their  engagements  better.  From  1690  a  body  of 
9000  sailors  was  enlisted  every  year.  De  Wildt,  from  1691 
the  king's  commissioner  to  the  admiralties,1  was  active,  but 
many  plans  remained  unexecuted  from  lack  of  funds  and 
want  of  cooperation.  Holland  and  Zealand  worked  zeal- 
ously, and  so  between  1682  and  1700  about  170  new  vessels 
were  built,  half  of  them  by  the  Amsterdam  admiralty,  while 
in  the  same  period  over  eighty  millions  were  spent  for 
equipment  and  building  over  and  above  the  ordinary  ap- 
propriation for  the  navy,  which  rose  from  nearly  six  to 
nearly  eight  millions  a  year.  In  the  last  years  of  the  coali- 
tion war  a  fleet  of  100  to  1 1 5  fine  ships  was  obtained  with 
4000  to  5000  cannon  and  20,000  to  24,000  men,  a  force  that 
may  well  be  compared  with  that  of  De  Witt's  time.  The 
commanders,  though  no  Tromps  or  De  Ruyters,  could 
likewise  be  compared  with  those  of  former  days.  Cornelis 
Tromp  and  Willem  Bastiaensze  Schepers  were  too  old  for 

1  De  Jonge,  iii.,  p.  109. 


The  Coalition  War  48r 

active  service — the  former  died  in  1691  and  the  latter  in 
1704 — but  Almonde,  the  two  younger  Evertsens  and 
Callenburgh,  formed  in  the  school  of  De  Ruyter,  may  be 
named  among  the  best.  Cooperation  with  the  British 
fleets  and  squadrons,  always  under  command  of  a  British 
admiral  in  accordance  with  the  treaty  of  1689,  did  not  in- 
crease the  fame  of  the  Dutch  navy. 

At  first  an  attack  of  the  French  upon  Maestricht  was 
feared,  even  during  the  prince's  expedition  to  England, 
but  Louis  XIV.  turned  to  Germany  and  had  the  Palatinate 
devastated  for  the  second  time  in  a  terrible  manner,  while 
the  French  army  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands  under  the 
marshal  d'Humieres  acted  only  defensively  against  Wal- 
deck.  With  the  coalition  army  composed  of  Spanish, 
English,  and  Dutch  troops  the  latter  moved  late  in  the 
summer  to  the  vicinity  of  Charleroi,  where  the  French 
were  driven  back  in  a  bloody  skirmish  at  Walcourt  on 
August  25th.  The  advantage  secured  was  not  followed  up, 
and  both  sides  confined  themselves  to  border  raids,  with 
which  the  far  from  brilliant  campaign  of  this  year  ended. 
More  profit  was  derived  from  the  campaign  in  Cleves  and 
the  Rhine  district,  Dutch  troops  under  Aylva  acting  with 
the  Brandenburgers,  and  Neuss  and  Bonn  were  taken  there 
besides  a  number  of  smaller  places.  Dutch  troops  under 
Van  Rheede  Ghinckel  fought  also  in  Ireland  against 
King  James  together  with  English  and  Danes. 

Of  more  importance  was  the  campaign  of  the  following 
year,  when  Luxembourg  again  took  command  of  the 
French  forces  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands  and  by  superior 
strength  inflicted  a  serious  defeat  upon  the  aged  Waldeck 
at  Fleuruson  July  1st  in  spite  of  the  exemplary  conduct 
of  the  infantry  of  Holland  and  Friesland.1  That  defeat 
did  not  injure  the  good  name  of  the  Dutch  troops,  whose 
leaders,  Aylva,  Wibbenum,  and  others,  won  renown  not- 

1  Knoop,  Willem  III.,  iii.,  p.  35  ;  Muller,  WilheJm  III.  und  Waldeck, 
ii.,  p.  74. 

VOL.   IV. — 31. 


482  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

withstanding  the  heavy  losses,  nearly  half  of  the  army 
lying  dead  or  wounded  on  the  field  of  battle.  A  few  days 
later,  on  the  10th,  the  allies  suffered  a  second  "great 
disaster  "  off  Beachy  Head,  where  the  French  admiral 
Tourville  defeated  the  Anglo-Dutch  fleet  under  the  Eng- 
lish admiral  Herbert,  now  Lord  Torrington.  The  Dutch 
vanguard,  commanded  by  the  lieutenant  admiral  Cornelis 
Evertsen,  was  especially  damaged,  and  the  Dutch  captains 
complained  that  the  English  had  left  them  in  the  lurch. 
Among  the  numerous  dead  in  this  battle  was  Jan  van 
Brakel,  "  the  terror  of  the  ocean."  An  investigation  really 
proved  Torrington's  guilt,  and,  though  acquitted,  he  lost 
his  position  as  admiral.  Great  was  the  disappointment  of 
the  Dutch  at  the  course  of  the  war,  and  the  deep  impres- 
sion made  by  the  two  defeats  was  not  entirely  removed  by 
the  famous  victory  of  the  Boyne,  on  the  day  after  the 
battle  of  Beachy  Head,  in  which  the  Dutch  troops  had  an 
important  part.  Confidence  did  not  return  until  the  king 
himself  came  over  from  England  in  the  spring  of  1691  to 
direct  the  military  operations.  The  beloved  Orange 
prince  was  greeted  with  great  joy:  triumphal  arches  and 
bonfires,  poems  and  speeches  welcomed  him  to  the  capital 
after  two  years  and  a  half  of  absence.  His  Majesty  re- 
plied with  expressions  of  cordiality  and  of  a  readiness  to 
stand  by  the  republic  with  all  the  power  of  England. 
Grand  plans  were  at  once  formed.  The  allies  held  a  gen- 
eral conference  at  The  Hague,  where  the  governor  of  the 
Spanish  Netherlands,  marquis  de  Gastanaga,  appeared 
besides  many  German  princes,  and  at  the  urgency  of  the 
king  it  was  resolved  to  put  no  less  than  220,000  men  upon 
the  different  fields  of  war,  of  which  the  republic  was  to 
furnish  35,000,  while  with  England  it  secured  the  payment 
of  considerable  subsidies.  Suddenly  in  March  a  French 
army  attacked  Mons,  which  after  a  short  defence  fell  into 
the  enemy's  hands  in  April.  The  army  of  the  allies, 
hastily  assembled  by  William  III.,  came  too  late  to  prevent 


1 


The  Coalition  War  483 

the  city's  fall  and  was  content  with  the  protection  of 
Brabant,  where  meanwhile  the  French  troops  had  plun- 
dered terribly,  especially  at  Hal,  destroyed  by  Luxem- 
bourg in  barbarous  fashion  at  the  command  of  Louvois, 
as  Boufflers  did  some  days  later  at  Liege,  where  over 
3000  houses  were  burned  and  pillaged  to  take  vengeance 
for  the  support  given  to  Spain.  Even  Brussels  was 
threatened,  when  William  III.  left  there  with  his  army 
for  Louvain.  These  were  the  last  acts  of  the  inhuman 
French  minister  of  war,  who  died  soon  afterwards.  The 
large  armies  arrayed  against  one  another  in  the  southern 
Netherlands,  each  about  60,000  men,  accomplished  finally 
but  little,  and  they  went  into  winter  quarters  in  October. 
The  two  following  years  furnished  more  important 
military  results.  On  both  sides  great  preparations  were 
made  for  1692.  William  III.  crossed  over  to  the  Nether- 
lands with  numerous  English  troops  to  carry  on  the  war 
energetically.  Louis  XIV.  planned  an  attack  upon  Eng- 
land with  army  and  fleet  to  restore  James  II.  to  the 
throne,  while  a  large  part  of  the  English  army  was  absent 
in  the  Netherlands  and  was  to  be  kept  busy  there  by  a 
vigorous  assault  on  Namur.  The  coasts  of  Normandy 
swarmed  with  troops,  and  20,000  to  30,000  of  them  were 
to  be  conveyed  over  to  England  under  escort  of  the  fleet 
from  Toulon  and  Brest  commanded  by  Tourville  and 
d'Estr6es,  while  there  must  be  a  rising  of  the  still  numer- 
ous adherents  of  James  II.  The  threatening  danger 
made  the  English  nation  stand  up  as  one  man  in  defence 
of  the  fatherland.  A  conspiracy  against  the  existing 
government  was  discovered  and  frustrated  ;  a  large  force 
was  brought  together  on  the  southern  coast ;  the  Anglo- 
Dutch  fleet  gathered  in  the  Channel  under  Russell  and 
Almonde ;  other  English  and  Dutch  forces  were  held 
ready  in  the  Netherlands  to  cross  over  the  North  Sea  at 
the  first  sign.  But  the  French  army  did  not  go  over  the 
Channel.     Tourville  was  detained  in  Brest  by  slowness  in 


434  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

the  equipment  and  by  a  contrary  wind  ;  d'Estrees  was 
delayed  by  a  storm  on  his  voyage  from  Toulon  and  could 
not  unite  with  the  main  force  in  time.  Against  the  120 
ships  of  all  kinds  of  the  allies  Tourville  had  only  half  as 
many,  but  the  French  government  hoped  that  the  dis- 
content prevailing  on  the  English  fleet  might  keep  it  in 
the  background  as  at  Beachy  Head,  so  that  only  the 
Dutch  would  have  to  be  encountered.  This  calculation 
failed.  Queen  Mary,  governing  during  William  III.'s 
absence,  managed  with  great  tact  to  restore  obedience  on 
the  fleet  and  to  thwart  the  intrigues  of  the  Jacobites. 
Late  in  May  the  powerful  Anglo-Dutch  fleet,  with  some 
7000  cannon  and  40,000  men,  sailed  for  the  French  coast 
in  search  of  the  enemy.  On  May  29th  it  met  Tourville  off 
La  Hogue.  The  valiant  admiral  did  not  avoid  the  un- 
equal conflict,  however  rash  such  an  undertaking  might 
appear,  and  his  king's  command  to  wait  for  d'Estrees  did 
not  reach  him.  Early  in  the  morning  Tourville  began 
the  attack  and  continued  it  with  desperate  obstinacy 
during  the  entire  day,  until  darkness  gave  him  an  oppor- 
tunity to  retreat  to  the  French  coast  with  the  remnant  of 
his  fleet.  This  time  the  battle  was  principally  between 
the  English  and  French  ships,  while  Almonde  got  into 
the  fight  with  but  a  few  of  his  vessels.  That  Tourville 
turned  his  attention  mostly  to  the  English  seems  due  to 
his  expectation  that  several  English  commanders  would 
desert  to  his  side  at  the  first  shot,  but  this  did  not  occur. 
Next  day  fog  and  a  calm  hindered  the  enemy's  flight  as 
well  as  the  pursuit.  A  few  ships  succeeded  in  reaching 
Cherbourg,  others  took  refuge  in  the  bay  of  La  Hogue, 
followed  by  the  small  vessels  of  the  allies,  which  chased 
the  hostile  ships  among  the  rocks,  assailed  them  with 
armed  boats  and  fire  ships,  and  on  the  2d  and  3d  of 
June  burned,  destroyed,  or  forced  ashore  one  after  the 
other  of  them.  Those  in  the  harbour  of  Cherbourg  were 
also  set  on  fire.     The  Dutch  took  part  in  this  work  of 


The  Coalition  War  485 

destruction.  Almost  half  of  the  French  fleet,  including 
its  best  ships,  was  lost.  For  a  long  time  after  the  battle 
of  La  Hogue  France  ceased  to  be  a  naval  power  of  the 
first  rank. 

The  war  on  the  sea  dropped  into  the  background  after 
this  battle.  Danger  was  threatened  in  June,  1693,  by  the 
disaster  of  Lagos  in  Portugal,  where  a  large  fleet  of  mer- 
chantmen, escorted  by  an  Anglo-Dutch  squadron  of  23 
war  ships  under  Rooke  and  Van  der  Goes,  sailed  un- 
expectedly into  the  midst  of  a  numerous  French  fleet 
commanded  by  Tourville  and  suffered  heavy  losses.  An 
attack  on  Brest  in  1694  failed  ;  a  bombardment  of  Dieppe 
and  Havre  de  Grace,  later  of  St.  Malo,  did  much  damage. 
From  Dunkirk  the  brave  privateering  captain  Jean  Bart, 
now  in  the  royal  service,  inflicted  serious  injury  upon 
Dutch  and  English  commerce  and  became  the  terror  of 
the  North  Sea.  As  late  as  1697  the  waters  of  Zealand 
were  far  from  safe.  The  great  fleets  of  the  allies  had  for 
their  chief  task  to  guard  the  merchantmen  against  the 
French  squadrons  and  privateers  but  found  no  opportu- 
nity to  attack  the  enemy  in  naval  battles  of  importance. 
The  lieutenant  admiral  Almonde,  the  vice  admiral  Callen- 
burgh,  Cornelis  and  Geleyn  Evertsen,  and  other  intrepid 
leaders  upheld  the  good  name  of  the  Dutch  navy  in  these 
small  fights  and  expeditions. 

The  result  of  the  long  contest  depended  upon  the  war 
on  land.  It  was  carried  on  with  varying  fortunes,  and  the 
large  armies  did  not  succeed  in  winning  decisive  advan- 
tages. In  June,  1692,  Louis  XIV.  captured  the  important 
Namur,  and  its  citadel  after  a  sturdy  resistance  was  forced 
to  yield  to  Vauban's  brilliant  siege,  though  it  was  cleverly 
defended  by  Coehoorn.  The  battle  of  Steenkerke 
(August  3d),  where  Luxembourg,  fighting  against  William 
III.,  changed  defeat  into  a  victory,  altered  but  little  the 
situation.  The  death  of  Waldeck  at  the  age  of  72,  after 
he  had  taken  part  in  the  battle  and  had  later  departed  for 


486  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

his  own  country,  at  Arolsen  in  November  of  that  year, 
was  a  great  loss  to  the  prince.1  With  him  disappeared 
from  the  scene  an  excellent  general,  a  dexterous  states- 
man, one  of  the  best  helpers  of  the  great  Orange  prince, 
who  honoured  him  as  his  old  friend.  France  lost  in  him  a 
persistent  opponent,  the  republic  a  faithful  servant.  The 
great  battle  of  Neerwinden,  where  William  III.  with  a 
much  smaller  army  suffered  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Lux- 
embourg, lost  nearly  all  his  artillery,  and  by  a  hasty  flight 
narrowly  escaped  capture  (July  29,  1693),  might  have  had 
fatal  consequences,  if  the  leader  of  the  allied  forces  had 
not  again  shown  himself  a  master  in  retreat.  It  appeared 
that  France  was  still  strong  enough  to  make  head  against 
all  the  allies,  unless  England  cooperated  more  energeti- 
cally in  bringing  the  war  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands  to  a 
successful  end.  Parliament  continually  thwarted  the 
king-stadtholder  and  objected  to  furnishing  the  necessary 
funds,  while  the  intrigues  of  the  Jacobites  in  England  and 
of  the  partisans  of  France  and  the  States  in  the  republic 
prevented  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  particularly 
when  the  Frisian  stadtholder,  on  account  of  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  duke  of  Holstein-Plon  as  field  marshal  in 
place  of  Waldeck,  whose  successor  he  had  hoped  to  be- 
come, not  merely  quitted  the  army  for  good,  but  lowered 
himself  to  secret  negotiations  with  the  enemy.  A  brief 
negotiation  for  peace  in  the  spring  of  1694  amounted  to 
nothing,  the  French  apparently  not  being  in  earnest.  So 
the  war  was  continued.  William  III.  appeared  again  at 
The  Hague  to  deliberate  with  the  representatives  of  the 
allies,  and  then  to  lead  the  campaign,  but  the  French 
armies  seemed  too  strong  to  be  expelled  from  Brabant. 
Only  Hoey  was  captured  from  them,  while  the  talent 
of  the  king-stadtholder  prevented  Luxembourg  from 
penetrating    farther    into    Brabant    or    Flanders.      The 

1  Ar chief  Heinsius,  ed.  Van  der  Heim,  ii.,  p.  60;  P.  L.  Muller,    Wil- 
helm  III.  und  Waldeck,  ii.,  p.  102. 


The  Coalition  War  487 

death  of  Queen  Mary  (January  7,  1695),  although  it 
struck  William  III.  personally  and  made  him  sit  down 
for  weeks  in  sad  despair,  brought  no  change  to  the  state 
of  affairs,  but  this  loss  threatened  to  diminish  the  king's 
influence  in  England.  Luxembourg's  death  at  this  time 
was  a  serious  harm  to  Louis  XIV.,  as  he  was  the  last  of 
the  great  commanders  who  had  won  victories.  His  suc- 
cessor, Villeroy,  was  more  of  a  courtier  than  a  general. 
In  1695  also  the  French  army  in  the  Netherlands  re- 
mained over  100,000  men  strong,  but  that  of  William 
III.  reached  about  the  same  figure  and  enabled  him  to 
operate  offensively,  with  the  aid  of  the  excellent  leaders 
formed  in  the  long  war,  among  whom  may  be  named  the 
cavalry  general  Nassau-Ouwerkerk,  son  of  Beverweerd, 
the  noted  Van  Rheede  Ghinckel,  after  his  Irish  victories 
earl  of  Athlone,  the  generals  Fagel,  Nassau-Weilburg, 
Von  Dopff,  Van  Ittersum,  Noyelles.  Early  in  July  he 
laid  siege  to  Namur,  "  a  hard  nut  to  crack,"  as  he  said, 
now  a  fortress  of  the  first  rank,  fortified  by  Vauban  and 
defended  by  the  brave  Boufrlers.  Coehoorn,  now  general 
of  infantry,  was  soon  the  leader  of  the  famous  siege, 
which  ended  a  month  later  in  the  surrender  of  the  city.1 
The  citadel,  where  the  garrison  had  taken  refuge  after  the 
capitulation,  had  to  be  separately  besieged,  while  Ville- 
roy's  army  was  kept  at  a  distance  by  that  of  the  allies 
under  the  prince  of  Vaudemont.  The  bombardment  of 
Brussels,  by  which  Villeroy  had  hoped  to  break  off  the 
siege  of  the  citadel,  could  not  save  the  important  point, 
and  on  September  5th  the  citadel  of  Namur  fell  before 
William  III.  A  large  share  of  the  glory  of  the  exploit 
was  due  to  Coehoorn  and  to  his  admirable  use  of  artillery. 
From  this  time  he  was  regarded  as  the  equal  of  Vauban, 
and  even  superior  to  him  as  a  besieger.  The  garrison 
stipulated  for  marching  out  with  arms  and  the  honours  of 
war,  yet  Boufrlers  remained  for  some  time  a  prisoner  on 

1  Leven  van  Coehoorn,  ed.  Van  Sypesteyn  (Leeuwarden,  i860),  p.  12. 


488  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

account  of  the  unjust  imprisonment  of  the  Dutch  garri- 
sons of  Dixmuiden  and  Deynse  by  the  French.  The  fall 
of  Namur  and  its  citadel  is  the  great  event  really  ending 
the  important  military  operations  in  the  Netherlands. 
Both  armies  took  the  field  in  the  following  year  and  in 
the  last  of  the  war,  but  the  bombardment  of  the  French 
in  Givet  in  1696  and  the  capture  of  Ath  by  the  French 
in  1697  had  slight  influence. 

It  appeared  more  and  more  that  both  sides  were  becom- 
ing completely  exhausted.  Neither  in  the  Netherlands, 
nor  in  Germany,  Italy,  Spain,  where  the  war  had  been 
raging  eight  years,  nor  on  the  sea  were  any  decisive  ad- 
vantages secured.  Furthermore  there  were  alarming  re- 
ports of  the  increasing  feebleness  of  the  childless  king  of 
Spain,  whose  heritage  the  allies  were  unwilling  to  see  in  the 
possession  of  the  house  of  Hapsburg  or  of  that  of  Bourbon, 
while  Louis  XIV.  hoped  to  make  with  them  some  agree- 
ment about  it.  Why  should  war  be  waged  any  longer, 
people  asked  in  Paris,  now  that  all  hope  of  the  restoration 
of  James  II.  in  England  was  lost  after  the  pacification  of 
Ireland  and  Scotland  by  William  III.  and  after  the  failure 
of  so  many  Jacobite  conspiracies,  and  now  that  French  in- 
fluence in  Germany  was  every  day  diminishing  ?  Why 
should  the  struggle  be  continued,  men  asked  in  England 
and  the  republic,  now  that  the  power  of  France  appeared 
about  equal  to  that  of  all  the  allies  ?  The  Dutch  merchants 
desired  peace  in  the  interest  of  commerce.  The  Amster- 
dam government  began  as  early  as  1693  to  make  secret 
efforts  in  Paris  through  the  Polish  agent  Mollo,  who  now 
lived  in  Amsterdam  as  an  eminent  merchant.1  At  Brus- 
sels French  agents  offered  peace  to  Dijkveld,  and  d'Avaux, 
France's  ambassador  in  Stockholm,  had  the  mission  to 

1  ArcJiit f  Heinsius,  iii.,  p.  xvi.  This  entire  preface  is  of  much  impor- 
tance for  the  knowledge  of  the  long  secret  discussions  concerning  peace. 
See  also  Legrelle,  La  diplomatic  francaise  et  la  succession  d'Espagne,  i.,  p. 
392. 


The  Coalition  War  489 

announce  there  Louis  XIV.'s  willingness  to  negotiate  and 
by  bribery  and  persuasion  to  aim  at  mediation  by  Sweden. 
Evidently  France  needed  peace  and  sought  to  enter  into 
relations  with  the  court  of  Vienna,  hoping  to  break  the 
harmony  of  the  allies  and  win  some  of  them  over  to  peace, 
as  had  been  secretly  done  with  Savoy.  France  wished  this 
peace  on  the  basis  of  the  truce  of  1684  or  of  the  Nimwegen 
peace,  while  William  III.  wanted  to  go  back  to  that  of 
Miinster,  Spain  to  that  of  the  Pyrenees,  and  the  German 
empire  hoped  at  least  to  recover  Strasburg.  The  recogni- 
tion of  William  as  king  of  England,  the  return  of  imperial 
lands  seized  by  France,  the  fate  of  Luxemburg,  the  set- 
tlement in  Italy  were  the  chief  points  discussed.  Sweden 
assumed  the  part  of  mediator  and  submitted  proposals  to 
the  representatives  of  the  allies  meeting  in  congress  for 
the  common  war  at  The  Hague  in  the  spring,  while  France 
remained  privately  in  touch  with  each  of  the  allies.  All 
this  did  not  tend  to  promote  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the 
war.  A  plot  against  the  life  of  the  Orange  prince,  betrayed 
in  time  to  Portland,  with  more  Jacobite  disturbances  and 
a  new  attempt  of  France  to  effect  a  landing  in  England, 
threatened  in  the  spring  of  169610  break  off  negotiations 
between  France  and  the  two  maritime  nations.  A  severe 
financial  crisis  in  England  brought  further  complications  ; 
the  defection  of  Savoy  gave  an  unfavourable  look  to  affairs 
in  Italy  for  the  allies.  But  France  with  Pomponne  now 
in  charge  of  foreign  relations  began  to  strive  earnestly  for 
a  treaty,  with  an  eye  especially  to  the  reports  about  the 
feeble  health  of  Charles  II.  of  Spain.  In  August,  1696,  it 
gave  way  on  different  points,  and  there  was  talk  of  ap- 
pointing envoys  to  a  peace  congress  under  the  mediation 
of  Sweden.  The  only  opposition  came  from  the  imperial 
government,  which  in  case  of  Charles  II. 's  death  wished 
to  use  the  war  as  a  support  against  French  claims  to  the 
Spanish  inheritance. 

William  III.  was  convinced  of  the  absolute  necessity  of 


49°  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

a  prompt  peace,  and  Amsterdam  wanted,  if  necessary,  to 
conclude  a  separate  peace,  as  had  been  done  at  Nimwegen. 
In  the  beginning  of  1697  under  Swedish  mediation  the 
preliminaries  of  peace  were  settled  at  The  Hague  in  ac- 
cordance with  agreements  privately  made  with  France,  in 
which  the  recognition  of  William  III.  as  king  of  England 
was  verbally  promised.  The  treaties  of  Munster  and 
Nimwegen  were  taken  as  "basis  and  foundation."  The 
imperial  government  objected  to  carrying  on  the  decisive 
negotations  at  The  Hague,  where  French  intrigues  might 
influence  the  States-General,  and  proposed  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
Mainz,  or  Frankfort.  After  some  wrangling  it  was  finally 
agreed  to  continue  the  peace  congress  in  the  palace  of 
Nieuwburg  at  Ryswick,  the  property  of  William  III., 
which  by  its  architecture  gave  an  opportunity  of  keeping 
the  parties  separate  from  one  another.  The  right  wing 
was  assigned  to  the  allies,  the  left  wing  to  the  French,  the 
large  central  hall  to  the  "  mediator."  '  The  etiquette  was 
carefully  regulated  on  account  of  the  extraordinary  im- 
portance then  attributed  to  it.  On  the  Dutch  side  Hein- 
sius  and  Dijkveld,  besides  the  Amsterdam  burgomaster 
Jacob  Boreel  and  the  Frisian  nobleman  Willem  van  Haren, 
were  chosen  as  negotiators ;  England  sent  Lord  Pembroke, 
France  Harlay  and  Caillieres,  the  emperor  Kaunitz  and 
Straatman,  Spain  De  Quiros  as  chief  plenipotentiaries. 
On  May  9th  the  Swedish  ambassador  Lilienrot  opened  the 
peace  congress,  during  which  the  war  continued.  Nego- 
tiations went  on  slowly  on  account  of  the  secret  opposition 
of  the  emperor,  who  won  over  Spain  to  his  views.  Wil- 
liam III.  let  his  trusted  Portland  discuss  matters  privately 
with  Boufflers  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  and  an  agree- 
ment between  France  and  the  maritime  powers  was  the 
result.  In  August  Heinsius  declared  to  the  imperial  envoys 
that  England  and  the  republic  were  unable  to  keep  on 
with  the  war  and  desired  to  accept  the  French  conditions. 

1  Wagenaar,  xvi.,  p.  348,  giving  a  picture  and  description  of  the  building. 


The  Coalition  War  491 

The  imperialists  still  refused.  The  time  set  by  France, 
September  ist,  expired,  and  peace  was  uncertain  to  the 
deep  anxiety  of  William  III.,  who  expected  that  France 
would  again  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  separate 
the  allies  from  one  another.  He  endeavoured  without  suc- 
cess to  intimidate  Louis  by  threatening  resumption  of  the 
war.  Louis  knew  that  the  English  Parliament  and  the 
States  both  longed  ardently  for  peace.  The  inducement 
of  commercial  gains  sufficed  to  strengthen  this  feeling  and 
was  held  out  liberally  by  France.  Thus  the  maritime 
powers  and  Spain  resolved  on  September  20th  to  sign  the 
peace;  the  emperor,  being  allowed  until  November  ist  to 
accede  to  it,  consented  at  the  last  moment.  The  peace 
was  based  upon  that  of  Miinster.  The  treaty  with  the 
States  stipulated  that  Pondicherry  should  be  given  back 
to  the  French  by  the  East  India  Company,  and  an  ad- 
vantageous commercial  treaty  for  25  years  was  concluded, 
as  it  had  existed  before  the  war.  In  the  treaty  with  Eng. 
land  William  III.  was  recognised  as  king  ;  the  principality 
of  Orange  was  returned  to  him.  In  that  with  Spain 
Luxemburg  was  given  back  besides  all  the  places  and  dis- 
tricts appropriated  for  France  by  the  chambres  de  reunion 
with  the  exception  of  82  cities  and  villages  mentioned  by 
name.  The  empire  received  back  the  reunions  excepting 
Strasburg,  v/hich  remained  to  France  in  exchange  for 
the  cession  of  some  small  places.  Thus  peace  was  con- 
cluded. But  William  III.  after  the  end  of  the  negotiations 
in  September  spoke  the  prophetic  word  :  "  I  confess  that 
the  manner  of  it  troubles  me  not  a  little  for  the  future." 
Louis  XIV.  gave  way  to  England  and  the  republic  and 
the  empire  largely  on  account  of  the  existence  of  secret 
plans  concerning  the  Spanish  succession,  which  were  soon 
to  agitate  Europe  anew.  In  the  treaty  of  peace,  however, 
that  succession  was  not  even  mentioned,  and  this  assuredly 
did  not  tranquillise  the  diplomats  on  this  point,  because 
that  both  the  French  and  imperial  governments  constantly 


492  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

had  their  eyes  upon  it  could  not  remain  doubtful  to  any- 
one engaged  in  the  discussions.  The  affair  of  the  Spanish 
succession  rose  in  the  political  heaven  like  a  dark  cloud, 
intercepting  the  quickening  rays  of  the  sun  of  peace  and 
menacing  Europe  with  a  new  war  and  new  evils. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


WILLIAM   III.  S   LAST   YEARS 


THE  history  of  the  last  years  of  the  king-stadtholder 
is  dominated  by  a  great  political  affair,  which  had 
long  busied  the  heads  of  the  statesmen  of  the 
seventeenth  century  :  the  affair  of  the  Spanish  succession 
that,  with  the  sharp  antagonism  between  France  and  the 
other  powers,  might  easily  lead  to  a  general  European 
war.  It  was  not  conceivable  that  the  republic  could  keep 
out  of  such  a  war.  In  its  close  connection  with  England, 
embodied,  as  it  were,  in  the  person  of  William  III.,  lay 
the  only  chance  of  breaking  the  supremacy  of  France. 
It  was  not  to  be  doubted  that  Louis  XIV.  would  try  to 
seize  the  Spanish  Netherlands  or  in  any  case  to  make 
them  dependent  upon  France,  the  aim  of  his  policy  dur- 
ing his  entire  reign,  the  political  aim  of  France  for  more 
than  two  centuries.  The  unfortunate  "battlefield  of 
Europe,"  twice  trodden  during  years  by  the  armies  of 
both  sides,  its  cities  in  ruins,  its  villages  in  ashes,  its  roads 
unprotected,  its  fields  uncultivated,  its  impoverished  pop- 
ulation in  despair  under  Spanish  misgovernment,1  would 
then  once  more  witness  the  atrocities  of  war.  Happily 
Belgium  had  now  in  Maximilian  Emanuel,  elector  of 
Bavaria,  from  1692  a  governor  who  revived  the  good  times 
of  Aytona  and  Castel-Rodrigo.  He  rebuilt  the  desolated 
Brussels,  consulted  the  States  and  municipal  governments 

1  See  Lonchay,  La  rivalitd '  de  la  France  et  de  VEspagne  aux  Pays-Bas, 
,  340. 

493 


494  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

about  raising  up  commerce  and  industry,  made  plans  for 
connecting  Antwerp  with  the  sea  by  a  canal  and  for 
establishing  an  East  India  Company  in  Flanders.  Like 
the  archdukes  of  a  hundred  years  earlier  he  with  his  young 
wife,  the  daughter  of  the  Polish  king  John  Sobieski,  won 
the  favour  of  the  people  by  appearing  at  popular  festivals. 
In  the  approaching  catastrophe  in  Spain  he  hoped,  on 
account  of  his  first  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  the 
emperor  Leopold,  from  which  a  son  not  ten  years  old  was 
left  to  him,  to  become  master  of  the  country  with  the  aid 
of  France  and,  at  first  as  his  son's  guardian,  to  unite  it  with 
the  Bavarian  hereditary  dominions  under  his  rule.  The 
population  attached  to  the  Burgundian-Hapsburg  family 
regarded  the  emperor  or  one  of  his  sons  as  heir  to  the 
Spanish  claims.  France  was  not  unwilling  to  favour  the 
elector,  provided  he  did  not  assert  too  loudly  the  Bavarian 
pretensions  to  the  rest  of  the  Spanish  heritage.  Evidently 
the  elector  would  not  object  to  this  arrangement,  while 
the  formation  of  a  more  or  less  independent  Belgium 
might  not  displease  the  maritime  powers.  A  notable 
coolness  arose  between  the  governor  and  the  Flemings 
and  Walloons,  who  looked  to  the  maritime  powers  for 
protection  against  French  influence,  dreaded  and  hated 
for  centuries,  though  they  did  not  forget  that  such  protec- 
tion carried  with  it  a  certain  dependence  distasteful  to 
them,  especially  when  it  was  on  the  Hollanders,  since  the 
closing  of  the  Scheldt  the  worst  enemies  of  commerce 
and  industry  in  the  southern  provinces.  England  and 
the  republic  had  more  interests  in  the  fate  of  the  Spanish 
monarchy  than  concerned  merely  the  Spanish  Nether- 
lands. Both  carried  on  an  extensive  commerce  with 
Spain ;  for  the  sake  of  their  commerce  with  the  Levant 
and  Italy  both  were  indisposed  to  have  the  strait  of 
Gibraltar  in  the  hands  of  a  strong  power ;  both  were 
interested  in  the  future  of  Spain's  possessions  in  America. 
It  mattered  little  to  them  whether  a  German  or  French 


William  III.'s  Last  Years  495 

prince  secured  the  succession,  provided  he  did  not  depend 
upon  the  emperor  or  Louis  XIV.,  one  of  whom 
might  thus  obtain  such  an  increase  of  power  as  to 
enable  him  to  lay  down  the  law  for  them  and  their 
commerce. 

The  heirs  to  be  considered  at  the  speedily  expected 
demise  of  Charles  II.  of  Spain  were:  the  Hapsburgs  of 
Vienna,  not  only  on  account  of  their  old  relationship  to 
the  Spanish  royal  house,  but  also  on  account  of  the 
marriage  of  the  emperor  Leopold  with  Charles's  youngest 
sister,  from  which  two  sons  were  born ;  then  the  elector 
of  Bavaria,  the  son  of  this  sister's  only  daughter,  conse- 
quently the  emperor's  grandson ;  finally,  the  Bourbons, 
by  reason  of  the  marriage  of  Louis  XIV.  to  the  oldest 
sister  of  the  Spanish  king,  from  which  marriage  the 
dauphin  and  his  three  sons  were  descended.1  Louis  XIV., 
furthermore,  the  son  of  Philip  III.'s  oldest  daughter,  was 
undoubtedly  the  nearest  heir  in  the  blood,  but  both  his 
mother  and  his  wife  had  renounced  their  hereditary 
rights  ;  he  appealed  to  the  fact,  however,  that  the  Spanish 
Cortes  had  never  ratified  this  renunciation  and  that  the 
dowry  stipulated  in  the  last  renunciation  was  never  paid. 
The  mother  of  the  electoral  prince  had  also  made  a  re- 
nunciation. The  emperor's  wife  alone  had  not  given  any 
such  promise,  so  that  her  two  sons  could  without  dispute 
enter  legally  into  their  rights.  At  the  court  of  Madrid 
the  French  and  Austrian  parties  were  in  sharp  opposi- 
tion, but  the  proud  Spanish  people  and  Charles  II.  wanted 
the  unity  of  the  kingdom  to  be  preserved,  and  the  king 
thought  this  assured  by  appointing  in  1698  by  will  his 
grandnephew,  the  young  electoral  prince,  as  his  heir.  The 
maritime  powers  desired  to  break  this  unity,  in  order 
that  the  great  power  of  Spain,  over  whose  territory  "  the 
sun  never  set,"  might  not  rise  again  under  an  energetic 

1  See  concerning  all  these  matters  Legrelle's  work,  which  treats  fully  the 
diplomacy  of  the  Spanish  succession. 


496  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

monarch.  A  division  among  the  three  pretenders  seemed 
advisable  also  to  Louis  XIV.  In  1698  there  were  ne- 
gotiations between  France  and  the  maritime  powers, 
prepared,  as  before  the  peace  of  Ryswick,  by  secret  discus- 
sions, in  which  Dijkveld  and  Portland  took  part  on 
behalf  of  William  III.  A  French  envoy,  count  de  Tal- 
lard,  came  to  Het  Loo  with  a  definite  offer,  which,  on 
October  nth,  led  to  the  first  secret  partition  treaty  con- 
cluded at  The  Hague.  The  Italian  possessions  of  Spain, 
excepting  Milan,  were  to  go  to  the  dauphin,  who  was  to 
have  the  part  of  the  Spanish  province  of  Guipuzcoa  north 
of  the  Pyrenees ;  Milan  was  to  belong  to  the  emperor's 
second  son,  Archduke  Charles,  and  all  the  rest  to  the 
crown  prince.  But  the  secret  was  not  long  kept.  On  its 
discovery  by  the  Spanish  diplomats  Charles  II.,  indignant 
at  such  negotiations  without  consultation  of  himself  or 
Spain,  gave  the  entire  heritage  to  the  crown  prince.  An 
unexpected  event  frustrated  this  plan.  The  crown  prince 
died  in  March,  1699,  of  the  smallpox,  to  the  deep  disap- 
pointment of  Heinsius  and  William  III.  and  naturally  not 
without  suspicion  that  the  young  man  had  been  removed 
by  poison,  a  suspicion  from  which  his  notoriously  ambitious 
father  did  not  wholly  escape. 

New  discussions  between  the  maritime  powers  and 
France  followed.  Some  mistrust  of  France's  real  aims 
was  aroused  by  intimations  that  the  French  faction  in 
Madrid  was  working  around  Charles  II.  in  the  interest  of 
the  dauphin's  second  son,  who,  it  was  hoped,  would  now 
obtain  the  entire  heritage.  The  negotiations  produced 
the  second  secret  Hague-London  agreement  of  March, 
1700,  by  which  the  dauphin,  besides  the  Italian  posses- 
sions, secured  for  France  the  long-desired  Lorraine,  whose 
prince  was  to  be  transferred  to  Milan  ;  all  the  rest  fell  to 
Archduke  Charles,  the  emperor's  second  son.  There  was 
dissatisfaction  in  Madrid  and  Vienna  with  this  new  treaty. 
The  emperor,  who  could  not  endure  the  loss  of  the  Italian 


William  III.'s  Last  Years  497 

possessions  and  the  increase  of  French  influence  in  Italy, 
refused  roundly  to  recognise  the  treaty  and  prepared  for 
war.  Both  parties  intrigued  at  Madrid,  where  the  Austri- 
ans  in  particular  were  hated  and  the  unity  of  the  kingdom 
seemed  best  attained  by  the  elevation  of  a  French  prince. 
Theologians  and  jurists  and  even  the  pope  recommended 
this  last  to  the  king,  and  early  in  October,  1700,  Charles 
II.  signed  a  secret  will,  making  Duke  Philip  of  Anjou,  the 
dauphin's  second  son,  his  only  heir.  Four  weeks  later 
(November  1  st)  he  died,  the  last  scion  of  the  old  Burgundian 
race,  once  raised  high  and  proudly,  but  during  a  century 
shrinking  to  a  fragile  reed  that  was  bent  by  every  breath 
in  the  political  atmosphere.  Louis  XIV.  hesitated  whether 
he  should  hold  to  the  treaty  of  March  or  recognise  the 
will.  The  fear  of  another  great  war  stood  opposite  the 
hope  of  an  extraordinary  augmentation  of  power  for 
the  royal  house,  not  for  France  itself,  which  would  profit 
more  by  the  partition  treaty.  Who  could  say  that  the 
new  branch  of  royalty  might  not  oppose  France,  as  the 
Burgundians  had  done  despite  their  descent  from  the 
French  royal  family?  But  the  king's  resolution  was 
taken  on  November  16th,  and  he  informed  the  Spanish 
ambassador  at  Paris  that  his  grandson,  now  Philip  V., 
accepted  the  crown.  "  There  are  no  longer  any  Pyrenees," 
remarked  the  French  Mercure  in  announcing  this  impor- 
tant resolution. 

French  diplomacy  had  the  task  of  appeasing  the  mari- 
time powers.  It  was  not  what  it  had  been  under  Richelieu, 
Mazarin,  Lionne,  Pomponne,  and  d'Avaux.  Tallard 
and  Torcy  could  not  compare  with  those  great  diplomatists, 
just  as  Chamillart,  the  leader  of  war  and  finance,  was  not 
the  equal  of  Louvois,  and  the  new  generals,  Vendome  and 
Villars,  were  in  f erior  to  Turenne,  Conde,  and  Luxembourg. 
William  III.  and  Heinsius  were  not  convinced  of  the  good 
faith  of  France  or  that  both  crowns  of  France  and  Spain 
might  not  be  united,  especially  when  Louis  XIV.  recog- 

VOL.  IV. — 32 


498  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

nised  his  grandson's  rights  to  the  French  crown  and  with 
the  aid  of  the  elector-governor  placed  French  garrisons  in 
some  frontier  towns  of  the  Spanish  Netherlands.  The  sea 
powers  hesitated  to  begin  the  war.  Under  the  influence  of 
the  Tories  England  was  not  disinclined  to  recognise  Philip 
V.  as  king,  but  the  republic,  where  William  III.  and  Hein- 
sius  ruled  everything,  would  not  consent.  The  govern- 
ments of  England  and  the  republic  saw  the  seriousness  of 
the  situation  and  made  ready  for  all  contingencies.  Prepa- 
rations for  war  were  heard  of  in  both  countries,  in  England 
ostensibly  on  account  of  France's  new  plans  for  landing 
there  on  behalf  of  the  Stuarts.  The  latter  hoped,  by  reason 
of  William  III.  's  childlessness  and  bad  health,  to  secure  the 
support  of  the  Tories  for  their  restoration,  particularly 
after  the  death  of  the  only  son  and  child  of  Princess  Anne, 
James  II. 's  second  daughter,  who  according  to  the  stipu- 
lations of  1689  was  to  succeed  William  III.  Elsewhere 
rumours  of  war  had  already  developed  into  actual  war. 
It  seemed  as  if  all  Europe  would  soon  be  in  fire  and  flame. 
Northern  Europe  in  1700  saw  war  between  Sweden,  closely 
allied  with  the  maritime  powers,  and  its  old  enemy  Den- 
mark with  Saxony,  Poland,  and  Russia.  The  sea  powers 
vigorously  supported  Sweden  and  its  young  king  Charles 
XII.  A  Dutch  squadron  under  Almonde  and  a  Dutch 
force  under  Von  Dopff  had  with  English  ships  and  troops 
taken  part  in  the  hostilities.  Almonde  helped  in  the 
bombardment  of  Copenhagen  and  the  Swedish  invasion 
of  Seeland,  after  which  the  peace  of  Travendahl  fol- 
lowed through  the  mediation  of  the  maritime  powers 
between  Denmark  and  Sweden.  But  Saxony,  Po- 
land, and  Russia  continued  at  war  with  Sweden, 
and  Brandenburg  appeared  about  to  enter  into  the 
conflict. 

The  chief  statesmen  of  the  republic  immediately  after 
the  decision  at  Paris  deliberated  under  the  guidance  of 
Heinsius  about  the  policy  to  be  adopted.     The  predomi- 


William  IIL's  Last  Years  499 

nant  influence  of  France  was  dreaded,  whenever  Spanish 
America  and  the  entrance  to  the  Mediterranean  should 
come  into  hands  so  closely  connected  with  France,  and 
commerce  would  thus  be  menaced.  Was  it  not  better  to 
venture  upon  a  war  with  weakened  France,  which  must  now 
defend  also  Spain,  while  the  sea  powers  could  count  on 
the  aid  of  emperor  and  empire,  of  the  anti-French  elements 
in  Italy?  Others  asked  if  England  could  be  brought  to 
this,  now  that  the  Tories  had  so  much  to  say  there.  It 
was  determined  to  negotiate.  The  Dutch  ambassador  in 
Paris,  Coenraad  van  Heemskerck,  was  instructed  to  declare 
that  the  States  hoped  the  king  would  adhere  to  the  last 
partition  treaty  and  give  the  emperor  an  opportunity  to 
join  in  it.  England  presented  a  similar  declaration.  But 
France  seemed  averse  to  upholding  the  treaty.  Louis  XIV. 
endeavoured  to  justify  his  actions,  and  Philip  V.  announced 
to  the  States  officially  his  accession  to  the  throne.  A 
direct  answer  to  both  was  avoided  from  the  Dutch  side. 
An  agreement  seemed  not  inconceivable,  even  after  France 
had  made  itself  master  of  Milan  and  with  the  Bavarian 
elector  had  secured  the  Spanish  Netherlands  by  suddenly 
throwing  French  garrisons  into  the  farther  fortresses,  some 
of  them  having  had  Dutch  garrisons  since  the  peace  of 
Ryswick,  so  that  two  sorts  of  troops  were  now  there  to- 
gether. The  States,  fearing  their  garrisons  would  be 
attacked,  withdrew  them.  They  even  recognised  Philip 
V.,  and  this  example  was  followed  by  England  in  April, 
1 70 1.  In  negotiations  at  The  Hague,  to  which  the  aged 
d'Avaux  came  and  from  England  the  earl  of  Stanhope 
appeared,  the  States  and  England  formulated  their 
demands  for  an  agreement :  evacuation  of  the  Spanish 
Netherlands  by  the  French  garrisons;  placing  of  Dutch 
garrisons  in  a  series  of  fortresses  there ;  no  cession  of  any 
part  of  the  Spanish  inheritance  to  France ;  Ostend  and 
Nieuwpoort  in  English  hands;  territorial  indemnity 
for  the  emperor;    no    reduction  of  commercial   advan- 


500  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

tages  for  the   maritime  powers  in   Spain,  America,  and 
India.1 

Louis  XIV.  would  not  listen  to  such  terms.  He  an- 
swered shortly  that  he  wished  to  see  the  peace  of  Rys- 
wick  maintained.  This  was  understood  to  mean  war,  and 
even  the  most  peaceful  among  the  regents  realised  that 
nothing  was  to  be  done  but  to  prepare  for  it.  The  fleet 
was  brought  into  readiness,  exportation  of  horses  pro- 
hibited, troops  were  enlisted,  an  inundation  was  arranged 
at  Lilloo,  the  fortresses  on  the  southern  border  were  pro- 
visioned. England  also  equipped  itself  for  war.  William 
III.  came  over  in  spring  as  usual,  and  d'Avaux  at  the  end 
of  July  left  The  Hague  with  a  solemn  assertion  of  France's 
peaceful  disposition.  An  ample  counter  representation  of 
the  States  aimed  to  show  that  a  renewal  of  the  great  war 
was  not  to  be  reproached  to  them  but  to  France,  which 
had  violated  the  treaties  concluded.  The  manifesto  was 
printed  and  circulated  everywhere.  Thenceforth  the  con- 
viction was  established  that  war  was  inevitable,  and  the 
devotion  of  the  people  could  be  relied  upon  in  the  republic 
and  England.  This  was  now  an  imperative  necessity  in 
both  countries.  It  was  impossible  to  wage  a  war  against 
the  will  of  Parliament  and  the  States,  no  matter  upon 
what  good  grounds  William  III.  and  Heinsius  might 
desire  it.  Now  that  since  the  elections  of  1698  the  Whigs 
in  England  again  had  a  majority  in  Parliament  and  the 
support  of  commerce  was  secured  in  the  republic,  war  was 
a  certain  fact,  and  it  became  advisable  to  array  all  Europe 
in  arms  against  France,  preferably  by  a  renewal  of  the 
Grand  Alliance  with  the  addition  of  other  powers.  On 
September  7,  1701,  a  treaty  was  signed  at  The  Hague  with 
England  and  the  emperor,  one  of  the  most  influential 
Whigs,  Lord  Marlborough,  now  in  high  favour  with  Wil- 
liam III.,  coming  over  from    England,  and  Count  Goes 

1  Lamberty,  Me'moires  pour  servir  a  I ' histoire  du  XVIII.  silcle  (2de  ed.), 
i.    p.  403;  Legrelle,  iv.,  p.  117. 


William  III.'s  Last  Years  50 l 

appearing  in  the  emperor's  name.  The  conquest  of  Milan 
and  the  other  Italian  territories  of  Spain  was  to  satisfy  the 
emperor  ;  Belgium  was  to  become  a  "  dike,  rampart,  and 
barrier"  for  the  republic,  while  the  Spanish  colonies  were 
indicated  as  spoils  for  the  republic  and  England.  Frederick 
of  Brandenburg,  now  king  of  Prussia,  joined  with  the 
emperor,  as  did  also  the  dukes  of  Hanover  and  Liineburg 
and  the  landgrave  of  Hesse-Cassel,  of  whom  the  former, 
closely  related  to  the  English  royal  family  and  the  future 
successor  to  the  throne  of  the  United  Kingdom  after 
Princess  Anne,  obtained  the  long-coveted  electoral  dignity. 
Frederick  IV.  of  Denmark  also  consented  to  a  subsidy 
treaty  with  the  powers.  Sweden  was  too  busy  with  its 
northern  plans  to  think  seriously  of  acting  against  France. 
The  maritime  powers  renewed  their  alliance  with  one 
another.  On  the  other  side  Louis  XIV.  could  count  upon 
the  cooperation  of  Spain,  of  avaricious  Savoy,  of  Bavaria 
with  a  member  of  its  ruling  family  as  bishop  of  Cologne, 
besides  upon  the  benevolent  attitude  of  weak  Portugal 
and  of  the  neutral  Italian  states. 

The  war  was  already  breaking  out  in  Italy,  and  English 
and  Dutch  fleets  were  putting  to  sea  to  protect  the 
merchantmen  from  French  privateers  and  war  ships.  The 
French  troops  occupied  Liege,  Rijnberk,  Neuss,  Bonn, 
and  other  places,  while  the  States  sent  theirs  to  Jiilich 
and  Cologne  ;  Dutch  forces  moved  to  the  generality  lands 
to  protect  the  frontiers.  The  actual  war  was  not  yet 
begun,  not  even  when  Louis  XIV.  saluted  as  king  of 
England,  as  James  III.,  the  son  of  James  II.  who  died 
in  September  at  St.  Germain.  Indignation  seized  upon 
the  English  people ;  they  demanded  vengeance  for  this 
affront,  and  the  Whigs  in  Parliament,  the  party  of  the 
Protestant  succession  in  England,  showed  inclination  to 
as  close  a  league  as  possible  with  the  republic.  When 
William  III.  returned  to  England  in  November  as  usual, 
after  settling  the  state  of  war  for  1702  in  the  Netherlands, 


502  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

he  could  continue  preparations  for  war  in  England  with 
the  hearty  cooperation  of  Parliament  and  people.  Before 
the  end  of  1701  the  enemy  threatened  Maestricht  and 
Dutch  Flanders.  The  archenemy  was  to  be  fought  in 
Italy,  where  Prince  Eugene  of  Savoy  was  to  command 
the  Austrians,  in  Germany,  where  Archduke  Joseph  and 
Prince  Louis  of  Baden  were  to  operate  on  the  upper 
Rhine,  and  the  Prussians  on  the  lower  Rhine,  in  the 
Netherlands,  where  William  himself  was  to  lead  the 
Anglo-Dutch  troops,  and  at  sea,  where  the  combined 
fleet  was  to  attempt  the  capture  of  Cadiz.  William  III. 
discussed  matters  with  the  allies  at  Het  Loo  and  The 
Hague.  Marlborough  and  Heinsius  were  fully  informed 
of  these  plans.  William  III.  himself,  the  general  recog- 
nised by  all  as  their  superior,  was  to  be  the  great  leader 
in  the  last  conflict  that  was  to  prevent  France  from  laying 
down  the  law  to  Europe.  But  he  was  not  destined  to 
take  part  in  all  this. 

His  weak  constitution  had  been  injured  by  the  hard- 
ships of  war  and  the  troublesome  cares  of  state,  which  in 
England  particularly  were  coupled  with  great  disappoint- 
ments, so  that  he  repeatedly  spoke  of  abdication.  In 
the  Netherlands  cares  oppressed  him  less ;  his  trusted 
helpers,  with  Heinsius  at  their  head,  conducted  affairs 
quite  to  his  liking,  and  in  the  last  years  not  a  voice  was 
raised  in  opposition  to  the  supreme  influence  of  the 
king-stadtholder.  His  weak  health  had  occasioned  his 
plan  for  making  his  young  cousin,  the  son  of  Henry 
Casimir  II.,  Prince  John  William  Friso  of  Nassau,  whom 
he  had  appointed  his  sole  heir,  his  successor  also  in  his 
dignities,  especially  in  the  stadtholdership  of  Holland  and 
the  other  provinces.  In  the  summer  of  1701  he  sounded 
the  Estates  of  Holland  concerning  this,  but  owing  to 
their  unwillingners  to  enter  into  plans  that  would  bring 
all  the  provinces  under  one  stadtholder  and  thus  end  in  a 
monarchy,  though  the  name  of  a  republic  might  be  re- 


William  Ill's  Last  Years  503 

tained,  he  reluctantly  let  the  matter  drop,  warning  that 
it  might  some  day  be  too  late.  He  seems  really  to  have 
felt  very  feeble,  but  this  was  kept  secret  by  his  desire,  in 
order  that  political  affairs  might  not  suffer  from  fear  of 
his  death.1  Those  nearest  him,  his  best  friends,  were  very 
anxious  about  his  condition,  and  he  himself  was  accu- 
rately acquainted  with  it.  There  seemed  to  be  some  im- 
provement in  the  spring.  He  took  to  his  beloved  pastime 
of  hunting  in  the  vicinity  of  his  palace  of  Hampton 
Court  and  to  horseback  riding  usually  in  the  company  of 
his  favourite  of  these  last  years,  the  young  baron  of  Kep- 
pel-Pallandt,  now  Lord  Albemarle,  who  had  more  and 
more  acquired  the  place  of  his  old  friend  Bentinck-Port- 
land,  to  the  latter's  vexation.  The  improvement  was 
only  in  appearance.  William  III.  knew  from  his  physi- 
cians that  his  malady  was  incurable  and  that  he  had  not 
long  to  live,  a  certainty  that  tormented  him  at  the 
thought  of  the  troublous  times  speedily  approaching.  He 
had  never  felt  any  fear  of  death,  but  now  he  expressed  a 
wish  to  live  a  little  longer  for  the  sake  of  the  high  aim 
of  his  life  which  he  hoped  finally  to  reach  by  this  last 
great  war:  the  establishment  of  the  European  balance 
of  power  and  of  freedom  of  worship  in  Protestant  countries. 
Then  an  accident  came  suddenly  to  hasten  the  long- 
dreaded  crisis  and  to  strike  him  down,  while  he  was  still 
restlessly  busy  with  preparation  for  the  war  and  with 
regulation  of  the  domestic  conditions  of  England.  Letters 
to  Heinsius,  arrangements  with  Marlborough,  Ouwerkerk, 
and  Athlone  concerning  military  matters,  a  message  to 
Parliament  relative  to  a  closer  union  of  England  and  Scot- 
land are  the  last  documents  bearing  his  signature,  precious 
memorials  of  the  activity  of  a  great  mind.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  March  4,  1702,  he  was  riding  in  the  park  of  his  castle, 
when  his  horse  stumbled  over  a  molehill.  The  king  fell 
and  broke  his  collar  bone.    The  bone  was  immediately  set, 

1  See  on  his  last  days  the  conclusion  of  Macaulay's  masterly  work. 


504  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

and  the  sufferer  was  taken  in  a  coach  to  the  castle,  but  the 
jolting  of  the  carriage  broke  the  bone  again,  and  in  an 
exhausted  state  he  came  to  the  chamber  which  he  was 
nevermore  to  leave  in  life.  His  enfeebled  body  could  not 
stand  the  shock  of  the  accident  insignificant  in  itself.  He 
sank  during  several  days,  uniting  to  the  very  last  the  trans- 
action of  affairs  of  state  with  pious  meditation  directed  by 
Burnet.  To  the  last  his  strong  mind  remained  clear,  his 
thoughts  devoted  to  the  great  purpose  of  his  life.  His 
deathbed  was  surrounded  by  the  most  influential  English 
statesmen,  and  he  took  leave  of  them  one  by  one  with 
friendly  words,  thanking  them  for  their  cooperation  and 
recommending  them  to  continue  his  work.  Dutch  friends 
were  with  him  too  in  these  moments,  those  who  were  bound 
to  him  by  the  most  intimate  ties  of  personal  friendship. 
Keppel  came  back  from  The  Hague  just  in  time  to  hear 
his  last  instructions ;  Ouwerkerk  received  a  last  word  of 
thanks  from  his  lips ;  Bentinck,  hastening  at  his  request, 
felt  the  last  pressure  of  his  hand  and  heard  the  last  whispers 
from  the  mouth  of  the  old  friend  who  had  offered  him  the 
hand  of  reconciliation  on  his  deathbed.  Thus  the  great 
William  of  Orange  died  amid  his  friends  on  the  morning 
of  the  19th  of  March.  On  his  breast  was  found  a  piece  of 
silken  ribbon  containing  a  gold  ring  and  a  lock  of  hair, 
a  tender  memento  of  Queen  Mary,  the  faithful  wife, 
who  had  lived  with  him  through  his  most  arduous  and 
successful  years — a  striking  proof  of  what  had  really  gone 
on  in  that  apparently  cool  mind. 

With  the  death  of  the  last  direct  male  descendant  of  the 
house  of  Orange  ends  a  period  in  the  history  of  the  Dutch 
people,  a  period  of  glory  and  distinction  which  is  surpassed 
by  no  other  except  by  that  immediately  preceding  it. 
Upon  each  page  of  the  history  of  these  two  periods  stands 
the  name  of  one  of  the  two  great  men,  to  whose  guidance 
the  Dutch  state  intrusted  itself  in  those  years :  John  de 
Witt  and  William  III.,  both  working  in  their  way  for  the 


William  III.'s  Last  Years  5°5 

good  of  their  countrymen,  both  with  firm  hand  steering 
the  ship  of  state  through  the  breakers  of  political  life, 
along  the  rocks  of  domestic  and  foreign  politics.  John  de 
Witt  and  William  III.,  the  man  of  the  aristocratic  form 
of  government  and  the  man  of  the  monarchy  in  fact,  the 
man  of  the  narrower  political  interest  of  the  republic  and 
the  man  of  world-embracing  political  and  religious  ideals, 
have  both  the  highest  claim  to  the  gratitude  of  the  Dutch 
people,  which  fought  with  one  for  the  interests  of  commerce 
and  prosperity,  with  the  other  for  the  higher  interests  of 
political  and  religious  liberty,  and  in  both  recognises  the 
representatives  of  genuine  Dutch  principles  and  ideas, 
the  great  statesmen  of  the  most  brilliant  days  it  has  ever 
known.  Politics  set  them  against  one  another  as  personal 
enemies,  making  one  after  a  fine  career  fall  in  the  vigour 
of  his  years  as  the  victim  of  a  furious  mob,  raising  the 
other  to  the  highest  dignities  his  childhood  could  have 
dreamed  of.  More  than  two  centuries  have  passed  away, 
the  parties  led  by  them  have  disappeared,  and  the  people 
of  the  Netherlands  places  in  its  memory  the  great  council 
pensionary  and  the  great  Orange  prince  as  the  representa- 
tives of  the  most  glorious  portion  of  its  history.  What 
Prince  William,  his  two  excellent  sons,  and  Oldenbarnevelt 
prepared  was  brought  to  maturity  under  De  Witt  and 
William  III.,  and  the  whole  world  has  shown  unfeigned 
admiration  for  both.  Among  the  great  men  of  history  a 
place  is  allotted  to  them  without  hesitation,  because  they 
are  notable  representatives  of  a  grand  period  in  the  history 
of  their  people. 


CHAPTER   XIX 


THE   NETHERLANDS   AT  THE  END  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH 

CENTURY 

THE  period  of  William  III.  is  generally  regarded  as 
one  of  decline  for  the  republic,  of  internal  decline 
at  least,  though  outwardly  the  splendour  of  De  Witt's  time 
seemed  preserved  or  even  surpassed,  now  that  William 
III.,  king  of  England  and  stadtholder  of  most  of  the 
provinces  of  the  republic,  guided  its  destiny  and  made  it 
act  a  brilliant  part  among  Europe's  powers.  In  some 
respects  an  unmistakable  falling  off  was  to  be  noted,  and 
it  was  due  apparently  to  the  disappearance  of  the  genera- 
tion steeled  by  danger,  which  had  fought  in  the  war  of 
independence  or  had  witnessed  it  in  youth.  The  thought 
of  danger  to  independence  had  now  vanished.  For  a 
long  time  there  was  nothing  to  be  feared  from  the  closely 
allied  England,  unless  it  was  the  sharp  but  peaceful  rivalry 
of  commerce ;  France  was  exhausted  by  Louis  XIV.'s 
continuous  wars  and  could  be  held  in  check  by  united 
Europe,  when  England  no  longer  supported  it  directly  or 
secretly ;  Sweden  was  powerless  in  consequence  of  do- 
mestic conditions  like  Denmark  ;  the  emperor  had  more 
need  of  the  republic  than  it  had  of  him ;  the  rest  of 
Europe  could  not  equal  it.  When  it  thenceforth  had  to 
wage  war,  it  no  longer  struggled  for  its  existence,  not 
even  to  keep  what  it  had,  but  only  against  relatively  re- 
mote perils  of  a  political  or  economic  nature.  The  citizen 
of  the  republic   could   usually  be  at  ease  and  peacefully 

506 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       507 

enjoy  his  own  without  troubling  himself  much  about  in- 
creasing or  retaining  it.  What  people  does  not  yield  to 
such  a  temptation?  What  people  does  not  involuntarily 
see  its  energy,  its  strength,  formerly  tempered  by  daily 
conflict,  decline  in  days  of  victory  and  enjoyment  ? 

Some  decadence  may  be  remarked  in  art,  literature, 
science,  morals.  Every  period  of  course  cannot  be  ex- 
pected to  furnish  men  like  Rembrandt  and  Hals,  Vondel 
and  Hooft,  Huygens  and  Heinsius.  But  how  far  below 
the  pupils  of  Rembrandt  and  Hals  stand  De  Baen,  the 
prot6g£  of  Prince  John  Maurice  and  the  Great  Elector, 
and  Arnold  Boonen,  that  of  various  German  princes,  the 
much  patronised  and  admired  portrait  painters  of  the  fine 
people  of  the  century's  last  years?  How  far  is  Dusart 
from  his  master  Ostade  and  the  academic  Gerard  de 
Lairesse,  the  head  of  a  numerous  school  of  painters,  the 
once  esteemed  painter  of  chimney-pieces  and  ceilings, 
from  the  talented  representatives  of  the  previous  genera- 
tion ?  Yet  there  are  some  great  names  to  be  mentioned. 
Ludolf  Backhuysen  recalls  in  his  pictures  of  the  sea  the 
Van  de  Veldes,  the  youngest  of  whom  was  his  famous 
contemporary  and  perhaps  the  greatest  of  this  family  of 
marine  painters  ;  Huchtenburgh  imitates  Wouwerman  in 
delineating  happily  the  battle  scenes  of  the  French  wars  ; 
Rachel  Ruysch  excels  as  a  painter  of  flowers  and  repro- 
duces admirably  the  soft  tints  of  native  fruits.  But 
Willem  van  Mieris,  refining  the  fine  art  of  his  father 
Frans,  attains  an  affected  style,  from  which  all  soul  has 
disappeared,  just  as  Godfried  Schalcken  seeks  to  surpass 
Dou's  artful  lights  by  still  more  exaggerated  effects,  and 
Gaspar  Netscher's  sons  also  fail  to  equal  their  father.  In 
engraving  as  in  painting  it  is  a  time  of  epigones.  Jan 
Luyken,  as  engraver  and  etcher,  is  quite  the  equal  of  the 
preceding  period's  great  artists  with  the  burin  and  etching 
needle  ;  his  numerous  drawings  and  etchings,  his  exquisite 
illustrations  for  books  give  evidence  of  his  charming  talent. 


508  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Romein  de  Hooghe,  inaccurate  draughtsman,  confused  in 
the  presentation  of  his  subject,  pornographer  and  illus- 
trator of  lampoons,  with  which  he  put  his  pencil  in  the 
service  of  a  political  party,  is  one  of  the  most  esteemed 
engravers  of  the  period  together  with  Arnold  Houbraken, 
the  many-sided,  exact,  learned,  but  not  really  very  artistic 
painter,  engraver,  etcher,  literary  man.  The  latter  sur- 
vives in  his  Groote  Schouburg  der  Nederlandsche  kunst- 
schilders  en  scJiildcressen,  which  with  Lairesse's  Groot 
Schilderboek,  "  wherein  the  art  of  painting  is  thoroughly 
taught  in  all  its  parts  and  explained  by  reasoning  and  the 
illustration  of  prints,'1  testifies  to  the  more  erudite  than 
artistic  spirit  of  the  time.  So  it  is  in  every  department 
that  still  had  great  names  before  the  middle  of  the  cen- 
tury. There  are  no  architects,  no  sculptors  of  importance, 
except  the  aged  Xavery,  whose  works  are  possessed  by 
all  sorts  of  houses  and  villas  of  the  epoch,  especially  at 
Leyden  and  Utrecht  and  on  the  Vecht.  Not  that  much 
frequented  art  schools  could  not  be  shown  in  nearly  all 
the  cities,  or  that  art  in  general  found  no  appreciation 
among  the  population.  No  Holland  city  of  note  but  it  had 
its  active  and  popular  St.  Luke's  guild ;  no  aristocratic 
dwelling  but  its  owner  wanted  to  beautify  it  with  art 
works  of  all  sorts ;  no  country  house  but  it  had  garden 
statues,  artistically  constructed  grottoes  and  arbours,  hand- 
some water  basins  to  show;  no  habitation  in  city  or  country 
but  it  could  display,  as  formerly,  if  not  original  at  least 
copied  works  of  art ;  no  gable  of  a  well-to-do  city  abode 
but  its  considerable  number  of  ornaments  in  wood  or 
stone  attracted  the  attention  of  the  passer.  This  was 
only  an  afterglow  of  the  great  time,  and  art  works  within 
and  without  the  house  were  characterised  by  imitation 
and  overloading,  signs  of  artistic  decay. 

Thus  it  was  also  in  literature.  The  "  excellent  society 
for  promoting  art  "  of  Amsterdam,  Nil  Volentibns 
Arduum,  here  swayed  tne  sceptre  more  and   more  under 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century      5°9 

the  lead  of  Pels  and  Meijer,  "  building  up  the  language  " 
according  to  "rules  found  after  long  deliberation"  and 
striving  after  "sweetly  flowing"  verses,  "polishing" 
what  seemed  to  suffer  from  roughness.  "  Every  word 
may  be  many  times  improved  and  scraped,  forged, 
changed,  and  the  superfluous  scratched  out,"  became  the 
rule  in  prose  and  poetry.  The  drama  must  exclusively 
"  lead  up  "  to  the  virtue  of  common  life  and  be  arranged 
after  the  French  model,  "  edifying,  artificial,  according  to 
rule  ";  the  "  path  found  "  by  the  French  must  show  the 
way.  No  "  original  invention,"  no  "  Bible  subjects  "  or 
modern  situations  were  to  be  presented,  so  that  the 
province  of  the  church  would  not  be  encroached  upon, 
and  the  old  enemy  was  reconciled  to  what  took  place  on 
the  boards.1  Vondel  and  Hooft  are  out  of  date,  Bredero 
and  Jan  Vos  are  considered  "  too  wild,"  Oudaen  and 
Antonides  van  der  Goes  find  as  little  favour  in  the  eyes  of 
the  conceited  critics  and  presumptuous  pedants.  The 
French  drama  was  victorious  also  over  the  spectacular 
pieces  of  recent  times;  the  stage  in  the  capital  and  else- 
where lived  upon  translations  and  imitations  of  the  much 
admired  plays  of  Corneille,  Racine,  and  their  followers. 
It  was  little  better  with  comedy,  although  this,  of  course, 
preserved  more  of  the  national  colour.3  Asselijn's  depic- 
tions of  manners,  among  which  his  Jan  Klaaszen  still  at- 
tracts audiences,  rise  above  the  ordinary  standard  of  the 
"ingenious"  imitations  of  Moliere  and  other  French 
authors  approved  by  the  "  academy."  It  was  all  over 
with  lyric  and  epic  poetry  after  the  artificial  extinction  of 
independent  talent,  though  rhymesters  shot  up  like  mush- 
rooms from  the  ground  in  the  shadow  of  the  poetical 
societies,  which — successors  of  the  ancient  chambers  of 
rhetoric  and  infected  with  all  their  faults — were  formed 

1  jonckbloet,  Gesch.  der  nederl.  letterk.,  XVI Idt  eeuw,  ii.,  p.  416. 

2  Kalff,  Litter aiuur  en  toneel  te  Amsterdam  in  de  ijde  eeuw,  p.  268. 


5io  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

in  nearly  every  city  ;  under  these  circumstances  didactics 
alone  celebrated  its  dry  triumphs.  Almost  no  poet,  no 
verse  of  this  latter  time  has  any  claim  to  be  mentioned, 
when  real  art  is  in  question.  The  classically  formed  cap- 
tain Broekhuizen  at  the  end  of  the  century — in  Dutch  as 
well  as  in  Latin  verses — gave  expression  to  his  uncommon 
talent  in  a  language  that  recalls  Hooft,  but  he  ended  in 
pious  and  not  very  poetical  meditation.  Jan  Luyken, 
also  a  poet  of  fine  feeling,  published  in  1671  a  charming 
collection  of  love  poems  in  his  Dnytse  Her,  but  he,  too, 
in  later  years  retired  from  the  world  and  devoted  himself 
entirely  to  edifying  reflection  and  poetry,  in  which  he 
was  far  from  reaching  the  artistic  height  shown  by  the 
collection  mentioned.  These  are  the  last  poets  of  the 
great  period,  the  last  who  in  the  circle  of  Oudaen  and 
Vollenhove  and  Antonides  van  der  Goes  had  looked  ad- 
miringly up  to  the  old  age  of  Vondel.  The  learned 
David  van  Hoogstraten,  who  as  prorector  of  the  Latin 
school  at  Amsterdam  had  known  the  older  poets  and  the 
youngest  poetasters  of  the  last  quarter  of  the  century, 
had  associated  with  them  all  and  himself  made  mediocre 
verses,  has  rendered  to  many  of  his  older  and  younger 
contemporaries  the  service  of  collecting  their  remains 
and  writing  down  his  recollections  of  them.  As  sexton  of 
the  Dutch  literature  of  the  flourishing  time  he  has  no  slight 
merits,  but  he  is  likewise  the  pioneer  of  the  scientific 
study  of  the  Dutch  language  which  now  actually  begins 
— a  phenomenon  that  is  perhaps  related  to  the  decline  of 
literary  talent  and  may  be  observed  in  other  nations  and 
periods,  as  we  have  noticed  it  for  this  time  also  in  paint- 
ing and  engraving.  He  stands  on  the  same  line  with 
Lairesse  and  Houbraken. 

It  was  somewhat  better  in  science.  From  the  gifted 
Heinsius  and  Vossius  it  was  a  little  descent  to  Graevius, 
Gronovius,  and  Burmannus,  from  Voetius  and  Cocceius  to 
the   younger  Jacobus  Trigland  and  Frederik    Spanheim, 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century      511 

from  De  Groot  to  Graswinckel.  In  theology  A  Marck, 
the  author  of  the  comprehensive  handbook  Merck  der 
Godgeleerdheid,  and  the  gentle  middlemen,  Vitringa  at 
Franeker  and  Witsius,  were  prominent.  The  noted  jurist, 
Gerard  Noodt,  received  the  praise  of  being  the  only  liter- 
ary man  among  the  jurists  of  the  fatherland.  The  famous 
commentator  on  the  Pandects,  Johannes  Voet,  was  little 
more  than  an  excellent  collector  of  "what  was  thought 
and  said  before  him."  Above  them  both  stood  indis- 
putably the  distinguished  Franeker  professor,  Ulric 
Huber,  dying  in  1694,  after  De  Groot  the  man  best  in- 
formed in  political  and  international  law,  which  he  treated 
admirably  in  his  work,  De  jure  civitatis.  Antonius  Mat- 
thaeus,  the  third  of  the  name  from  an  erudite  legal  fam- 
ily, was  mainly  a  collector  and  editor  of  documents  and 
chronicles,  a  compiler.  Jacobus  Perizonius,  the  great 
authority  on  ancient  history,  to  which  he  adapted  an  in- 
telligent criticism,  had  given  up  acute  textual  criticism. 
Leeuwenhoeck,  the  simple  usher  of  the  Delft  justices, 
prosecuted  late  in  life  his  studies  of  the  "  mysteries  of 
nature  "  and  excited  the  astonishment  of  Europe  by  his 
surprising  discoveries  about  the  "  invisible  created  truths  " 
of  the  minute  animal,  vegetable,  and  mineral  world,  which 
his  microscope,  the  successor  of  spectacle  glasses,  enabled 
him  to  make.  Christiaan  Huygens,  summits  Hugenius,  saw 
the  last  years  before  his  death  in  1695  clouded  by  melan- 
choly. In  general,  however,  the  time  of  original  geniuses 
was  past,  and  that  of  collectors,1  compilers  and,  handbook 
writers  had  dawned.  This  was  true  also  of  history,  where 
Gerard  Brandt  found  his  successors  in  the  restlessly  col- 
lecting antiquarians  Cornelis  van  Alkemade  and  Pieter 
van  der  Schelling,  and  the  story  of  the  great  deeds  of 
earlier  generations  gave  place  to  topographical,  genealog- 
ical, and  archaeological  treatises.     The  learned  Huguenot 

1  See  concerning  the  Dutch  collectors  of  this  time  the  numerous  data  in 
the  Merkwtirdige  Reysen  of  the  German  traveller  Uffenbach,  Bd.  ii.  and  iii. 


5i2  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

emigrant  Basnage,  preacher  successively  at  Rotterdam, 
Leyden,  and  The  Hague,  alone  upheld  the  honour  of  his- 
torical study  in  a  literary  form.  In  medicine  Charles 
Dreiincourt  and  Goverd  Bidloo  were  known  no  less  as 
learned  men  than  as  practising  physicians.  Groningen 
succeeded  in  connecting  the  famous  Basel  mathemati- 
cian, Johannes  Bernouilli,  the  inventor  of  the  integral 
and  differential  calculus,  from  Halle  with  its  university. 
Dutch  universities  still  possessed  some  good  teachers, 
professors  excelling  in  general  knowledge  and  the  scien- 
tific spirit,  so  that  in  this  period  also  many  foreigners  came 
hither  to  enjoy  the  admirable  instruction,  but  the  brilli- 
ancy of  Dutch  science  had  perceptibly  paled. 

These  foreigners  were  still  impressed  by  the  peculiar 
traits  of  the  Dutch  people,  but  the  slow  decline  of  the  na- 
tional virtues  and  customs  did  not  escape  them,  chiefly  in 
the  higher  classes,  but  also  among  the  prosperous  citizens. 
Unquestionably  French  fashions,  French  dress,  French 
manners,  the  French  language,  were  invading  the  country 
more  victoriously  than  ever,  partly  in  consequence  of  the 
settlement  of  the  many  refugees.  A  foreign  traveller  says 
that  the  nobility  especially  "  strive  to  imitate  the  French 
in  their  mien,  their  clothes,  their  way  of  talk,  of  eating,  of 
gallantry,  or  debauchery,"  '  and  a  similar  tendency  was 
plainly  evident  in  the  army.  Simplicity  in  dress  and 
dwelling,  which  had  formerly  symbolised  the  nation's 
strength  in  the  eyes  of  foreign  travellers,  was  slowly  lost : 
men  demanded  more  of  life  and  sought  to  satisfy  these 
demands  ;  the  younger  generation  showed  this  inclination 
more  than  before.  Luxurious  France  was  everywhere  the 
model  to  be  patterned  after. 

With  the  augmentation  of  the  national  fortune  and  the 
increase  in  the  number  of  rich  men  in  the  country,  who 
lived  on  the  capital  accumulated  by  themselves  or  their 
ancestors,  this  tendency  must  gradually  impair  the  na- 

'A  voyage  to  Holland,  in  Harleian  Miscellany,  ix.,  p.  543. 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century      513 

tional  strength,  although  prosperity  still  remained  at  a  con- 
siderable height.     That  it  so  remained  was  due  largely  to 
the  flourishing  commerce  and  industry,  in  which  no  falling 
off  was  to  be  observed.     A  very  unfavourable  symptom 
was  the  growing  traffic  in  stocks,  especially  in  the  shares 
of  the  East  and  West  India  Companies,  which  were  more 
subject  to  fluctuations  than  others  by  reason  of  the  vary- 
ing cargoes  brought  to  Europe.     Since  the  first  quarter  of 
the  century  speculation  had  been  common  in  Amsterdam, 
and  the  sharp   differences    in  the  prices  of  government 
bonds  in  1672  and  the  following  years  had  much  promoted 
this.      The  "  Portuguese  Jewish  nation  "  at  Amsterdam 
engaged  extensively  in  this  bond  and  stock  business,  but 
other  residents  and  many  foreigners  also  took  part  in  it. 
The  stocks  went  from  hand  to  hand,  often  for   delivery 
months  afterwards,  and  every  day  was  to  be  seen  the  evil 
of  speculation  in  the  rapid  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  which  in 
great  measure  had  the  same  pernicious  consequences  as  in 
later  times.     This  stock  speculation  in  Amsterdam  was 
far  from  having  driven  away  mercantile  trade.     A  French 
writer '  of  the  last  years  of  the  century  gives  a  survey  of 
the  Dutch  navigation  and  commerce  of  the  period,  which 
shows  the  immense  development  it  could  still  boast  of  in 
those  years.     It  might  still  be  said  that  Dutch  commerce 
"  embraced  the  whole  earth  "  and  formed  the  basis  of  the 
republic's  importance  as  a  power,  so  disproportionate  to 
the  area  of  its  territory  and  the  number  of   its  citizens. 
Only  a  relatively  small  part  of  Dutch  commerce  consisted 
of  the  direct  exportation  of  Dutch  products.     In  this  time 
too  the  Hollanders  had  the  carrying  trade  for  northern 
and  southern  Europe,  for  South  America,  western  Africa, 
southern  Asia,  and  Japan.     An  English  economist  of  the 

1  (P.  D.  Huet), Memoir es  sur  ie  commerce  des  hollandais  (published  in  1716, 
but  written  before  the  peace  of  Ryswick).  This  remarkable  little  book  is 
based  upon  official  documents  and  communications  from  experienced  Dutch 
merchants. 

VOL.  IV. 33 


514  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

present  calculates  Holland's  export  trade,  i.  e.,  that  of  do- 
mestic or  foreign  articles  exported  from  Holland,  at  144 
million  guilders  a  year,  which  can  be  nothing  but  a  rough 
estimate.1     The  commerce  extended  really  over  a  large 
portion  of  the  globe  and  must  be  described  more  in  detail. 
Commerce  with  Russia  was  carried  on  partly  through 
Archangel,  partly  through  Livonia.    Two  squadrons  went 
every  year  to  Archangel,  the  first  in  June  of  five  or  six,  the 
second  in  July  of  more  than  thirty  ships  from  200  to  400 
tons  each,  in  order  at  the  noted  Archangel  August  market 
to  trade  in  linen  and  silk  stuffs,  cloths,  beaver  skins,  paper, 
table  furnishings,  arms,  gunpowder,  sulphur,  metals,  wines, 
southern    fruits,  spices,  herrings,  white    lead,  dyestuffs, 
perfumes,  lace,  pearls,  gold  wire,  coined  gold  and  silver. 
English  and  French  competition  had  almost  ceased  here. 
The  English  came  with  only  four  or  five  ships  a  year  in 
consequence  of  the  cleverness  of  the  Hollanders  in  gain- 
ing the  Russian  noblemen  by  presents  and  in  adapting 
their  offerings  to  the  needs  of  the  inhabitants,  which  they 
sought  to  learn  accurately,  while  they  succeeded  in  mak- 
ing their  rivals  ridiculous  by  pamphlets  and  caricatures. 
Amsterdam  had  this  commerce  almost  exclusively.    That 
through  Livonia  went  generally  by  way  of    Reval  and 
Narva,  then  still  in  the  possession  of  Sweden,  to  Nov- 
gorod, the  great  market  of  central  Russia,  and   Pskov, 
also  by  way  of  Riga  and   Pernau,  to  which  ports  about 
sixty  wood  ships  sailed  annually.     Besides  wood,  particu- 
larly wood  for  masts  and  casks,  corn  and  hemp  were  ex- 
ported from  here,  together  with  Russian  hides  for  fine 
leathers,  Russian  and  Siberian  fur,  caviare,  fat,  and  wax, 
which  last  articles  were  conveyed  in  large  quantities  on 
Dutch  vessels  to  France  and  the  countries  on  the  Medi- 
terranean, as  well  as  to  the  Spanish-American  colonies, 
much  being  used  for  ecclesiastical  purposes. 

In  Norway  the  Hollanders  surpassed  other  nations  in 

1  Pringsheim,  Beitrage,  p.  10. 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       515 

the  importance  of  their  commerce.  They  carried  there 
whatever  the  poor  country  needed  and  brought  away 
wood,  iron,  copper,  pitch,  skins  of  animals,  potash,  fat, 
dried  fish.  Over  300  ships  of  400  to  500  tons  each  with  ten 
to  twelve  sailors  were  employed  in  this  trade,  of  which  the 
cities  and  villages  of  northern  Holland  and  Friesland 
were  the  chief  seats,  Bergen  and  Trondhjem  being  the 
Norwegian  ports.  Denmark's  foreign  commerce  was  not 
great,  but  the  Hollanders  had  a  considerable  trade  in  corn 
on  Laaland  and  in  cattle  on  Jutland,  whence  the  ani- 
mals were  brought  to  the  fertile  pastures  of  Holland  to 
be  fattened.  Seeland's  former  cultivation  of  rye  had 
almost  entirely  ceased,  and  the  island  furnished  scarcely 
grain  enough  to  support  its  inhabitants.  Much  more  im- 
portant was  the  commerce  with  Sweden,  where  the  Hol- 
landers conveyed  spices,  salt,  wines,  cloths  and  silks, 
sugar,  etc.,  and  exported  excellent  copper,  iron,  steel, 
arms,  lead,  tar,  pitch,  wood  for  masts,  especially  fine  tim- 
ber. The  Hollanders  were  quite  the  masters  of  the  ex- 
portation of  copper  and  advanced  money  to  the  owners 
of  the  mines,  Amsterdam  coming  to  the  fore  in  this  busi- 
ness. The  commercial  treaty  of  1679  secured  the  rule 
ever  desired  by  the  Dutch  in  their  intercourse  with  other 
nations  :  free  ships,  free  goods,  even  in  time  of  war.  The 
other  Baltic  coasts,  from  Pomerania  to  Livonia,  supplied 
grain,  wood,  wax,  honey,  potash,  leather,  furs,  hemp,  salt- 
petre, fat,  wool,  linen,  etc.,  which  were  transported  there 
along  the  large  rivers,  also  from  Brandenburg,  Silesia, 
Poland,  and  Lithuania.  All  the  Baltic  ports  shared  in 
this  commerce,  carried  on  by  the  English  and  Dutch,  but 
Dantzig,  Konigsberg,  and  Pillau  had  the  most,  particu- 
larly the  first  with  its  enormous  grain  storehouses  which 
made  it  the  "  granary  "  of  the  north.  Paper,  oil,  logwood, 
salt,  etc.,  were  imported  here  besides  the  articles  men- 
tioned above.  Twenty  to  twenty-five  vessels  served  an- 
nually for  the  Courland    trade  ;    the  grain  commerce  in 


516  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

general  always  kept  700  or  800  busy ;  next  in  importance 
came  the  trade  in  wood,  because  the  Hollanders  supplied 
not  only  the  famous  shipyards  of  the  Zaan  with  wood, 
but  also  those  of  France,  Spain,  and  Italy,  just  as  they 
provided  those  countries  with  furs,  caviare,  honey,  wax, 
hemp,  linen,  etc.,  from  these  regions.  With  some  ships  they 
even  carried  on  a  direct  trade  between  Archangel  and 
Leghorn  and  Venice,  just  as  they  took  possession  of  the 
carrying  trade  between  the  Baltic  ports,  which  was  ever 
growing  less  on  account  of  the  increasing  self-development 
of  these  ports.  Generally  they  made  the  greatest  exer- 
tions to  keep  the  northern  commerce  in  their  hands,  as 
appears  from  the  establishment  of  boards  of  directors  for 
the  Baltic  trade  at  Amsterdam  and  Hoorn  in  1689,  and 
especially  to  prevent  the  inhabitants  of  the  Baltic  coasts 
from  engaging  in  this  trade  themselves.  The  Dutch  rix- 
dollar  was  still  the  usual  money  of  commerce  in  the  north 
and  was  imported  there  in  considerable  quantities. 

German  commerce  went  principally  along  the  large 
rivers  from  the  Meuse  to  the  Elbe.  Busy  Hamburg,  "  little 
Amsterdam,"  had  a  chief  part  in  it  by  reason  of  its  admi- 
rable situation  as  the  point  of  export  for  lower  Germany  ; 
it  had  enjoyed  much  prosperity  in  the  great  wars,  which 
had  injured  the  commerce  of  the  republic  for  years 
together,  and  temporarily  had  attracted  to  itself  much 
of  this  commerce.  But  the  Dutch  were  again  the  most 
prominent  merchants  here  and  went  up  the  Elbe  as  far  as 
Magdeburg.  Bremen  too  had  an  active  trade  in  wood  and 
beer,  the  latter  being  conveyed  by  the  Hollanders  as  far 
away  as  India.  Emden  was  the  exporting  place  for  East 
Frisian  cattle  and  horses,  Westphalian  hams,  wood  and 
linen  from  Miinster  and  Paderborn  shipped  by  Dutch  vessels 
to  the  republic.  The  Rhine  trade  of  the  Hollanders  was 
very  considerable  *  they  exported  wine,  wood,  cannons,  and 
bullets,  and  supplied  all  western  Germany  with  spices,  her- 
rings, sugar,  cheese,  and  the  products  of  all  sorts  of  in- 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       517 

dustry.  Cologne  and  Frankfort  were  still  the  chief  markets 
here,  where  imports  and  exports  met  along  the  Main  and 
Moselle  as  far  as  Franconia  and  Lorraine.  Trade  went  by 
the  Meuse  to  Liege  and  Aix-la-Chapelle,  where  metallic 
wares  and  coal  formed  the  chief  articles  of  exportation  and 
spices  with  silks  and  woollen  goods  were  imported.  The 
Spanish  Netherlands  were  commercially  quite  dependent 
upon  the  republic  in  consequence  of  the  closing  of  the 
Scheldt  and  the  waters  leading  to  Ghent  and  Bruges. 
These  two  places  with  Antwerp  and  Mechlin  were  the 
principal  marts  for  the  trade  in  the  articles  required  by  the 
south ;  the  exportation,  also  entirely  in  Dutch  hands, 
was  confined  to  lace,  yarns,  hemp,  tapestry,  and  Lille  cam- 
bric. A  small  independent  commerce  between  Ostend  and 
Cadiz  was  the  pitiful  remnant  of  the  former  great  com- 
mercial movement  of  this  impoverished  region. 

Since  the  Navigation  Act  England  had  its  export  and 
import  trade  wholly  in  its  own  hands,  also  that  of  its 
American  colonies.  Spices  alone,  of  which  the  East  India 
Company  possessed  the  monopoly,  were  still  imported 
through  connivance  in  Dutch  vessels.  On  the  other  hand 
the  English  had  their  cloth  and  wool  staple  at  Dordrecht 
and  exported  to  Amsterdam  much  lead,  tin,  and  corn  be- 
sides English  colonial  goods.  The  Scotch  had  their  staple 
at  Veere  and  brought  there  coal,  wool,  and  hides.  The 
Dutch  could  not  change  this,  because  their  situation 
obliged  them  to  keep  friends  with  the  English  who  domi- 
nated the  Channel,  but  the  friendly  relations  of  recent 
times  occasioned  some  improvement,  particularly  during 
war,  when  England  needed  the  help  of  the  Hollanders 
more  than  ever.  Exports  to  England  amounted  in  these 
years  to  about  6  millions,  imports  from  England  to  about 
1 8  millions,  and  considerable  smuggling  must  be  taken 
into  account. 

Trade  with  France  once  so  important  had  much  dimin- 
ished since  the  obstacles  placed  in  its  way  after  1648  on 


518  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

account  of  political  differences.  Before  that  time  the  Hol- 
landers were  the  great  merchants  here ;  their  ships  filled 
the  French  ports ;  they  imported  many  necessary  goods 
and  were  protected  by  advantageous  treaties.  To  Nor- 
mandy alone  200,000  "quarters"  of  train  oil  went  every  year, 
to  Rouen  800  lasts  of  herrings ;  soap,  refined  sugar,  salt,  cloth, 
porcelain  were  almost  exclusively  obtained  from  Holland. 
According  to  the  testimony  of  the  ambassador  Boreel  the 
republic  about  1658  bought  French  articles  every  year  to 
the  value  of  35  million  livres,  particularly  clothing,  mir- 
rors, furniture,  wines ;  from  the  district  between  La  Ro- 
chelle  and  Ol^ron  cargoes  for  five  or  six  hundred  ships 
were  annually  obtained.  In  1662  a  commercial  treaty 
regulated  satisfactorily  the  mutual  relations  disturbed  by  a 
beginning  of  difficulties,  but  five  years  later  the  French 
government  commenced  again  to  impose  heavy  taxes  on 
Dutch  commerce,  which  soon  caused  retaliatory  measures 
on  the  Dutch  side  in  duties  on  French  goods,  especially 
on  wine  and  brandy.  Furthermore  some  branches  of 
industry  passed  from  France  to  the  republic  after  the  per- 
secution of  the  Huguenots.  Both  French  commerce  and 
French  industry  suffered  seriously,  because  the  Hollanders 
accustomed  themselves  to  receive  from  elsewhere  articles 
formerly  obtained  from  France  or  had  less  need  of  French 
commodities  on  account  of  the  establishment  of  French 
industries  in  their  country,  such  as  the  manufacture  of  silk, 
brocade,  hats,  paper.  Then  came  the  war  of  1672  to  1678, 
which  destroyed  all  commerce  between  the  countries.  And 
after  the  peace  of  Nimwegen,  as  usual,  it  did  not  appear 
so  easy  to  entice  trade  back  to  the  old  channels,  now  that 
it  had  formed  new  ones,  so  that  in  1680  French  goods  at 
Amsterdam  brought  more  loss  than  profit.  In  France 
there  was  soon  again  an  inclination  to  tax  Dutch  commerce, 
but  the  result  was  more  of  a  stoppage.  Then  followed 
the  new  political  tension  and  the  war  of  1688,  which  cut 
off  all  commerce  with  Holland  ■  and  when  finally  the  peace 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       5J9 

of  Ryswick  was  concluded,  it  seemed  even  less  easy  than 
formerly  to  renew  the  old  relations,  particularly  when  new 
difficulties  soon  increased  the  chances  of  a  third  great 
war.  Commerce  with  France  consequently  was  about 
1700  of  slight  significance. 

Spain  after  the  peace  of  Miinster  favoured  Dutch  com- 
merce greatly,  and  the  hostile  political  attitude  of  this 
power  towards  France  made  a  large  part  of  the  Franco- 
Spanish  trade  go  into  Dutch  hands.  There  were  no  ports 
on  the  Spanish  coast  where  Dutch  ships  were  not  to  be 
found,  while  English  competition  alone  had  to  be  con- 
tended  with.  Cadiz  was  the  great  commercial  port,  where 
Indian  and  American  goods  were  imported  and  immedi- 
ately transferred  to  Dutch  and  English  vessels  lying  ready. 
Gold  and  silver,  pearls  and  precious  stones,  dyestuffs  and 
cinchona,  vanilla,  tobacco,  cochineal,  leather,  fine  wood 
from  America,  were  exported  from  there  to  all  Europe. 
Moreover  Spain  itself  furnished  fine  wool,  the  fruits  of 
Malaga,  the  wines  of  Jerez,  Malaga,  and  Alicante,  the  oils 
of  Seville  and  Majorca,  salt  from  Cadiz  and  Iviza,  iron  and 
steel  from  Biscay  and  Navarre,  soap  from  Alicante  and 
Cartagena.  How  large  the  interest  of  the  Hollanders  in 
Spanish  trade  had  become,  appears  from  the  fact  that 
before  1688  only  3000,  but  in  1691  about  16,000  casks  of 
Spanish  brandy  were  exported  on  account  of  the  lack  of 
French  brandy.  Navigation  to  Cadiz  and  back  employed 
every  year  thirty  large  ships.  Negroes  for  the  American 
colonies  were  an  important  merchandise ;  this  trade,  though 
really  prohibited  to  other  nations  as  well  as  all  commerce 
with  the  Spanish  colonies,  was  almost  entirely  in  Dutch  hands 
and  gaveconsiderable  profits.  The  importation  into  Spain 
of  spices,  cloth,  clothing,  silks,  cutlery,  wood,  medicinal 
herbs,  cordage,  tar,  pitch,  paper,  herrings,  butter,  grain,  was 
likewise  accomplished  by  the  Dutch.  After  the  peace  with 
Portugal  in  1661  commerce  with  that  country  became 
considerable,  and  the  Hollanders  quite  crowded  out  the 


520         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

French  trade  in  wine  and  fruits  at  Lisbon  and  Oporto. 
Ten  or  twelve  ships  were  laden  here  every  year  with  lemons 
and  oranges.  The  salt  of  Setubal  was  almost  wholly 
shipped  by  them,  often  in  vessels  returning  without  cargo 
from  the  Mediterranean,  but  also  in  twenty  ships  designed 
for  no  other  purpose. 

The  commerce  of  the  Dutch  on  the  Mediterranean  Sea 
since  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  belonged 
among  the  most  important  branches  of  their  entire  busi- 
ness. It  was  first  of  all  Levant  trade  and  was  carried  on 
under  the  lead  and  supervision  of  directors  at  Amsterdam. 
Thirty  ships  sailed  to  Turkish  lands,  distributed  into  three 
or  four  squadrons  on  account  of  piracy,  and  each  was  pro- 
vided with  twenty  to  twenty-five  cannon  and  sixty  to 
seventy  men,  while  two  large  convoy  ships  accompanied 
them.  Leghorn  was  the  resting  place,  where  the  men  re- 
freshed themselves  for  the  voyage  which  found  its  destina- 
tion in  Smyrna,  to  which  port  the  countries  of  western 
Asia  as  far  as  Persia  sent  their  products  by  caravan.  Dutch 
commerce  with  Egypt  was  of  slight  importance;  Alex- 
andria and  Rosetta  were  the  ports  there,  and  the  farthest 
point  reached  was  Cairo.  Considerable,  however,  was  the 
direct  trade  with  Italy,  where  the  great  places  for  exporta- 
tion were  Genoa,  the  staple  of  rich  Lombardy,  Venice, 
Leghorn  for  central  Italy,  and  Naples  and  Messina  for 
southern  Italy  and  Sicily.  The  Hollanders  imported  here 
all  sorts  of  commodities  from  the  north  and  India ;  they 
exported  raw  silk,  silken,  velvet,  and  satin  stuffs,  fruits, 
olive  oil,  Parmesan  cheese,  sulphur,  rice,  turpentine,  lacquer 
work,  marble,  Venetian  glass,  paper,  soap ;  the  excellent 
Italian  manufacture  of  silk,  satin,  velvet,  and  damask  was 
famous  all  over  the  world  and  gave  great  value  to  this  trade. 
Many  Dutch  vessels  voyaged  from  the  republic  to  the 
Spanish,  French,  Italian,  and  Barbary  coasts,  from  whence 
they  transported  commodities  to  the  Levant  and  where 
on  the  way  back  they  sold  Levant  goods,  as  they  were 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       521 

accustomed  to  do  in  the  Baltic  ports ;  then  they  returned 
home  with  a  new  cargo  from  those  coasts.  The  Hollanders 
in  fact  shared  the  Levant  commerce  only  with  the  English. 
The  trade  of  these  two  nations  was  very  notable  in  the 
woollen  and  linen  fabrics  universally  used  there  for  cloth- 
ing, also  that  in  spices  and  dyestuffs  monopolised  by  the 
Dutch,  and  that  in  metals,  lead  and  tin  in  particular,  of 
which  the  English  had  as  good  as  a  monopoly.  The 
"capitulations"  concluded  with  the  Grand  Seignior,  the 
oldest  of  which  dated  from  the  time  of  Haga,  regulated 
trade  in  the  Levant  and  were  administered  with  liberality. 
The  duties  imposed  on  commerce  by  the  Turks  were 
moderate — three  per  cent,  for  exports,  five  per  cent,  for 
imports,  and  they  had  to  be  paid  once  only  for  all  Turkish 
ports. 

Outside  of  Europe  the  commerce  of  the  East  India 
Company  is  first  worthy  of  mention.  Its  power  in  the 
Indies  had  much  increased  since  Maetsuycker,  notwith- 
standing the  loss  of  Formosa  so  well  situated  for  trade 
with  China  and  Japan.  The  conquests  from  the  Portu- 
guese in  Hither  India,  the  subjection  of  Macassar  in  1669, 
the  capture  of  St.  Thome  in  1675,  the  cession  of  Japara  and 
Cheribon  by  the  prince  of  Mataram  in  1680,  established  its 
authority  at  the  chief  points  of  trade  and  communication. 
The  occupation  of  Bantam  in  1682,  where  a  serious  com- 
petition with  Batavia  had  come  up  gradually  under 
England's  protection,  procured  for  it  important  advan- 
tages. It  now  possessed  the  monopoly  in  the  entire 
archipelago,  and  Batavia  flourished  greatly  as  the  centre  of 
the  extensive  commercial  territory  exploited  by  the  com- 
pany. This  territory  was  not  limited  to  the  archipelago 
but  stretched  out  along  the  whole  southern  coast  of  Asia 
to  Japan.  As  in  the  Baltic  and  Mediterranean  the  Hol- 
landers had  here  also,  though  not  to  the  same  extent  and 
not  at  all  in  China  and  Japan,  the  carrying  trade  in  these 
regions  from  Socotra  to  Tongking.     The  Arabic  gums, 


522  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

perfumes,  balsams,  and  coffee  collected  on  the  Arabian 
coast  from  Mocha  to  Muscat  and  Basra,  the  Persian  coarse 
silk  suitable  for  lace  and  thread,  the  pearls  and  precious 
stones  sold  in  Bender  Abbas  were  shipped  by  the  Dutch 
in  all  directions.  In  the  states  of  the  Great  Mogul  they 
bought  silks,  fine  cotton,  cotton  garments,  woven  fabrics, 
indigo,  saltpetre,  red  and  black  lacquer,  agate,  opium, 
ginger,  etc.,  and  carried  them  as  far  away  as  the  Spanish 
and  Portuguese  colonies  in  America.  Surat  was  the  chief 
point  for  this  trade.  Southwards  from  the  Portuguese 
Goa  to  Cape  Comorin  lies  the  pepper  coast  of  Malabar, 
where  the  coarse  cinnamon  and  pepper  for  Europe  were 
bought  up,  in  the  factory  at  Cochin  especially,  by  means 
of  contracts  with  the  small  interior  princes,  who  could  only 
be  won  at  great  expense  in  consequence  of  the  competition 
of  Arab  merchants.  The  opposite  coast  of  Coromandel 
included  the  great  exporting  harbours  of  the  rich  Golconda, 
whence  the  company  in  1663  drew  cotton  valued  at  nearly 
one  and  a  half  million  guilders,  mainly  in  the  form  of 
printed  cotton  or  chintz,  which  nowhere  in  India  was 
manufactured  more  beautifully  than  in  this  realm  around 
Masulipatam.  Precious  stones  were  also  to  be  obtained 
here  in  large  quantities.  The  capture  of  Pondicherry 
from  the  French  in  1693  was  therefore  of  great  importance. 
From  Bengal  came  glossy  silk  much  used  in  Holland,  silken 
stuffs,  muslins,  diamonds,  saltpetre, and  sugar;  yearly  the 
Dutch  secured  here  6000  to  7000  bales  of  silk,  the  best  of 
all  India ;  from  Buton  came  musk  and  excellent  rhubarb. 
A  fort  in  Hugh  was,  with  Patna  farther  up  on  the  Ganges, 
the  emporium  of  Dutch  trade  in  these  regions.  The  king- 
doms of  Pegu,  Siam,  and  Malacca  furnished  large  quantities 
of  lacquer,  gold,  silver,  precious  stones,  ivory,  rice,  tin,  lead, 
wood.  The  last  place,  admirably  situated  on  the  strait  of 
the  same  name,  the  old  commercial  route,  was  still  of  some 
importance,  but  had  been  obliged  to  yield  to  Batavia  its 
great  repute  as  the  centre  of  Indian  commerce.     Bangkok, 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       523 

the  capital  of  populous  Siam,  carried  on  a  large  indepen- 
dent trade  with  the  Arabic  merchants  in  Hither  India  and 
even  with  Japan.  From  Tongking  came  fine  Chinese  silk 
and  musk,  but  the  company's  commerce  here  was  of  little 
consequence.  Commerce  with  China,  the  land  of  the  best 
white  silk  and  fine  silken  fabrics,  was  ardently  desired  by 
the  Dutch  and  English,  and  both  at  this  time  took  much 
trouble  to  get  access  to  it  by  money  and  fair  words,  as  the 
Portuguese  had  long  had  it  through  their  fort  at  Macao, 
but  so  far  these  exertions  brought  slight  success,1  while  the 
Chinese  themselves  had  but  a  small  foreign  trade,  mostly 
the  inhabitants  of  the  province  of  Fokien,  who  showed 
themselves  much  at  Batavia  and  appeared  there  to  be  born 
tradesmen.  Chinese  trade  might  have  been  very  important 
for  the  company,  because  thereby  it  could  have  supplied 
Japan,  which  obtained  nearly  all  its  commodities  from 
China  and  had  allowed  the  company  a  small  factory  on  the 
little  island  of  Desima.  The  restrictions  and  humiliations, 
to  which  the  company's  representatives  there  had  to 
submit,  seemed  about  to  be  made  good  by  large  profits, 
and  these  profits  would  have  risen  incomparably  higher, 
if  the  trade  from  China  to  Japan  could  have  been  secured. 
An  official  of  the  company  estimated  for  that  case  that  the 
profit  on  silk  alone  would  amount  to  five  millions  a  year, 
representing  eighty  per  cent,  of  the  capital  to  be  invested. 
Hitherto  silk  and  silken  stuffs,  cloth,  deerskins,  hemp, 
linen,  wool,  quicksilver,  spices,  sugar,  musk,  camphor,  fine 
wood,  porcelain,  ivory,  coral,  and  all  sorts  of  small  wares 
were  the  chief  commodities  imported  into  Japan,  which  in 
exchange  exported  only  silver,  excellent  copper,  and  lacquer 
work,  but  strictly  prohibited  the  exportation  of  the  here 
abundant  gold.    Tea  was  brought  from  here  and  China  to 

«  Just  at  this  time,  however,  there  was  repeatedly  some  talk  of  opening 
the  Chinese  ports  to  all  foreigners.  English  and  Portuguese  carried  on  a 
considerable  secret  trade  with  China,  but  the  company  in  this  business  had 
little  success  in  its  efforts. 


524  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Europe  by  the  Hollanders  and  was  a  costly  object  of  com- 
merce, but  it  suffered  much  from  adulteration  with  dried 
sage  which  was  even  exported  to  China  by  the  Dutch. 

The  trade  of  Ceylon  and  the  archipelago  was  again 
wholly  in  Dutch  hands.  On  Ceylon  the  Hollanders  now 
held  the  entire  coast  in  subjection  by  the  possession  of 
the  fortified  places,  but  in  the  mountainous  interior  the 
prince  of  Kandy  ruled  almost  unchecked.  The  fine  cin- 
namon cultivated  on  a  small  part  of  the  coast  and  ivory 
supplied  by  the  numerous  elephants  were  here  the  main 
articles  of  trade.  Sumatra,  where  the  powerful  princes  of 
Atjeh  reigned  over  a  large  portion  of  the  interior,  stood 
through  the  possession  of  Malacca  and  the  establishments 
at  Palembang,  Jambi,  Padang,  and  Selidah,  where  rich 
gold  mines  could  be  worked,  very  much  under  the  influ- 
ence of  the  company,  which  had  in  its  hands  by  contracts 
with  the  small  princes  the  trade  in  pepper,  gold  dust, 
camphor,  and  benzoin  and  succeeded  in  overcoming  Eng- 
lish competition,  although  the  English  were  able  to  settle 
at  Benkoelen  owing  to  Speelman's  untimely  yielding. 
The  fine  pepper  of  Sumatra  and  Java,  which  was  exported 
to  Persia,  Arabia,  China,  and  Japan,  gave  large  profits, 
even  ioo  per  cent.  The  Asiatics  could  not  use  the  coarse 
pepper  of  Malabar  and  Ceylon,  so  it  was  sold  to  Europe 
and  America.  The  great  island  of  Borneo,  inhabited  by 
a  savage  population,  was  little  visited  ;  diamonds,  cam- 
phor, and  gold  were  brought  from  there  in  small  quantities 
by  the  natives  to  Batavia.  Celebes,  where  Macassar  oc- 
cupied and  fortified  by  the  company  was  its  chief  place, 
furnished  small  quantities  of  rice,  pepper,  and  fine  wood. 
In  the  Moluccas  Ambon  was  for  the  whole  world  the  seat 
of  the  clove  industry,  which  was  confined  to  this  island 
by  the  Hollanders  with  great  care,  by  the  more  or  less 
regular  destruction  of  the  clove  trees  elsewhere  every 
year.  Thus  the  small  Banda  was  the  seat  of  the  nutmeg, 
which   was   only   allowed    to   grow  there.      The  "  little 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century      525 

Moluccas,"  of  which  Ternate  and  Tidor  are  the  chief, 
were  also  artificially  restricted  to  the  trade  in  tortoises, 
while  the  spice  trees  there  were  destroyed  by  agreement 
with  the  small  princes  who  received  an  annual  allowance. 
The  company  would  not  permit  free  trade  with  the  in- 
habitants of  these  islands  from  fear  for  its  spice  monopoly. 
But  the  rooting  out  of  the  spice  trees,  regarded  as  super- 
fluous for  the  company's  commerce,  was  not  continued  as 
regularly  and  energetically  as  it  had  been  in  the  middle 
of  the  century  by  the  ruthless  governor  De  Vlaming  van 
Oudshoorn,  and  sometimes  it  was  quite  neglected.  When 
at  the  end  of  the  century  orders  came  from  the  father- 
land to  take  up  this  work  again  with  vigour,  because  the 
production  of  cloves  increased  to  an  alarming  extent,  it 
even  happened  that  the  governor  Schagen  refused  out- 
right to  obey  this  command,  and  his  successor  also  hesi- 
tated to  rob  the  poor  population  in  this  manner  of  its 
chief  means  of  existence.  The  conquest  of  Macassar, 
inhabited  by  an  energetic  and  enterprising  people,  was  of 
great  importance  for  the  undisturbed  possession  and  con- 
trol of  commerce  in  the  Moluccas,  which  previously  main- 
tained often  secret  relations  with  English  and  Portuguese 
from  there.  So  the  monopoly  of  the  spice  trade  for  the 
entire  world  was  indisputably  in  the  hands  of  the  Dutch, 
especially  since,  at  the  peace  of  Breda,  Pularoon,  frequently 
coveted  by  the  English  and  occupied  by  them  in  1665, 
was  finally  ceded  to  the  company  and  the  English  were 
thus  driven  out  of  the  Moluccas. 

The  centre  of  the  company's  Asiatic  commerce  was  the 
now  populous  and  flourishing  Batavia.  To  this  capital  of 
the  pepper  and  rice-cultivating  Java  flowed  the  commodi- 
ties of  the  Orient ;  from  there  in  December  or  January 
the  returning  fleets  sailed  through  the  strait  of  Sunda  to 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  usually  about  six  large  ships, 
which  were  joined  at  the  Cape  by  some  vessels  from  the 
coast  of  Coromandel,  Ceylon,  and    Bengal.      The   com- 


526  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

pany's  commerce  was  benefited  by  the  fine  climate  of  the 
southern  point  of  Africa,  so  conducive  to  recovery  from 
exhausting  tropical  heat,  and  by  the  growing  importance 
of  the  colony  settled  in  and  around  Cape  Town,  where 
under  the  worthy  commander  Simon  van  der  Stel  (since 
1679)  not  only  a  considerable  number  of  Dutch  and  Ger- 
man families  were  sent  out  but  also  after  1688  a  hundred 
of  the  French  Huguenot  families  taking  refuge  in  the 
republic.  Van  der  Stel  established  new  centres  of  coloni- 
sation in  Stellenbosch  and  Drakenstein,  took  great  pains 
to  develop  agriculture,  vineyards,  and  cattle  raising,  and 
may  be  regarded  as  the  second  founder  of  the  colony, 
which  gradually  broadened  out  in  the  direction  of  the 
Karroo  and  along  the  coast.  The  East  Indiamen  usually 
remained  here  a  month,  from  March  to  April,  and  then, 
refreshed  and  supplied  with  water  and  provisions,  they 
steered  for  the  fatherland,  where  they  arrived  in  July  or 
August  with  their  rich  cargoes. 

Maetsuycker  was  succeeded  as  governor-general  in  1678 
by  Rycklof  van  Goens,  an  excellent  soldier  and  merchant, 
who  might  have  upheld  the  authority  of  the  company  in 
Java  and  the  Moluccas,  but  on  account  of  his  bad  health 
he  had  to  be  replaced  in  168 1  by  Cornelis  Speelman, 
one  of  the  most  martial  but  arbitrary,  pompous,  and  care- 
less servants  of  the  company,  who  had  won  great  renown 
by  the  conquest  of  Macassar.  His  rule,  though  outwardly 
brilliant  enough,  was  not  characterised  by  the  vigour  ex- 
pected from  it.  He  died  in  three  years  and  left  affairs  in 
wretched  confusion.1  He  was  followed  by  Johannes 
Camphuis,  a  cultivated  and  scientific  but  not  very  ener- 
getic man,  who  wrote  a  history  of  the  establishment  of 
Batavia  and  did  much  to  assist  Rumphius,  the  writer  on 
the  botany  of  Ambon,  and  Kampfer,  who  borrowed  his 
description  of  Japan  in  part  from  Camphuis  himself,  the 
latter  having  often  been  on  Desima.     Things  did  not  go 

1  De  Jonge,  Opkomst  van  het  Nederlandsch  gezag,  viii.,  p.  I 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       527 

better  under  him.  After  him  came  the  able  but  no  more 
vigorous  Willem  van  Outhoorn,  in  whose  administration 
the  coffee  plant  was  introduced  into  Java  and  the  cultiva- 
tion of  sugar  increased  very  much.  But  under  Outhoorn 
also  the  company's  internal  condition  appeared  much  less 
favourable  than  it  looked  superficially.  Even  on  Java  its 
authority  seemed  lax ;  neither  by  stratagem  nor  by  vio- 
lence could  it  overcome  its  former  slave  Soerapati,  who 
after  the  Bantam  war  with  some  revolted  Balinese  soldiers 
had  first  made  the  environs  of  Batavia  unsafe,  then  had 
found  a  refuge  with  the  emperor  of  Mataram,  and  soon 
established  his  own  kingdom  in  eastern  Java.1  The  weak- 
ness of  the  higher  government  had  the  result,  that  the 
company's  servants,  particularly  in  the  remote  offices, 
could  more  than  formerly  enrich  themselves  with  its 
possessions  and  revenues,  an  evil  often  complained  of  in 
the  reports  of  the  commanders  of  the  returning  fleets  to 
the  States-General.11  Investigation  of  such  abuses,  like 
that  of  the  commissioner-general  Van  Rheede  van  Mijd- 
recht,  who  in  1684  was  sent  from  Europe  to  Hither  India 
and  the  Cape,  amounted  as  a  rule  to  little,  because  under 
Van  Outhoorn  and  his  son-in-law,  the  director-general 
Van  Hoorn,  corruption  prevailed  even  in  the  highest 
governmental  circles.  Prohibited  trade  of  the  officials, 
smuggling,  extortion  from  the  natives,  bribery  of  judges, 
arbitrariness,  faithlessness  in  the  care  of  the  company's 
property  increased  to  a  dangerous  extent,  so  that  Van 
Outhoorn  in  1701  had  to  be  dismissed.  But  his  son-in- 
law  was  named  as  his  successor  and  refused  for  a  long 
time  to  accept  the  appointment;  not  until  three  years 
later  did  the  dismissed  governor  really  step  out,  a  proof 
again  of  the  degeneration  and  inner  weakness  of  the 
company,  however  rich  were  its  returns,  however  high 

»  Busken  Huet,  Land  van  Rembrand,    ii.,  i,  p.  223. 

8  See  especially  the  important  report  of  the  former  bookkeeper-general, 
Daniel  Braems,  of  1688  to  the  States-General  (Rijksarchief). 


528  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

were  its  dividends,  which  commonly  amounted  to  20,  25, 
30  to  40  per  cent.,  however  popular  were  its  shares  rising 
to.  over  500  per  cent.  All  these  serious  difficulties  were 
kept  as  secret  as  possible,  and  at  the  end  of  this  period 
the  company  still  shared  in  the  admiration  of  native  and 
foreigner.  The  few  communications  and  pamphlets,  which 
attempted  to  throw  light  upon  its  true  condition,  were 
discredited  by  the  splendid  financial  results,  and  the  un- 
favourable utterances  of  the  company's  advocate  Pieter 
van  Dam  in  his  account  of  its  affairs  were  carefully  sup- 
pressed.1 What  Van  Dam  said  of  the  company's  serv- 
ants in  India :  "  filling  the  purse,  collecting  and  keeping 
together  money  and  property,  to  become  rich  in  a  short 
time,  is  really  the  business,"  was  hardly  less  true  of  the 
directors  and  officials  in  patria,  who  made  all  the  profit 
possible  in  fitting  out  the  ships  and  selling  the  goods,  and 
whose  appointment  led  to  the  most  shameful  practice  of 
corruption  among  the  regents  on  account  of  the  great 
advantages  accompanying  these  posts.  In  judging  of 
these  matters  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  we  know 
many  singularities  about  the  company's  actions.  If  we 
could  search  the  books  of  the  merchants,  it  is  to  be 
feared  that  we  should  agree  with  the  opinion  of  the  king, 
Charles  X.  Gustavus  of  Sweden,  who  answered  the  appeal 
to  religion  of  a  Dutch  ambassador:  "see  here  your 
religion,"  showing  a  rix-dollar  that  he  took  from  his 
pocket,  "you  serve  only  your  idol  which  is  commerce."8 

The  West  India  Company  was  no  better  in  this  respect 
and  far~  behind  the  East  India  Company  in  its  gains. 
The  old  West  India  Company,  dying  in  1674  after  long 
years  of  slow  decline  and  partly  in  consequence  of  the 
bad  years  1672  and  1673,  was  immediately  replaced  by  a 
new  one,  which  took  over  the  six  millions  debt  of  the  old 

1  Even  now  his  book  is  only  to  be  found  in  manuscript  in  the  archives. 
3  Wrangel  (translated  by  Mrs.   Beets),  De  betrekkingen  tusschen  Zweden 
en  de  Nederlanden,  p.  9. 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       529 

company  at  30  per  cent.,  while  the  original  capital  went  to 
it  for  1 5  per  cent,  with  all  that  remained  of  the  possessions.1 
The  working  capital  of  the  new  company,  with  a  charter  for 
twenty-five  years  and  a  board  of  ten  directors,  amounted 
to  over  600,000  guilders.      It  obtained    the  commercial 
monopoly  over  only  a  part  of  the  territory  assigned  to  the 
old  company  :  Africa's  coast  from  the  Tropic  of  Cancer  to 
300   south   latitude,    Essequibo  with   St.    Eustatius  and 
Curacao,  besides  the   slave    monopoly  for  Surinam  and 
Berbice.     It  had  offices  at  Cape  Verde,  where  it  possessed 
Goree,  and  on  the  Gold  Coast,  where  St.  George  del  Mina 
was  its   chief  settlement;  gold,  ivory,  hides,  gum,  wax, 
but  slaves  above  all,  were  its  most  important  commodities. 
In  the  slave  trade  the  Hollanders  were  at  this  time  the 
first,  indeed  almost  without  competition ;  the  coasts  of 
Guinea  and  Angola  furnished  them  thousands  of  slaves 
for   the   American    plantations,  mainly  in    the   Spanish 
possessions,  and  the  island  of  Curacao  might  be  called  the 
staple,  although  trade  with  those  possessions  was  really 
prohibited.     The  profit  on  these  commodities,  which  the 
coast  negroes  bartered  for  articles  of  slight  value  such 
as  kraals,  glass,  lace,  half-worn  clothes,  and  brandy,  was 
great,  so  that  the  company  in   1687  could  declare  a  divi- 
dend of  10  per  cent.,  but  usually  one  of  3  to  5  per  cent, 
and  its  shares  stood  at  par.a     Its  trade  in  the  other  Dutch 
possessions  of  the  West  Indies  was  of  small  consequence, 
except  that  in  Surinam,  where  the  Dutch  authority  at 
first  reached  little  farther  than  the  cannon  on  the  fort, 
which  had   to   protect   the  fifty   plantations.     This   last 
territory,  in  1667  conquered  from  the  English  by  Crijnssen 
for   Zealand  and   retained  at   the  peace   of   Breda,   was 
bought  in  1682  by  the  new  West  India  Company,  but  in 
the  following  year  a  third  of  it  was  made  over  to  Amster- 
dam and  a  third  to  the  family  of  Aerssen  van  Sommels- 

1  Groot  Placcaatboek,  iii.,  col.  1333. 

8  Netscher,  Geschiedenis  van  Essequebo,  Demerary  en  Berbice,  p.  86. 

34 


53°  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

dijk.  "  The  Surinam  society  "  appointed  as  governor  the 
arbitrary  Cornelis  van  Aerssen  van  Sommelsdijk  himself, 
who  had  made  himself  impossible  in  the  republic,  but  he 
was  soon  in  disfavour  with  the  planters  and  fell  in  a  mutiny 
of  soldiers  five  years  later.  After  his  death  the  colony 
rapidly  became  more  flourishing,  and  in  the  beginning  of 
the  eighteenth  century  it  counted  about  200  sugar  planta- 
tions with  more  than  12,000  slaves.  The  emigration  of 
many  Huguenot  and  Dutch  families,  including  some  Jews 
and  a  number  of  Labadists  brought  over  by  the  Sommels- 
dijk family,  had  a  large  share  in  this  growing  prosperity.1 
The  languishing  colony  of  Essequibo  began  to  come  up 
somewhat  under  the  careful  management  of  Samuel  Beek- 
man,  largely  on  account  of  the  augmentation  of  the  sugar 
plantations.  Berbice,  after  violent  dissensions  with  the 
directors  and  the  pretended  owners  of  this  colony,  the 
Van  Pere  family,  came  under  the  company's  rule  in  1678 
and  was  extended  slowly  but  constantly  by  the  establish- 
ment of  new  sugar  plantations,  as  in  Essequibo,  mostly  by 
private  individuals. 

The  industry  carried  on  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
republic  was  still  flourishing  and  had  greatly  increased 
with  the  cooperation  of  the  large  number  of  Huguenot 
tradesmen  and  manufacturers  settling  there.  Some  fine 
articles  of  French  make  encountered  thenceforth  serious 
competition  in  the  United  Netherlands,  particularly  during 
the  wars  waged  by  France  in  the  last  part  of  Louis  XIV.'s 
reign.  From  the  Netherlands  also  were  then  to  be  ob- 
tained the  marchandises  de  Paris,  as  they  were  called,  under 
which  name  belts,  feathers,  fans,  gloves,  masks,  head- 
dresses, clocks,  mirrors,  etc.,  were  included,  fashionable 
goods  in  general,  ribbons  and  laces,  trimmings  and  Rouen 
buttons,  Norman  pins  and  needles,  gold  and  silver  cloth, 
silks  and  velvets  of  Lyons  and  Tours,  paper  of 
Auvergne,  Poitou,  Limoges,  and  Champagne,  and  French 

1  See  Luzac,  Hollands  rijkdom,  ii.,  p.  159. 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       531 

brandies,  and   with   vexation  the    French  saw  the  con- 
siderable diminution  of  their  sales,  of  which  the  causes 
were  the  wars  against  the  republic  and  the  hostile  commer- 
cial policy  with  the  intolerance  towards  the  Huguenots. 
While     the    French     manufacturing    cities     languished 
and    their   population   suffered   from  want  of  work  and 
hunger,  the  Dutch  cities  could  not  find  hands  enough  to 
do  the  work.     The   hat,  silk,  gauze,  velvet,  fine  leather, 
and     trimmings     factories      in     Amsterdam,    Haarlem, 
Utrecht,  and  other  places,  the  paper  works  on  the  Zaan 
and  in  the  Veluwe  increased  every  year,  and  native  Hol- 
landers also  took    part    in  this   industrial  development. 
The  distilleries,  where  brandy  and  in  the  last  years  of  the 
century  gin  too  were  distilled,  belonged  among  the  new 
industries  that  had  arisen  in  the  first  war  against  France. 
About  1700  the  Dutch  silk  factories  were  the  first  in  the 
world  and  were  helped  as  much  as  possible  by  protective 
measures.     The  growing  wholesale  industry  soon  experi- 
enced, however,  the   obstruction    of  the  mediaeval  guild 
regulations,  to  which  it  remained  subject.     It  seems  to 
have  attained  its  highest  point  around  1700,  and  it  is  not 
to  be  described  how  many  hands,  also  of  women  and 
children,  it  kept  busy,  how  much  prosperity  it  diffused  in 
the  cities  among  the  people  as  well  as  among  the  manu- 
facturers themselves,  what  large  sums  in  taxes  it  poured 
into  the  treasuries,  though  it  might  be  at  the  cost  of  its 
own  future  owing  to  the  high  wages  and  imposts  which 
were  finally  to  make  difficult   its  competition  with    for- 
eign countries.     It  was  later  believed  that  the  silk  industry 
alone  at  this  time  gave  work  to  more  hands  than  the 
East  India  Company  itself. 

The  republic  of  the  seventeenth  century  was  no  less  a 
land  of  industry  than  of  commerce ;  as  of  old  they  both 
supported  one  another  and  stood  in  the  closest  connection. 
And  the  land  and  city  governments  endeavoured  in  regu- 
lating  taxation  according  to  circumstances,  giving   and 


53 2  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

taking  without  any  definite  system,  to  please  both  so  far 
as  possible,  provided  only  the  necessary  money  came  in 
and  the  old  rules  and  laws  were  at  least  ostensibly  upheld. 
But  "trade  "  still  kept  the  upper  hand,  and  where  its  in- 
terests came  into  collision  with  those  of  industry,  the  latter 
had  to  give  way,  for  it  was  still  believed  that  the  republic 
and  the  ancient  prosperity  of  the  country  were  founded  upon 
commerce.  An  author  of  this  time  calculates  that  between 
1688  and  1695  the  national  wealth  of  the  republic  was 
augmented  by  about  ninety  million  guilders,1  which  may 
certainly  be  attributed  in  the  first  place  to  the  growth  of 
industry.  And  it  requires  no  demonstration  that  the  in- 
crease of  domestic  industry,  mainly  at  the  expense  of  the 
French  industry,  increased  in  its  turn  the  exportation  of 
the  goods  made  in  such  quantities.  No  longer  France 
but  the  republic  was  the  country,  whence  the  noble  and 
wealthy  classes  of  northern  Europe  and  Germany  procured 
the  luxurious  articles  of  fashionable  dress.  There  were 
great  changes  in  the  industrial  conditions  of  the  republic. 
The  old  industry  in  the  home  was  replaced  in  the  last 
thirty  years  of  the  century  by  an  extensive  wholesale  in- 
dustry which  employed  hundreds  of  workmen  and  gave 
existence  to  many  great  factories.  The  example  of  the 
new  industries  had  also  its  influence  on  the  old  cloth  and 
woollen  industry,  which  began  to  throw  off  the  restrictions 
of  the  mediaeval  guilds  and  halls  and  derived  great  advan- 
tage from  the  technical  skill  so  highly  developed  by  the 
foreigners.  It  was  developed  likewise  into  a  wholesale 
industry  with  large  factories  and  a  considerable  working 
population.  This  was  a  very  notable  change  that  did  not 
fail  to  have  a  powerful  effect  on  the  economic  condition 
of  the  people.  There  was  a  current  towards  the  cities 
with  a  large  increase  of  their  population,  and  many  more 
workmen  joined  the  guilds,  although  the  bonds  of  the 
mediaeval  guilds  commenced  to  be  oppressive  and  caused 

«  Davenant,   Works,  i.,  p.  415. 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       533 

objection  to  the  tyranny  of  the  guild  and  the  arbitrary 
action  of  employers  and  even  led  to  riots.  In  and  before 
the  middle  of  the  century  some  opinions  of  a  socialistic  or 
communistic  tendency  were  heard  of;  but  by  strict  pro- 
hibitive and  penal  measures  the  municipal  magistrates 
managed  to  hold  in  check  these  isolated  opinions  which 
have  been  but  little  investigated.  There  is  no  mention  of 
large  collective  movements  among  the  labourers  at  this 
time,  which  is  owing  to  the  prosperity  general  in  the  land. 

The  stirring  industrial  life  in  the  Dutch  cities  and  here 
and  there  in  the  country  attracted  universal  attention,  not 
the  least  in  young  Russia,  whose  great  ruler,  the  czar 
Peter  the  Great,  in  preparing  his  political  and  economic 
reforms  had  cast  an  interested  eye  upon  the  small  republic's 
wonderful  development.  Thither  he  directed  his  steps 
across  Germany  in  August,  1697,  being  influenced  also  by 
the  large  importance  which  Dutch  commerce  and  industry 
had  had  for  his  own  realm  since  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
century  ;  there  he  remained  with  his  considerable  retinue 
until  early  in  the  following  year.  His  chief  object  in  this 
visit  was  to  make  himself  acquainted  with  everything  con- 
cerning navigation  and  shipbuilding,  and  he  devoted  much 
of  his  time  to  learning  about  the  shipyards  at  Amsterdam 
and  on  the  Zaan,  where  he  worked  as  a  simple  mechanic. 
Aided  especially  by  Nicolaas  Witsen,  the  influential 
burgomaster  of  Amsterdam,  who  knew  Russia  well,  he 
laid  during  his  visit  the  foundations  for  the  building  of 
his  new  fleet  and  opened  relations  with  Dutch  seamen  and 
engineers,  many  of  whom  followed  him  to  his  country.  In 
the  beginning  of  the  next  year  he  went  over  to  England, 
from  where  in  the  spring  of  1698  he  returned  for  a  few 
weeks  to  Holland  on  his  journey  to  Vienna. 

Among  the  old  industries,  besides  the  shipbuildingon  the 
Zaan,  which  was  said  to  be  able  to  turn  out  a  ship  a  day  for 
years  together  in  case  of  necessity,  the  fisheries  still  occupied 
a  prominent  place.    The  Greenland  fishery,  no  longer  the 


534  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

old  land  fishery  at  Spitzbergen  and  Jan  Mayen  Island  or 
even  the  sea  fishery  farther  away  in  the  inhospitable  waters 
but  having  become  ice  fishery,  now  that  the  whale  and 
walrus  chased  by  the  Dutch,  French,  English,  Hamburg, 
Bremen  vessels  had  retreated  higher  up  in  the  direction 
of  the  eternal  ice,  was  zealously  prosecuted  in  spite  of  its 
hardships  and  the  vicissitudes  of  its  results.  Amsterdam, 
Rotterdam,  Vlaardingen,  Delfshaven,  and  the  Zaan  villages 
were  its  seats  ;  about  200,  in  some  years  over  250  ships, 
heavier  and  larger  than  formerly  on  account  of  the  more 
dangerous  ice  fishery,  sailed  out  annually  and  formed  the 
most  excellent  navigators.  French  privateers  did  much 
damage  and  caused  a  reduction  in  the  number  of  outgoing 
vessels  to  far  below  the  half  in  the  years  of  war,  exclusive 
of  1672-1674  and  1691  when  the  fishery  was  for  the  time 
entirely  prohibited,  but  after  the  peace  of  Ryswick  the 
old  height  was  again  reached  in  some  years.  From  1675 
there  was  a  union  of  "  commissioners  of  the  whale  fishery  " 
for  the  promotion  of  the  common  interests.1  The  herring 
fishery  had  some  very  hard  times  in  the  years  of  war  dur- 
ing this  half  of  a  century.  Countless  busses  were  captured 
by  English,  French,  especially  Dunkirk,  Swedish  priva- 
teers ;  repeatedly  whole  fleets  of  fishermen  were  destroyed 
by  hostile  squadrons  during  the  English  wars  in  particular. 
These  fisheries  also  were  forbidden  more  than  once  on  ac- 
count of  the  want  of  sailors  for  the  navy.  Notwithstanding 
the  supervision  of  the  powerful  board  of  the  great  fishery 
the  quality  of  theDutch  herrings  exported  finally  left  much 
to  be  desired.  At  the  end  of  the  century  this  fishery  had 
fallen  off  very  much,  and  the  Scotch  fishermen  began  to 
drive  the  Dutch  from  the  world's  market,  although  the  lack 
of  statistical  data  makes  it  impossible  to  give  details. 

With  all  these  material  interests,  which  were  ever  pre- 
cious to  the  Dutch  people,  it  did  not  forget  its  spiritual 

1  Zorgdrager,  Groenlandsche    visschcrij,  2de   druk,    p.    302  ;     Beaujon, 
Geschiedenis  van  de  nederl.  zeevisscherijen,  p.  1 25. 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       535 

needs,  and  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  was  both 
for  the  Catholic  and  the  Protestant  portion  of  the  popu- 
lation rich  in  every  species  of  movements  that  went  to 
the  heart  of  the  Netherlanders.  Among  the  Protestants 
the  Voetian  and  Cocceian  opinions  in  the  reformed  church 
occasioned  trouble  on  both  sides,  but  William  III.,  though 
personally  favourably  inclined  to  the  Voetians,  took  good 
care  not  to  estrange  the  opposing  party  and  at  last  turned 
to  the  policy  of  toleration,  which  had  been  followed  by 
Frederick  Henry,  and  would  not  consent  to  the  new 
national  synod  desired  by  the  Voetians,  as  he  feared  a 
revival  of  the  old  dissensions  of  the  early  part  of  the 
century.  Van  der  Waayen,  having  retired  to  Friesland 
under  the  protection  of  his  cousin,  now  professor  at 
Franeker,  was  by  him  in  1685  also  restored  to  honour  and 
continued  to  be  the  influential  leader  of  the  Cocceians  with 
Van  Giffen,  the  preacher  of  Leeuwarden  and  afterwards 
of  Dordrecht.  Both  Cocceians  and  Voetians,  however, 
gradually  laid  aside  some  of  the  old  dogmatic  asperity 
and  devoted  themselves  more  to  the  care  of  the  spirit- 
ual necessities  of  their  congregations  than  to  mutual 
strife  which  was  still  far  from  being  settled.  The  prog- 
ress of  dissension  was  restrained  by  the  Holland  resolu- 
tion "  for  the  preservation  of  quiet  and  peace  in  the 
churches"  (1694),  which  recommended  moderation  in 
preaching  and  the  calling  of  ministers  of  "  moderate  and 
peaceful  disposition,"  although  it  recalled  vividly  the  reso- 
lutions of  Arminian  times.  The  learned  and  moderate 
Franeker  professor,  Campegius  Vitringa,  the  conciliatory 
Hermanus  Witsius,  the  mystical  Voetian  A  Brakel, 
and  his  erudite  colleague,  A  Marck  of  Leyden,  were 
the  principal  theologians  of  this  time,  who  fixed  the 
attention  of  their  followers  more  upon  Christian  life  than 
upon  dogmatic  differences.1      Remarkable  too   was   the 

1  See  Reitsma,  Geschiedenis  van  de  Hervorming  en  de  Hervormde  Kerk, 
Sie  druk,  p.  294. 


536  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

pietistic  tendency  revealing  itself  here  in  the  second  half 
of  the  seventeenth  century  as  a  reaction  against  the 
dogmatic  spirit  of  the  first  half.  Men  like  the  Teellinck 
brothers,  like  the  ascetic  preacher  of  repentance,  Jodocus 
van  Lodenstein,  who  found  a  great  following  at  Utrecht 
and  held  mystical  meetings  there,  in  which  Anna  Maria 
van  Schurman  joined,  like  Willem  a  Brakel  at  Rotterdam, 
like  the  wandering  opposer  of  Cartesius,  Jacobus  Koel- 
man,  made  their  appearance  teaching  and  preaching  and 
had  attentive  listeners  in  their  conventicles  among  a  large 
part  of  the  conscientious  Dutch  population.  The  small 
number  of  followers  of  the  fervent  French  preacher,  Jean 
de  Labadie,  who  in  1666  was  called  from  Geneva  as  a 
reformer  of  the  church  to  Middelburg  but  was  speedily 
deposed  as  an  unorthodox  disturber  of  the  peace  and 
sought  to  establish  a  new  evangelical  church  in  Amster- 
dam, dwindled  away  more  and  more  after  his  removal  to 
Germany  and  his  death  at  Altona  in  1674.  In  the  follow- 
ing year  a  portion  of  the  remaining  Labadists  settled  at 
Wieuwerd  in  Friesland,  soon  under  the  patronage  of  the 
ladies  Aerssen  van  Sommelsdijk,  through  whose  influence 
they  were  able  for  a  time  to  maintain  themselves  there 
under  the  protection  of  the  Frisian  court,  living  in  a  com- 
munity of  property  according  to  the  true  principles,  as 
they  believed,  of  ancient  Christianity.  Their  weak  estab- 
lishment, constantly  molested  by  the  Frisian  preachers, 
reduced  by  the  departure  of  some  to  Surinam  and  New 
York,  gradually  shrank  away,  especially  after  the  com- 
munity of  property  was  given  up  in  1688.  Other  mystical 
sects  like  the  Brothers  of  the  Angels,  disciples  of  the 
German  theosophist  Gichtel,  like  the  Hebrews,  led  by 
the  Walcheren  catechist  Verschoor,  for  a  time  gathered  a 
small  following,  which  melted  away  in  the  long  run  under 
the  opposition  of  the  great  church.  They  prove  the  ex- 
tensive diffusion  of  mystical  ideas  at  this  time,  of  which 
the  Collegiants  still  living  in  Rijnsburg  and  some  Dutch 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       537 

cities  furnished  the  strongest  type  with  their  spirit  of 
Christian  brotherhood.  Related  to  them  was  the  gentle 
Pontiaan  van  Hattem,  preacher  at  St.  Philipsland  on 
Tholen,  deposed  in  1683  on  account  of  his  unorthodoxy, 
who  could  not  escape  the  accusation  of  Spinozism.  Until 
his  death  he  continued  to  exhort  his  followers  found  also 
in  Holland,  the  "  Hattemists,"  and  to  persuade  them  to 
a  fervent  religious  life.  He  and  other  "  freethinkers," 
such  as  the  plain  Amsterdam  citizen  Deurhof,  had  always 
to  contend  with  the  persecution  of  the  ruling  church, 
which  endeavoured  with  a  heavy  hand  to  suppress  these 
"  sectarian  "  movements  but  succeeded  only  incompletely. 
The  genuine  Protestant  feeling  for  free  research  was  here 
too  deeply  rooted. 

Cartesian  and  Spinozistic  opinions,  the  former  particu- 
larly, had  not  lost  their  importance  in  spite  of  all  the 
controversial  writing,  refutation,  and  opposition.  Van  der 
Waayen  and  the  disputatious  Hermanus  Alexander  Roell, 
both  professors  at  Franeker,  were  in  this  period  the  fore- 
most champions  of  the  Cartesian  doctrine,  which  was 
sharply  condemned  by  various  provincial  synods,  in  ortho- 
dox Zealand  especially,  where  their  propositions  had  to  be 
abjured  with  "  detestation  "  by  all  preachers.  Roell,  pupil 
of  Burman  and  Heydanus,  who  vigorously  upheld  the  right 
of  speech  in  religious  matters,  aroused  the  most  violent 
indignation  but  was  able  to  retain  his  place  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  noble  Albertina  Agnes  of  Orange  and  the 
stadtholder's  court  at  Leeuwarden,  although  the  Frisian 
Estates  often  wanted  to  end  his  dispute  with  Huber  and 
Vitringa.  Much  more  stir  was  caused  by  the  Cartesian 
principles  of  the  learned  and  many-sided  Frisian  preacher, 
Dr.  Balthasar  Bekker,  whose  Vaste  spyze  der  volmaakten 
in  1670  gave  rise  to  sharp  complaints  of  the  ecclesiastical 
authorities,  to  prohibitive  measures  of  the  secular  magis- 
trates, to  many  pamphlets.  Finally  he  had  to  leave  Fries- 
land   in   consequence  of   the   agitation,  and  he    became 


538  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

minister  at  Weesp  and  later  at  Amsterdam.  His  Examina- 
tion of  the  significance  of  comets  (1683)  disputed  in  a  happy- 
manner  the  prevailing  ancient  superstition  concerning  them. 
A  still  deeper  impression  was  produced  by  his  contestation 
on  scientific  grounds  of  the  universal  belief  in  ghosts  and 
sorcery  in  the  famous  book  the  Betoverde  Wereld  (1691), 
that  went  too  far  for  such  men  even  as  Van  der  Waayen 
and  occasioned  vehement  writings1  and  general  alarm.  By 
the  North  Holland  synod  of  the  following  year  the  author 
was  deposed  and  put  out  of  the  church  community  by  the 
Amsterdam  consistory,  but  under  protection  of  the  ever 
moderate  government  of  Amsterdam  he  continued  to  re- 
side there  until  his  death  in  1698 ;  his  book  went  through 
several  editions  and,  to  the  great  advantage  of  the  good 
cause  which  it  defended  in  an  intelligent  and  popular  way, 
it  was  read  by  thousands  in  the  country,  years  also  after 
its  writer  had  closed  his  eyes.  The  adherents  of  Spinoza 
have  made  less  noise  in  the  world,  in  accordance  with  the 
spirit  of  the  great,  quiet  thinker,  who  had  been  their  hon- 
oured leader  and  had  died  at  The  Hague  in  1677  almost 
unnoticed,  as  he  wished  ;  only  a  few  noble  thinkers,  who 
had  formed  his  small  circle,  remained  faithful  to  his  doc- 
trine until  their  death  and  cultivated  it  in  the  stillness  of 
the  study.  The  influence  of  his  ideas,  however,  is  not  to 
be  mistaken  here  and  there  outside  of  this  circle,  his  name 
lasted  in  the  memory  of  the  ignorant  multitude  as  that  of 
an  outcast,  whose  pernicious  opinions  must  be  rooted  out, 
and  the  reformed  church  saw  in  him  one  of  its  bitterest 
and  most  dangerous  foes.  Not  until  our  own  time  did 
his  philosophy  awake  again  from  its  sleep  of  a  century  and 
a  half  to  bear  fruit  anew  for  thinking  humanity  and  to 
win  followers  anew  for  the  philosophical  meditation  of  the 
"  Being,  that  only  is  to  be." 

While  agitation  and  disturbance  prevailed  in  the  ruling 

1  Van  der  Linde's  bibliography  numbers  no  less  than  230  titles  of  books 
by,  for,  and  against  him. 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       539 

church,  this  was  no  less  the  case  with  the  Catholics  of  this 
time,  among  whom  the  dissension  of  almost  a  century  be- 
tween regulars  and  seculars,  between  brothers  of  the  orders 
and  secular  priests,  finally  came  to  a  crisis.  In  other  re- 
spects it  was  a  restless  time  for  them.  The  persecutions 
of  the  Huguenots  and  of  the  Waldenses  in  Piedmont,  later 
the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  and  the  arrival  in 
the  country  of  hundreds  of  refugees  had  occasioned  a 
strong  anti-Catholic  movement  among  the  Protestants  of 
the  republic ;  the  important  events  in  England,  the  dreaded 
Catholic  propaganda  in  the  Palatinate  caused  new  uneasi- 
ness. Riots  against  the  Catholics,  vehement  complaints  of 
synods  and  consistories,  calls  in  different  provinces  for  the 
enforcement  of  the  placards,  were  the  unavoidable  conse- 
quences of  the  aroused  hostility.  For  a  time  the  condition 
of  the  Catholics  in  1685  began  to  be  threatening;  their 
meetings  were  dispersed,  their  houses  menaced  with  pillage, 
their  priests  imprisoned.  But  the  moderation  of  the  re- 
gents, no  less  that  of  Neercassel  and  his  friends,1  the  caution 
of  the  Catholics  themselves,  who  collected  money  to 
alleviate  the  sufferings  of  the  refugees,  soon  made  the 
agitation  diminish,  and  although  there  was  repeatedly  talk 
of  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits,  who  were  regarded  as  the 
instigators,  the  leaders  of  the  persecutions  in  France  and 
elsewhere,  and  the  States-General  deliberated  upon  it 
seriously,  it  was  not  brought  about  in  order  also  not  to 
embitter  the  allies  Austria  and  Spain.  The  internal  dis- 
turbances in  the  Catholic  Church  were  no  less  serious  and 
of  more  lasting  effect.  The  gentle  Neercassel,  who  by  the 
publication  of  his  Amor poenitens  had  incurred  an  accusa- 
tion of  heterodoxy  and  had  seen  his  book  prohibited  by 
the  Inquisition,  died  in  June,  1686,  and  now  the  question 
was  who  was  to  obtain  the  office  of  apostolic  vicar.  The 
chapters  of  Utrecht  and  Haarlem,  the  only  ones  still  in 
existence,  although  the  government   did  not  recognise 

1  Knuttel,Z?<?  toestand  der  Nederl.  Katholieken,  i.,  p.  289. 


54°  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

them,  nominated  the  learned  Van  Heussen.  But  the 
Jesuits  did  not  want  Van  Heussen,  had  one  of  his  books 
condemned  as  heterodox,  and  endeavoured  to  push 
through  the  appointment  of  a  candidate  favourable  to  them- 
selves by  the  commission  of  cardinals  at  Rome  charged 
with  the  affair.  The  chapters  now  proposed  three  to  the 
pope,  Petrus  Codde,  provicar,  being  the  first,  and  sent  one 
of  their  number, Theodorus  de  Cock,  pastor  at  Leyden,  to 
Rome  to  secure  an  election  acceptable  to  themselves. 
This  succeeded  finally  in  spite  of  all  kinds  of  intrigues, 
and  in  September,  1688,  Codde  was  by  the  pope  appointed 
the  successor  of  Neercassel.  Codde  was  a  moderate  and 
careful  man,  but  he  quickly  fell  into  strife  with  the  Jesuits, 
and  was  suspected  by  them  and  their  friends  of  inclining 
to  Jansenism.  De  Cock  too  belonged  soon  to  his  bitterest 
enemies  and  accused  the  vicar  at  Rome  in  1694,  but  this 
time  the  latter  won  the  victory  and  was  acquitted  of  all 
guilt,  though  the  Jesuits  opposed  him  strenuously,  even 
blaming  him  for  a  movement  among  the  Catholics  in  the 
republic  to  favour  the  plans  for  expelling  their  order  from 
the  country.  Codde  did  not  fail  to  answer,  but  complained 
on  his  side  of  the  violent  and  imprudent  action  of  the 
order  and  of  the  general  manner  in  which  they  took  up 
their  task  in  the  republic.  The  adversaries  replied  with  a 
Breve  memoriale  de  statu  et  progressu  Jansenismi  in  Hol- 
landia  (1697),  in  which  violent  little  book  Codde  and  his 
secular  priesthood  were  sharply  assailed.  This  work, 
branded  by  Codde  and  his  friends  as  scandalous  and  re- 
futed with  indignation,  made  so  much  impression  at  Rome, 
however,  that  in  1699  Codde  was  deposed  by  the  cardinals 
assembled  again  and  De  Cock  was  put  in  his  place.  On 
account  of  the  expected  opposition  this  resolution  was 
kept  secret  until  the  vicar  should  come  to  Rome  for  the 
celebration  of  the  jubilee  year.  He  came  and  then  the 
contest  began  anew;  at  first  acquitted  by  the  aid  of  a 
document  in  his  defence  sent  in  by  300  of  his  own  priests, 


At  End  of  Seventeenth  Century       541 

he  was  detained  in  Rome  and  finally  in  May,  1702,  sus- 
pended by  papal  decree  with  the  appointment  of  De  Cock 
as  his  successor.  Evidently  this  was  destined  to  cause  a 
great  disturbance  among  the  Dutch  Catholics ;  a  small 
minority  of  them,  about  twenty  and  some  of  those  not  of 
the  best  elements,  supported  De  Cock  and  the  Jesuits,  but 
the  large  majority  espoused  the  cause  of  the  apostolic 
vicar.  Though  some  of  them  submitted  to  the  definitive 
papal  decision,  others  continued  in  opposition  and  brought 
down  upon  themselves  again  the  accusation  of  inclining 
toward  or  even  of  having  gone  over  to  Jansenism — an 
accusation  that  seemed  to  find  some  ground  in  the  sojourn 
of  the  great  French  Jansenist  Arnauld  in  the  country  in 
1681  and  1682.  The  accused  indignantly  repelled  this 
complaint,  which  stamped  them  as  heretics  and  apostates. 
The  posthumous  book  printed  in  1640  on  St.  Augustine 
by  the  Louvain  professor,  Jansen,  from  whom  the  sect  was 
named,  was  condemned  in  general  in  1643  but  most 
strongly  in  1653  by  Pope  Innocent  X.  on  account  of  the 
Augustinian  doctrine  of  grace  defended  in  it,  from  which 
Luther  also  had  first  started  out,  while  Pope  Alexan- 
der VII.  had  required  of  every  ecclesiastic  in  service  the 
rejection  of  five  propositions  attributed  to  Jansen.  But 
the  numerous  followers  of  Jansen  in  France  and  Belgium 
denied  that  these  propositions  were  to  be  read  in  his  book, 
and  the  Dutch  ecclesiastics,  faithfully  supported  by  a  large 
number  of  laymen,  disclaimed  all  thought  of  any  such 
tendencies.  Thus  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury from  the  old  opposition  between  the  secular  priests 
and  the  members  of  the  orders  arose  a  sharp  dispute  re- 
garding adherence  to  dogmas  branded  as  heretical  by  the 
church  among  a  clergy,  which  was  fully  convinced  that  it 
might  call  itself  Catholic  and  was  averse  to  Protestant 
sentiments — a  dispute  that  must  be  considered  as  of  the 
highest  importance  to  the  Catholic  church  in  the  Nether- 
lands on  account  partly  of  its  relation  to  the  Protestant 


542  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

government  of  the  country,  which  might  perhaps  find  a 
reason  for  interfering  in  the  matter  as  soon  as  these 
dissensions  should  seem  to  threaten  the  public  peace. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  country  and  the  people 
of  the  Netherlands,  when  was  suddenly  taken  away  the 
strong  hand  of  the  great  stadtholder,  who  had  guided  the 
republic  during  thirty  years  amid  the  most  serious  perils. 
Was  it  to  continue  to  play  the  part  that  it  had  filled 
through  almost  the  entire  century?  Was  it  to  be  inspired 
to  a  new  development  of  strength  in  the  arduous  circum- 
stances that  might  be  the  result  of  the  new  great  war,  in 
which  it  was  about  to  engage  ?  Or  was  it,  satisfied  with 
the  wealth  obtained,  to  rest  upon  its  laurels  and  yield  itself 
to  the  seductive  voice  of  enjoyment  in  peace  and  domes- 
ticity? Both  possibilities  were  open.  Which  was  to 
become  a  reality?  That  was  the  question  to  be  solved  in 
the  years  immediately  following.  But  to  him,  who  was 
acquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  Dutch  people  and  its 
regents,  who  knew  with  what  difficulties  William  III.  had 
always  been  obliged  to  contend,  it  was  not  doubtful  what 
would  happen,  now  that  the  motive  force  of  the  great 
general  and  statesman  was  wanting  and  for  the  time  there 
was  nobody  to  take  his  vacant  place. 


APPENDIX 

SOURCES   OF   NETHERLAND    HISTORY,    1621-1702 

FOR  the  period  after  the  Truce  we  possess  the  Gedenk- 
schriften  of  the  Gelderland  nobleman  Alexander  van 
der  Capellen  (2  vols.,  Utrecht,  1777),  beginning  with  1621 
and  continued  to  1632,  the  second  volume  containing  notes 
on  important  events,  in  which  the  author  took  part  to  1654, 
and  fragmentary  observations  on  other  happenings.  Con- 
stantly in  the  highest  governmental  bodies,  he  had  an  oppor- 
tunity to  hear  and  see  much  ;  as  a  trusted  counsellor  of 
Frederick  Henry  his  information  is  of  great  value.  Of  more 
importance  is  the  extensive  work  of  the  Frisian  statesman 
Lieuwe  (Leo)  van  Aitzema,  born  in  1600  at  Dokkum  of  a 
good  family,  which  had  already  given  to  the  state  an  excellent 
diplomat  in  his  uncle  Foppe  van  Aitzema,  through  whose 
influence  the  nephew  became  resident  of  the  Hanse  cities  at 
The  Hague.  As  such  he  had  occasion  to  watch  the  political 
development  of  the  young  republic,  while  his  relations  with 
French  and  English  statesmen  and  the  small  courts  of  northern 
Germany  afforded  him  a  deeper  insight  into  the  secret  ways 
of  European  politics.  Little  scrupulous  in  his  methods  of 
securing  important  documents,1  he  collected  a  very  consider- 
able number  of  them  and  incorporated  them  in  his  great  com- 
pilation, the  Saeke7i  van  Staet  en  Oorlogh  in  ende  omtrent  de 
Vereenigde  Nederlanden  (15  vols.,  's  Gravenhage,  1655  ;  7  vols., 
tbid.y  1669-71),  an  inestimable  authority  for  Dutch  history 
from  162 1  to  1668,  a  magazine  of  important  documents  and 
information.      The  work,  like  that  of  Bor,  is  more  a  loosely 

1  See  Fruin  in  Nijh.  Bijdr.,  JV.  R.,  iii.,  p.  218. 

543 


544  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

connected  compilation  than  a  real  historical  relation,  though 
the  more  personal  tone  of  the  author  and  his  larger  knowledge 
of  the  events  described  assure  to  his  text  greater  interest  for 
the  reader,  notwithstanding  his  occasional  coldness  and 
cynicism. 

Other  notable  sources  for  the  history  of  this  time  are  the 
"  reports "  or  "  current  news "  appearing  regularly  in  print 
after  the  Truce,  which  were  not  yet  concerned  with  affairs  of 
state  but  served  to  diffuse  political  and  military  intelligence 
from  the  prince's  camp  in  particular.1  Similar  was  the  work 
of  the  learned  Amsterdam  physician,  Nicolaas  van  Wassenaer, 
the  Historisch  Verhaal  alter  gedenkwaardigste  geschiedenissen, 
die  hier  en  daer  in  Europe  .  .  .  voorgevallen  syn  (21  vols., 
Amsterdam,  1622  et  seq.),  beginning  with  162 1  and  continued 
to  1632  by  his  colleague  Barend  Lampe.  Of  much  more  im- 
portance is  the  long  series  of  thousands  of  pamphlets,  which 
commented  on  the  events  of  the  day  for  the  public  or  circu- 
lated official  documents  in  print.  They  are  most  completely 
gathered  in  the  great  collections  of  the  Royal  Library  at  The 
Hague  (Duncaniana  Collection),  of  the  Bibliotheca  Thysiana 
in  Leyden,  of  the  University  Library  at  Ghent  (Meulman 
Collection),  and  through  the  printed  catalogues  of  Tiele  (2 
vols.,  Amsterdam,  1856-61),  Rogge  (2  vols.,  Amsterdam,  1863- 
65),  Van  der  Wulp  (3  vols.,  Amsterdam,  1866-68),  Petit  (2 
vols.,  Leiden,  1882-84),  and  Knuttel  ('s  Gravenhage,  1889  et 
seq.)  they  have  become  more  widely  known  as  invaluable 
authorities,  though  to  be  used  with  caution,  for  the  history  of 
this  time  in  its  full  extent,  especially  for  the  political,  ecclesi- 
astical, and  economic  history.  Historical  prints  also,  partly 
contained  in  the  larger  illustrated  historical  works  of  the  time, 
partly  produced  separately,  may  be  regarded  as  an  important 
source  for  the  knowledge  of  events,  persons,  and  customs.2 

1  See  Fruin,  Over  de  oudste  couranten  in  Nederland  (  Volksalmanak  v.  h. 
Nut,  1S63,  p.  86). 

s  See  Muller,  Beredeneerde  beschrijving  van  Nederl.  historieprenten  (4 
vols.,  Amst.,  1863-82)  with  Nalezmg  by  Ch.  Dozy  (Rott.,  1888);  Fr. 
Muller,  Catalogus  van  7000  portretten  (Amst.,  1853),  continued  by  Van 
Someren  (3 vols.,  Amst.,  1888). 


Appendix  545 

The  collections  of  them  in  the  Royal  Museum  and  elsewhere 
have  hitherto  been  used  more  for  the  history  of  art  than  from 
the  point  of  view  of  general  history.  Among  the  later  pub- 
lications in  this  department  deserve  mention  that  on  Amster- 
dam in  de  iyde  eeuw1  and  in  a  more  popular  form  P.  L.  Muller's 
Gouden  Eeuw  (3  vols.,  Leiden,  1896-98),  both  works  of  general 
importance.  Further  there  are  historic  medals,  among  other 
places  contained  in  the  Royal  Cabinet  of  Coins  and  Medals 
at  The  Hague  and  admirably  described  in  Van  Loon's  standard 
work  :  Beschrijving  der  Nederlandsche  Historipenningen  (4 
vols.,  's  Gravenhage,  1723-31;  continuation,  Amsterdam,  1821- 
69),  from  1555  101714,  afterwards  continued  by  the  Royal 
Academy  of  Sciences.  The  awakening  of  interest  in  Dutch 
art  during  the  last  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century  caused 
the  publication  of  many  contributions  to  the  history  of  art, 
particularly  in  the  magazine  Oud-Holland  (Amsterdam,  1882-), 
in  other  periodicals  of  local  and  provincial  character,  and  in 
larger  works."  Publications  relating  to  the  history  of  econom- 
ics and  law  for  this  period  are  less  numerous.  In  economics 
there  are  only  small  productions,  notably  in  the  last  volumes 
of  the  Bijdragen  en  Mededeelingen  van  het  Historisch  Genoot- 
schap  te  Utrecht,  in  the  journals  of  provincial  societies,  and 
appended  to  other  works.3  The  history  of  law  is  limited 
principally  to  the  older  books  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
centuries.  The  interest  of  the  present  generation  is  confined 
almost  entirely  to  the  history  of  the  oolitical  law  of  this 
period,  though  some  activity  is  shown  by  the  new  issue  of  De 
Groot's  Inleiding  tot  de  rechtsgeleerdheid  (ed.  Fockema  Andreae, 
2  vols.,  Arnhem,  1895),  the  Bijdragen  tot  de  Nederl.   rechts- 

1  By  Meijer,  Kernkamp,  Brugmans,  Kalff,  Rogge,  etc.  ('s  Gravenh.,  1897, 
etc.). 

2  See  Galland,  Geschichte  der  holl.  Baukunst  unci  Bildnerei  (Frankf., 
1890);  Bredius,  Meisterwerke  des  Rijksmuseums  und  der  Kon.  Gemdlde- 
gallerie  (Munchen,  1890);  Bode,  Rembrandt  (Paris,  1897);  Michel,  Rem- 
brandt  (Paris,  1895). 

3  See  Luzac,  Holland's  Rijkdom,  4  vols.,  17S0  ;  Pringsheim,  Beilrdge  zur 
wirtschaftlichen  Geschichte  der  Niederl.  (Leipzig,  1893);  Klerk  de  Reus, 
Geschichtlicher  Ueberblick  der  Geschichte  der  O.  I.  Comp.  (Bat.,  1894) ;  Van 
Rees,  Geschiedenis  der  Staathuishondkunde  in  Nederland ;  etc. 


546         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

geschiedenis  of  Fockema  Andreae  (Haarlem,  1889-),  some 
publications  of  the  Vereeniging  voor  de  uitgave  der  bronnen  van 
het  oude  vaderlandsche  recht,  and  a  few  dissertations  appearing, 
at  Leyden.  For  the  history  of  the  East  India  Company  and 
its  possessions,  in  addition  to  the  old  Valentyn,  to  Laspeyres 
and  Saalfeld,  we  can  now  refer  to  Klerk  de  Reus'  Geschicht- 
licher  Ueberblick,  and  above  all  to  the  admirable  compilation, 
begun  by  J.  K.  J.  de  Jonge,  continued  by  Tiele,  Van  Deventer, 
and  Heeres  :  De  Opkomst  van  het  Nederlandsche  gezag  in  Oost- 
Indie  (Amsterdam  and  den  Haag,  1862-),  comprising  an  im- 
portant series  of  documents  relating  to  the  history  of  these 
regions  and  of  the  East  India  Company,  and  further  to  the 
Daghregister  ('s  Gravenh.,  1887-)  kept  in  the  citadel  of 
Batavia.  For  the  West  India  Company  we  must  help  our- 
selves, besides  with  Jan  de  Laet's  celebrated  book  mainly 
with  the  appendixes  to  the  excellent  works  of  Netscher, 
O'Callaghan,  and  others. 

The  important  period  between  1648  and  1702  is  rich  in 
authorities,  but  a  large  part  of  them  is  still  lying  in  archives 
and  libraries  and  has  not  yet  become  common  property, 
though  much  of  this  material  has  been  consulted  often  and 
advantageously.  First  to  be  remembered  are  the  corre- 
spondence of  John  de  Witt,  preserved  in  the  Royal  Archives  at 
The  Hague,  and  that  of  William  III.  and  his  friends,  particu- 
larly after  1688,  the  point  at  which  the  publication  of  Groen's 
Archives  stops  ;  further  the  notes  of  members  of  the  Estates 
of  Holland,  which  are  almost  unknown,  the  reports  of  the 
English  and  French  ambassadors,  who  watched  the  republic's 
history  so  close  at  hand  and  took  part  in  it ;  finally  the  pam- 
phlet literature  very  abundant  for  this  period  but  still  little 
used.  Lefevre  Pontalis  consulted  John  de  Witt's  correspond- 
ence diligently,  and  now  there  is  a  prospect  that  we  shall 
soon  be  in  possession  of  the  ample  extracts  from  it  made  by 
Fruin  for  a  book  on  De  Witt  often  proposed  but  never  written. 
The  publication  is  not  probable  of  the  letters  and  reports 
concerning  the  later  time  of  William  III.  from  the  queen's 
private  archives.  In  recent  years  there  has  been  talk  of  col- 
lecting the  notes  from  the  Estates  of  Holland  so  influential 


Appendix  547 

at  this  time.  Various  publications  have  called  attention  to 
the  importance  of  the  French  and  English  archives.1  The 
carefully  edited  catalogues  of  the  pamphlets  in  several  great 
collections  give  an  opportunity  to  learn  of  the  wealth  of  the 
pamphlet  literature.  * 

Among  the  printed  sources  the  publications  of  official  docu- 
ments deserve  first  to  be  mentioned.  Of  the  great  publication 
of  the  Resolution  en  Secrete  Resolution  der  Staten  van  Holland 
en  Westfriesland  there  exist  for  a  part  of  this  time  (1653-1668) 
separate  editions,  also  of  the  Resolutions  of  1672  and  1709,  of 
the  Secret  Resolutions  of  1717;  furthermore  the  Resolutions  "  of 
consideration  "  of  John  de  Witt's  time  (1653-1668)  have  been 
published  in  one  volume,  1672,  at  The  Hague,  and  in  1706  at 
Utrecht.  The  Resolutions  of  the  States-General  for  this  period 
have  only  very  incompletely  survived  in  print  ;  they  remain 
in  manuscript  in  the  Royal  Archives.  To  these  collections 
may  be  joined  the  Letters  exchanged  between  John  de  Witt  and 
the  plenipotentiaries  of  the  state  abroad  (6  vols.,  's  Gravenhage, 
1723-1725),  which  are  not  complete  but  afford  a  good  view  of 
the  foreign  policy  in  De  Witt's  time.  A  complement  to  them 
is  to  be  found  in  Combes,  Correspondance  francaise  de  Jean  de 
Witt,  in  the  first  volume  of  his  Mdanges  historiques  (Paris,  187 3). 
The  ponderous  tomes  of  Aitzema  may  be  regarded  as  semi- 
official works  for  this  period  also,  filled  as  they  are  with  official 
documents,  the  questionable  way  in  which  they  often  came  into 
his  possession  appearing  only  after  his  death  in  1669.  The 
Dordrecht  conrector  Lambert  van  den  Bos  (Silvius)  continued 
his  book  with  much  less  talent ;  the  passion,  with  which  in 
his  Historien  onses  tijds  behelzende  Saken  van  Staet  en  Oorlogh, 
1669-1679  (3  vols.,  Amst.,  1685)  he  comes  out  against  the  De 
Witts,  particularly  against  Cornelius   de  Witt,  diminishes  very 

1  Besides  in  my  Verslagen  over  archivalia  betreffende  de  geschiedenis  van 
Nederland  in  Engeland  en  te  Parijs,  and  other  places,  in  the  dissertations 
of  Japikse,  De  verwikkelingen  ins  sc  ken  de  Republiek  en  Engeland,  1660- 
1665  (Leiden,  1900)  and  Haye,  De  geheime  correspondentie  van  Abraham 
de  Wicquefort  ('s  Gravenhage,  1901). 

9  See  especially  the  Calalogus  van  de  pamfletten  der  Kon.  Bib,,  ed. 
Knuttel,  vols.  2  and  3. 


548         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

much  the  value  of  this  continuation,  which  like  Aitzema's 
work  itself  connects  important  public  documents  by  a  concise 
relation.  His  Toned  des  oorlogs  from  1669  (4  vols.,  Amst., 
1675)  is  no  more  valuable  than  his  Leven  en  Bedrijf  van 
Willem  III.  (1694). 

Of  a  similar  origin,  though  not  of  the  same  character,  is 
the  important  book  of  Abraham  de  Wicquefort,  Histoire  des 
Provinces  Unies  des  Pays-Pas,  running  from  1648  and  con- 
tinued by  the  author  to  1674.1  Wicquefort  was  a  man  like 
Aitzema,  a  diplomat  of  inferior  rank,  easy  of  conscience,  dis- 
solute in  life,  extremely  able,  but  even  less  reliable  than  he  ; 
only  towards  De  Witt,  his  constant  protector,  he  showed  him- 
self a  faithful  and  attached  friend.  He  was  born  of  a  mer- 
cantile family2  in  1606,  at  Amsterdam,  studied  in  Leyden,  and 
then  went  to  seek  his  fortune  in  Paris,  where  he  lived  for 
years  in  ambiguous  relations,  and  had  access  to  all  sorts  of 
society.  In  1646  he  became  Brandenburg's  resident  in  Paris, 
but  he  continued  in  this  position  his  life  of  shameless  deceit 
and  intrigue,  until  Mazarin,  who  also  paid  for  his  services, 
imprisoned  him  in  1659  and  then  banished  him.  Later  he 
still  kept  up  his  connection  with  the  French  government,  and 
for  years  was  one  of  its  paid  correspondents  at  The  Hague, 
where  he  was  permanently  settled  from  1662.  He  entered 
the  service  of  De  Witt  as  a  translator  and  writer  of  state 
documents.  He  became  also  the  resident  for  Poland  and 
Brunswick-Liineburg,  and  carried  on  a  political  correspond- 
ence with  other  small  German  princes  and  countries.  His 
admirable  French  style  and  uncommon  acquaintance  with  polit- 
ical matters  induced  De  Witt  in  1667  to  have  the  Estates  of 
Holland  commission  him  to  write  a  history  of  the  republic  from 
1648  in  favour  of  the  ruling  party.  The  book,  remarkable  for  its 
striving  after  moderation  in  judging  the  opposing  party,  was 

» First  edition,  4  vols.,  La  Haye,  1719-1745,  suspended.  Second  edition 
by  Lenting  and  Chais  van  Buren,  4  vols.,  Amsterdam,  1861-1874  (under 
the  patronage  of  the  Prov.  Utr.  Genootschap). 

2  See  concerning  him  Wickevoort  Crommelin  in  Nijh.  Bijdr.  Vierde 
Reeks,  i.,  p.  237  ;  Lenting  in  the  biography  at  the  beginning  of  vol.  i.  of 
his  edition. 


Appendix  549 

carefully  revised  by  De  Witt  and  Van  Wimmenum,  but  was  not 
yet  printed,  though  partly  in  press,  when  the  events  of  1672 
caused  the  plan  to  be  suspended.  Three  years  later  (March, 
1675)  he  was  incarcerated  for  treason,  first  in  the  Voorpoort  at 
The  Hague,  then  in  Loevestein  ;  sentenced  to  imprison- 
ment for  life  with  confiscation  of  his  property,  he  escaped  in 
February,  1679,  and  fled  to  Celle  in  Brunswick,  where  he 
died  in  1682.  He  continued  his  book  in  prison  and  later. 
He  wrote  also  the  noted  work,  V ambassadeur  et  sesfonctions, 
an  important  handbook  for  the  diplomats  of  the  time,  and 
later  the  Me'moire  iouchant  les  atnbassadeurs,  in  which  are  com- 
municated many  details  of  diplomacy  as  then  practised. 
His  confiscated  papers,  including  the  proofs  of  his  book, 
remained  in  the  custody  of  the  court  of  Holland,  until  the 
publishers  after  much  difficulty  were  able  in  1719  to  print 
the  first  four  books,  but  the  printing  was  suspended  with  the 
tenth  book  in  1745  not  to  be  resumed  before  our  own  time. 
Long  after  Wicquefort's  death  the  completion  of  his  work 
was  committed  to  another  person,  to  the  French  preacher 
Jacques  Basnage  of  The  Hague,  exiled  to  the  republic  in 
1684,  who  was  to  continue  the  work  to  the  peace  of 
Utrecht.  After  seeing  Wicquefort's  manuscript  Basnage 
advised  against  its  publication.  Basnage  himself,  a  fine  scholar 
and  a  great  friend  of  the  council  pensionary  Heinsius,  who 
employed  him  as  a  mediator  in  the  peace  negotiations  of 
Utrecht,  was  now  in  his  turn  entrusted  with  the  task,  and 
wrote  his  Annates  des  Provinces  Unies,  1648-1667  (2  vols.,  La 
Kaye,  1719-1726),  a  production  in  many  respects  to  be 
praised,  which  in  form  and  impartiality  stands  far  above 
Wicquefort's  book  but  not  in  insight  and  knowledge  of 
affairs.  Less  high  stands  the  work  of  the  celebrated  and 
voluminous  writer  Jean  Leclerc  of  Geneva,  who  in  1684  had 
become  a  professor  in  the  Remonstrant  seminary  at  Amster- 
dam, and  died  there  at  an  advanced  age  in  1734.  His  im- 
mense literary  output  includes  the  Histoire  des  Provinces  Unies 
des  Pays-Pas,  1560-17 16, '  a  meritorious  compilation  illus- 
trated with  reproductions  of  medals. 

1  Three  vols.  Amst.,  1723-1728  ;  also  translated  into  Dutch,  id.,  1730  and 


55°         History  of  the  Dutch  People 

Above  all  in  this  time  stands  Jan  Wagenaar,  the  worthy 
Amsterdam  historian,  ever  aiming  for  impartiality,  though 
favouring  De  Witt.  In  his  volumes  dealing  with  this  period 
he  had  at  his  disposal  many  important  documents  and  memo- 
randa of  eminent  statesmen  as  well  as  personal  communica- 
tions of  all  sorts,  which  made  it  possible  for  him  in  his  dryness 
to  write  a  reliable  account  of  events,  belonging,  so  far  as  the 
substance  is  concerned,  to  the  best  productions  of  the  older 
Dutch  historiography.  He  is  undoubtedly  surpassed  in  literary 
talent  by  Geraert  Brandt,  poet  and  clockmaker,  afterwards 
Remonstrant  preacher  in  Hoorn  and  Amsterdam,  the  young 
friend  of  Hooft  and  his  later  father-in-law  Van  Baerle,  the  ad- 
mirer, not  always  the  friend,  also  of  Vondel.  Hooft  was  his 
model  in  style  and  conception.  He  imitated  him,  less  in  his 
important  but  partisan  Historie  der  Reformatie  than  in  his 
Leven  en  bedrijf  van  den  heere  Michiel  de  Ruiter  (Amst.,  1687) 
and  in  his  admirable  biographies  of  Hooft  and  Vondel  for  the 
publication  of  the  Nederlandsche  Historien  and  of  Vondel's 
Poezy.  His  life  of  De  Ruyter  remains  his  masterpiece,  and  in 
it  he  excels  Hooft  in  simplicity  and  clearness  of  style.  Under 
the  fresh  impression  of  the  events,  which  brought  the  father- 
land to  the  verge  of  destruction,  Pieter  Valckenier,  agent  of 
the  States  in  Switzerland  and  a  partisan  of  Orange,  wrote  his 
Verwerd  Europa  ofte  polityke  en  historische  beschrijvinge  der 
waare  fundamenten  en  oorsaken  van  de  oorlogen  en  revolutien  in 
Europa,  voornamelijk  in  en  omtrent  de  Nederlanden  sedert  den 
jare  1664  (Amst.,  1688),  to  which  is  joined  a  continuation  to 
1675,  authentic  documents  being  appended,  without  literary 
talent  and  plainly  showing  the  purpose  to  put  William  III.'s 
policy  in  the  best  light.  Thus  Tobias  van  Donselaer  of 
Amsterdam,  besides  his  notable  Beschrijvinge  van  Amsterdam, 
composed  the  work  Het  ontroerde  Nederlandt  (2  vols.,  Amst., 
1674-1676)  under  the  influence  of  what  he  had  experienced 
without  any  pretension  to  literary  value.  Both  books  are  of 
importance  on  account  of   the  documents  and  evidence  of 

1738,  under  the  title:  Geschiedenissen  der  Vereenigde  Nederlanden  (to 
171 5).  See  concerning  him  the  excellent  article  in  Van  der  Aa,  Biograph- 
isch  Woordenbcek. 


Appendix  551 

eyewitnesses  contained  in  them.     Donselaer's  work  found  a 
continuer  in  Brandt's  younger  son,  also  named   Geraert,  for 
the  years  1674  and  1675,  covered  by  his  Tweejarige  geschiede- 
nissen.      For  style  and  contents  these  works  are  little  superior 
to   the   journalistic   production,  the  Hollantse  Mercurius,  the 
continuation  of  the  old  chronicles  of  the  time  and  collected 
in  40  volumes  from  1650  to  1690,  originally  appearing  weekly 
and  composed  of  exchange  and  newspaper  reports  of  general 
interest.     This  Mercurius,  followed  in  1690  by  the  Europische 
Mercurius,  gives  a  good  picture  of  the  immediate  impression 
of  events  upon  the  public  and  is  therefore  indispensable  for 
the  history  of  the  time.     In  the  seventeenth  as  well  as  in  the 
eighteenth  century   the  republic  was  the  seat  of  journalism, 
which  in  French  translation  spread  the  fruits  of  the  pen  over 
a  large  part  of  Europe  and  was  a  formidable  power  in   the 
world.1      The  Gazette  de  Hollande  was  the  proverbial  political 
newspaper  of  those  days,  the  Gazette  d '  Amsterdam,  the  trans- 
lated Amsterdam  journal,  was  with  the  Leyden,  Haarlem,  and 
Utrecht  journals  the  source  of  all  kinds  of  newspapers  even  in 
Paris.  The  writers  hid  themselves  under  the  mask  of  anonymity, 
which  led  frequently  to  great  abuses  and  diplomatic  difficul- 
ties.    The  French  government  in  the  years  of  peace  after 
1679  complained  repeatedly  of  the  utterances  of  the  French 
press  in  the  republic  often  inspired  by  French  refugees  ;  but 
the  States  themselves  sometimes  had  to  act  vigorously  against 
mendacious,  indecent,  or  indiscreet  newspaper  reports.2    The 
Mercure  historique  et  politique,  founded  in  1686  by  Sandras  de 
Courtilz    and   appearing   every   month,  was  during  almost  a 
century  the  most  widely  circulated  of  these  newspapers. 

In  the  way  of  memoirs,  sources  for  the  Dutch  history 
of  this  time  appear  in  the  letters  and  writings  of  the  foreign 
ambassadors  and  agents  at  The  Hague,  particularly  those  of 
France  and  England.  D'Estrades  and  d'Avaux  with  Temple 
and  Burnet  are  prominent  among  them.  D'Estrades'  Lettres, 
me'moires  et  negotiations* give  a  good  insight  into  the  relations  be- 

1  Hatin,  Les  Gazettes  de  Hollande,  Paris,  1865. 

*  Sautijn  Kluit,  Nagelaten  geschriften,  i.,  p.  108. 

*  First  edition,  5  vols.,  Brux.,  1709,  better  that  of  1743  ingvols.,  London. 


552  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

tween  the  French  court  and  De  Witt,  also  into  the  internal  con- 
dition of  the  republic  before  1672  ;  the  publication  of  his 
works,  however,  is  far  from  complete  and  accurate,  as  appears 
from  a  comparison  with  the  material  preserved  in  the  archives 
of  Foreign  Affairs  at  Paris.1  Equally  valuable  for  the  period 
1679-1688  are  the  Negotiations  en  Hollande  of  Jean  Antoine 
de  Mesme,  count  d'  Avaux  (6  vols.,  Paris,  1752  and  1754), 
who  was  in  closer  relations  than  d'  Estrades  with  the  regents 
of  Holland  and  Friesland.  Sir  William  Temple's  works  are 
important  for  the  latter  part  of  De  Witt's  time  and  the  early 
period  of  William  III.,  and  he  had  an  open  eye  for  economic 
affairs  in  the  republic  as  well  as  for  the  political  situation. 
His  Letters  and  Memoirs  {Letters  written  by  Temple  and  other 
ministers  0/ state,  3  vols.,  London,  1 700-1 703)  and  his  Observa- 
tions (1672)  and  Miscellanea  (2  vols.,  London,  1680-1690)  have 
been  translated  into  French  and  Dutch  and  are  much  read. 
Burnet's  History  of  my  own  time  (  6  vols.,  London,  1725-1734  ) 
affords  a  good  view  of  Prince  William  III.'s  attitude  towards 
England  and  towards  his  wife,  who  had  great  confidence  in 
her  court  preacher,  but  it  must  be  used  with  careful  criticism. 
The  remarkable  Lettres  et  me'moires  of  Queen  Mary  herself 
(ed.  Mechth.  Bentinck,  La  Haye,  1880),  besides  the  mostly 
English  Memoirs  and  letters  (  ed.  Doebner,  Leipzig,  1886), 
furnish  an  excellent  picture  of  the  noble  princess  and  her 
innermost  sentiments.  The  Journalen  of  the  younger  Con- 
stantijn  Huygens,2  though  often  descending  to  trifles,  are 
of  consequence  for  the  environment  of  the  prince  ;  the  notes 
and  observations  of  his  father 3  give  us  a  glimpse  of  the  con- 
dition of  the  house  of  Orange  during  the  solitary  youth  of 
the  Orange  prince.  The  attitude  of  the  prince  towards  his 
Frisian  cousin,  Henry  Casimir  IL,  is  best  studied  in  the  latter's 
published  correspondence.4     The  prince's  political  ideas  and 

1  Rogge,  De  diplomatieke  correspondentie  van  d'  Estrades  in  Versl.  en 
Meded.  der  Kon.  Akad.,   Vierde  Reeks,  vol.  i.,  p.  198. 

1  Werken  Hist.  Gen.  te  Utrecht,  N.  S.,  No.  23,  25,  32,  46. 

3  M '/moires  de  Const.  Huygens,  ed.  Jorissen,  La  Haye,  1873. 

4  Van  Sypesteyn,  Geschiedkundige  bijdragen,  vol.  iii.,'s  Gravenhage, 
1865,  besides  the  Archives  of  Groen  van  Prinsterer,  vol.  v.  of  the  second 
series. 


Appendix  553 

the  difficulties  with  which  he  had  to  contend,  in  his  domestic 
and  foreign  policy  as  well  as  in  his  military  career,  are 
shown  in  his  correspondence  with  his  faithful  friend  Waldeck1 
and  in  the  valuable  papers  of  the  council  pensionary  Heinsius,2 
both  his  trusted  helpers  in  the  work  of  his  life. 

Mignet's  important  work,  Negotiations  relatives  a  la  succession 
d'Espagne  (4  vols.,  Paris,  1835-1842),  is  of  great  service  for 
the  study  of  foreign  politics  in  this  entire  period,  and  with  it 
now  goes  Legrelle's  book,  La  diplomatic  fran^aise  et  la  succes- 
sion d'Espagne?  The  great  treaties  are  to  be  found  in  the 
Corps  universel  diplomatique  of  Du  Mont  (8  vols.,  Amst.  and  La 
Haye,  1726-1731).  For  the  internal  political  conditions  the 
notes  of  the  Amsterdam  justice  Bontemantel4  are  of  great 
value.  Not  without  weight  for  domestic  and  foreign  politics 
are  the  letters  of  Pieter  de  Groot  to  Abraham  de  Wicquefort 
of  the  later  time6  and  the  correspondence  between  the  Van  der 
Goes  brothers,6  but  the  latter  gives  little  else  than  the  impres- 
sion of  known  events  upon  a  respectable  citizen  of  the  republic 
not  holding  office.  The  rhymed  Geheugchenis  of  the  former 
official  Coenraet  Droste  derives  its  interest  mainly  from  the 
notes  added  to  it  by  Fruin.7  Smaller  sections  of  this  period 
are  treated  in  Wijnne's  book,  De  geschillen  over  de  afdanking 
van  het  krijgsvolk,  1649-16508;  in  Gardiner's  Documents  on  the 
First  Dutch  War  (London,  1899),  notable  for  the  history 
of  the  Dutch  navy,  which  has  also  found  an  admirable  historian 
for  this  time  in  De  Jonge;  in  vols.  1  and  2  of  Van  Sypesteyn's 


1  P.  L.  Muller,  Wilhelm  III.  von  Oranien  und  Georg  Fr.  von  Waldeck, 
2  vols.,  's  Gravenhage,  1873-1880. 

1  Arc  kief  van  den  raadpensionaris  Heinsius,  ed.  Van  der  Heim,  3  vols., 
's  Gravenhage, 1 867-1 880. 

3  Two  vols.,  Paris,  1891.  See  also  Sirtema  de  Grovestins,  Guillaume 
III.  et  Louis  XIV.      8  vols.,  Paris,  1868. 

4  De  regeeringe  van  Amsterdam,  ed.  Kernkamp,  in  Werken  Hist.  Gen., 
Derde  Serie,  No.  7  and  8. 

5  Lettres,  ed.  Kramer,  ib.,  No.  5. 
4  Ed.  Gonnet,  ib.,  No.  13. 

'Ed.  Fruin,  2  vols.,  Leiden,  1879. 
8  Werken  Hist.  Gen.,  N.  S.,  No.  41. 


554  History  of  the  Dutch  People 

jBi/dragen,  in  which  unpublished  documents  are  given  concern- 
ing the  time  of  De  Witt  and  referring  especially  to  the  Frisian 
stadtholder  William  Frederick;  in  Thurloe's  StatePapers,  1638- 
1660  (7  vols.,  London,  1742),  and  other  papers  of  contem- 
porary English  statesmen  as  Arlington,  Shaftesbury,  etc.,  of 
importance  particularly  for  Dutch  relations  with  England  and 
for  the  most  part  described  in  the  Reports  of  the  Historical  Com- 
mission ox  in  separate  publications;  in  the  numberless  appen- 
dixes of  books  and  studies  on  the  epoch  appearing  in  the  Nether- 
lands; in  the  annotations  of  such  works  as  those  of  Geddes  and 
Lefevre  Pontalis  on  John  de  Witt,  as  the  publication  of 
Wicquefort's  Histoire,  in  the  French  memoirs  of  the  time, 
among  which  are  particularly  valuable  for  Dutch  history 
the  Memoires  du  comte  de  Guiche*  who  went  through  the  first 
Munster  and  the  second  English  war  on  the  Dutch  side  and 
fought  on  the  French  side  in  the  war  of  1672,  and  the  memoirs 
of  the  prince  of  Taranto  (Liege,  1767),  who  lived  at  the  court 
of  Frederick  Henry  and  William  II.  and  was  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal generals  of  the  Dutch  army  until  shortly  before  the  great 
French  war.  The  seventeenth  century  is  the  "  Golden  Age  " 
of  the  history  of  the  Netherlands,  and  it  has  in  our  time 
especially  attracted  many  investigators  and  brought  forth 
countless  studies  large  and  small  on  all  sorts  of  subjects. 

1  Ed.  as  supplement  to  d'Estrades,  1744. 


INDEX 


Aardenburg,  attack  on,  by  the 
French,  June  26,  1672,  401 

Academie  des  Sciences,  estab- 
lished in  Paris,  1666,  281 

Achterhoek,  a  large  part  of, 
taken  September,  1665,  323 

Act  of  Exclusion,  the,  215; 
passed  April  28,  1654,  216 

Administration  of  the  Royal 
navy,  198 

Adolphus,  Gustavus,  mentioned, 

5 
Aerssen,    Cornelis   van,    lord   of 

Sommelsdijk,  155 

Aitzema,  opinion  of,  on  the 
Netherlands,  1653,  211 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  the  peace  of, 
346 

Albertina,  Agnes,  315 

Alliance  of  the  two  Nether- 
lands, 1632,  105 

Alliance  with  France,  February 
8,  1635,  113 

Almonde,  Philips  van,  rear  ad- 
miral, 430 

Amalia,  Princess,  in  Holland, 
182;  the  relations  between 
Charles  II.  and,  301 

Ambon,  the  so-called  "massa- 
cre" at,  214 

Ambon  affair,  the,  34 

Amor  pcenitens  the,  by  Neer- 
cassel,  539 

Amsterdam,  the  opposition  of,  to 
the  wishes  of  Prince  William, 
168;  the  operation  against, 
170;  the  city  of ,  in  1660,  248 
ff. ;  the  Bourse,  at,  269;  the 
patriotism  of,  1672,  384;  the 
powerful  aid  of,  1672,  402 


Anglican  church,  the,  bishops  of, 

1688,  463 
Anglo-Dutch    fleet,    the,    under 

Russell,  483 
Anhalt,    princess,    daughter    of 

Frederick  Henry,  458 
Anjou,  Duke  Philip  of,  proposed 

heir  to  Charles  II.  of  Spain, 

October,  1700,  497 
Annexation    of     the     Southern 

Netherlands   to    France     dis- 
cussed, 293 
Appleton's  British  squadron,  the 

destruction     of,     March     13, 

1652,  205 
Architecture,    the    development 

of,  96 
Architecture  in  Holland,  254  ff. 
Aremberg,      Philip,      duke      of 

Aerschot,      refusal       of,       to 

participate     against       Spain, 

54 
Army  of  Holland  reduced,  July 

30,  1648,  161 
Army  of    United    Netherlands, 

inactivity    of,    in     1624,     16; 

at  Nimwegen,  17 
Arnauld,  Jansenist,    1681-1682, 

54i 
Art  in  Holland,   1660,  283 
Ath,  the  capture  of,    1697,  488 
Atlas     belgicce     libertatis,     the, 

192 
Augsburg   alliance,     the,    1686, 

461 
Austria,  alliance  with,  427 
Aylva,  Ernst  Sicco  van,  leader 

of    the     opposition    of     the 

partisans,  352 
Ayscue,     Vice     Admiral,    sum- 
moned from  the  West  Indies, 

199 


555 


556 


Index 


B 


Backhuysen,  Ludolf,  the  pic- 
tures of  the  sea  by,  507 

Baltic,  the  peace  in  the,  241 

Banda  Islands,  the  conquest  of, 
in  1621,  6 

Bankhem,  van,  leadership  of, 
against  De  Witt,  395 

Beachy  Head,  the  second  "great 
disaster"  off,  July  io,  1690, 
482 

Bekker,    Dr.    Balthasar,     1670, 

537 

Bentinck,  August,  several  regi- 
ments hired  by,  July  1684, 
465;  created  earl  of  Portland, 
478 

Bergen  op  Zoom,  the  attack 
upon,  in  1628,  44 

Betoverde  Wereld,  the,  by  Bek- 
ker, 1691,  538 

Beuningen,  van,  ambassador  to 
France,  291;  the  Dutch  am- 
bassador at  Paris,  1667,  341; 
election  of,  as  burgomaster, 
355;  the  influences  of,  in  Am- 
sterdam, 386 

Beverningh,  Hieronymus  van, 
of  Gonda,  envoy  to  England, 
1652,  207;  negotiations  with, 
1654,  212;  retirement  of,  to 
London,  213;  retirement  of, 
446 

Bicker,  Cornelis,  burgomaster 
of  Amsterdam,  164 

Bidloo,  Goverd,  prominence  of, 
as  a  physician,  512 

Binckes,  Jacob,  expedition  of, 
to  the  West  Indies,  1678,  433 

Blake,  Admiral,  attack  of,  on 
the  Dutch  ships,  197 

Bodegraven,  the  capture  of,  404 

Bohemia,  the  queen  of,  64 

Bois-le-Duc,  the  assault  on, 
1629,  45;  the  capitulation  of, 
September  14,  1629,  49 

Bonn,  the  capture  of,  Novem- 
ber 13,  1673,  416 

Boreel,  Willem,  ambassador  to 
England,  1670,  358 

Boy,  Admiral,  of  Dunkirk,  52 

Brakel,  Willem  a,  536 

Brasset,  consulted  by  Prince 
William,  174 


Brazil,  necessity  of  the  loss  of, 
by  the  West  India  Company, 
241 

Breda,  the  surrender  of,  May, 
1625,  22;  menaced  by  the 
prince  of  Orange,  August, 
1633,  108;  the  surrender  of, 
October  10,  1637,  116;  the 
peace  of,  May    10,  1667,  338 

Brederode,  Johan  Wolfert  van, 
commander  at  Utrecht,  47; 
marshal,  176 

Briel,  the  journey  of  William  III. 
to,  469 

Bromsebro,  the  treaty  of,  86 

Brun,  Antoine,  requested  not  to 
visit  The  Hague,  141 

Brunswick-Liineburg,  the  alli- 
ance with,  concluded,  322 

Brussels,  the  States-General  of, 
loss  of  the  importance  of, 
109 


Cabo  Corso,  the  capture  of,  by 
Holmes,  307 

Cadiz,  navigation  at,  1700,  519 

Calvinistic  ministers,  the  intoler- 
ance of  the,  79 

Campaign  of  1646,  the,  134 

of  1676,  430 

Casimir,  Count  Ernest,  seizes 
Oldenzaal,  24 

Count  Henry,  death  of, 

1640,  61;  succession  of,  to 
the  stadtholdership,  October 
31,  1664,  315;  opposition  of, 
to  Prince  William,  438;  recon- 
ciliation of,  with  William  III., 

459 

Castel-Rodrigo,  opposition  of,  to 

^  De  Witt,  356 

Catholic  republic,  a  suggestion 
to  establish,  in  the  south, 
294 

Catholics  in  the  United  Nether- 
lands, one  third  of  the  popu- 
lation, 124 

Cats,  Jacob,  pensionary  of 
Dordrecht,  30 

Ceylon,  the  coast  of,  held  by 
the  Hollanders,  524 

Characteristics  of  the  Hollanders 
250  ff- 


Index 


557 


Charles  I.,  of  England,  refusal 
of  aid  for,  by  Holland,  131; 
the  execution  of ,  1649,  J52 

II.,   the    return  of,   to 

England,  296 

of     Spain,    the    feeble 


health  of,  489 

Charnace\  Hercule  de,  sent  into 
the  Netherlands  by  Richelieu, 
1633,  107 

Chigi,  the  papal  nuncio,  127 

China,  the  trade  with,  1700, 
523 

Christian  IV.,  King,  83 

Civil  war  threatened,  1681,  451 

Clant,  Egbert,  353 

Clarendon,  Lord,  the  leader  of 
the  peace  party  in  England, 
1662,  303 

Coalition,  the  preparation  of 
the  great,  443  ff. 

War,  the  473  ff- 

Cocceius,  the  death  of,  1669,  479 

Codde,  Petrus,  succeeds  Neer- 
cassel,  September,  1688,  540 

Coen,  as  governor-general  in 
October,  1624,  15 

Cologne,  the  alliance  of,  365; 
negotiations  opened  at,  1673, 
407 

Commerce,  throughout  the  world 
in  1630,  39;  great  increase  of, 
1652-1642,  88 ;  of  England  and 
the  Netherlands,  190;  in  Hol- 
land, at  the  highest  point, 
1660,  264 

Commercial  interests  of  Hol- 
land, 1640,  84  ff. 

Company  of  Commerce  estab- 
lished in  1624,  41 

"Complaint,''  the,  of  1650, 
against  Amsterdam,   183 

Conde\  assumption  of  command 
by,  1673,  408 

Conditions  in  the  Netherlands 
in  1630,  39  .     . 

Copenhagen,  negotiations  at,  in 
1644,  83 

Copper,  exportation  of,     1679- 

1700.  5*5 

Costumes,  in  1660,  261  ff. 

Council  pensionary,  the,  at  the 
head  of  the  state,  220  ff. ; 
recognised  leader  of  the  re- 
public, 243 


Court  at  The  Hague,  the  princely, 
1640,  63 

Court,  De  la,  the  noted  work 
of,  on  Holland,  1660,  221 

Pieter  de  la,  263 

Coutinho,  Francisco  de  Sousa, 
Portuguese  ambassador  at 
The  Hague,  1649,  159 

Coxinga,  the  enterprising  Chi- 
nese, 268 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  in  England, 
153;  as  dictator  of  England, 
April  30,  1652,  205  ff.;  con- 
cludes peace  with  Holland, 
1654,  218 

Crynssen,  Abraham,  Surinam, 
captured,  by  February  28, 
1667,  33& 

Curators  of  Leyden  imported 
to  Holland,  1656,  230 


D 


D'Albyville,  Ier,  402 

Dam,  Pieter  van,  528 

"Declaration,"  the,  of  Prince 
William  III.,  October  10,  1688, 
468 

Declaration  of  war,  the,  between 
England  and  the  Nether- 
lands, March  4,  1665,  310 

Defence  of  the  Netherlands, 
1672,  372 

De  Groot,  escape  of,  from  Loe- 
vestein,  2 ;  opinion  of,  on  the 
inactivity  of  the  army,  26; 
death  of,  1645,  33 

De  Knuyt  suspected  by  the 
French  representatives  at 
Munster,  136 

Delff,  Willem  Jacobszoon,  286 

"Delf shaven  terror  of  the  sea," 
42 

Delft  beer,  the  consumption  of, 
258 

Denmark,  hostile  attitude  of, 
toward  England,  202 

De  Ruyter,  Admiral,  detention 
of,  at  home,  1664,  305;  sails 
for  Africa,  306;  the  return  of, 
after  a  year  of  war  with  Eng- 
land, 321 

Descartes,  Rene,  in  Holland, 
1629-1649,  101  ff. 


558 


Index 


Devolution   law,    the    so-called, 

295 
DeWitt,      Cornells,     death     ot, 

— —  John,  in  the  Baltic,  85, 

domestic  matters  managed 
cleverly  by,  1651,  228  ff.; 
death  of  the  wife  of,  July 
1,  1668,  349;  the  fall  of,  366 
ff.;  the  loss  of  power  of,  389; 
fall  of,  392;  death  of,  396 

Diemen,  Anthony  van,  ad- 
ministration of,  in  the  East 
India  Company,  1636,  76 

Dieren,  death  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange  at,  November  6,  1651, 

175 

Dijkveld,  van  Weede  van,  am- 
bassador to  England,  382 

Dinant,  the  capture  of,  1675, 
428  . 

Disputes  between  Gronmgen  and 
the  Ommelands,  67 

Dividends  of  the  East  India 
Company,  35 

Doesburg,  the  approach  of  the 
French  army  near,  1672,  376 

Domestic  happiness,  the,  of 
William  III.,  444 

Dominium  Maris  the  question 
of,  with  England,  186 

Don  Juan  of  Austria,  124 

Doreslaer,  Dr.  Isaac,  appear- 
ance of,  at  The  Hague,  1648, 

157 

Dort  principles,  the,  to  be  con- 
served, 181 

Dover,  the  battle  of ,  197 ;  a  secret 
treaty  at,  with  France,  Decem- 
ber 31,  1670,  359 

Downs,  the  Spanish  fleet  in  the, 
119;  defeat  of  the  Spanish 
fleet,  October  21,  1639,  120 

Drelincourt,  Charles,  prominence 
of,  as  a  physician,  512 

Drenthe,  the  famine  at,  1621,  94 

Dunkirk,  the  truce  of,  40;  the, 
conquest  of  planned,  51;  cap- 
ture of,  in   1646,   126 

privateers,   the  menace 

of  1631-1637,  43  ..       , 

Dutch  Flanders,  the  peril  ot, 
from  French  invasion,  502 

literature,  the  powerful 

genius  of,  97 


Dutch     merchantmen    annoyed 

by  English  battleships,  187 
provinces,  indignation  of, 

1635.  i33  . 

Renaissance,  the  genuine 


style  of,  1640,  287 

representative  at   Miin- 


ster,  January  n,  1646,  131 
sea  power,  the  decline  of, 


41 


Dylerschans,    the    capture    of, 
December,  1663,  312 


E 


East  India  Company,  patent 
of,  renewed,  4'.  dividends  of, 
in  1642,  77 

Edict,  the  revocation  of  the, 
October  17,  1685,  455 

Emanuel,  Maximilian,  governor 
of  Belgium,  493 

Embassy,  the,  to  England,  1652, 
194 

England,  dissensions  with,  1623, 
14;  the  throne  of,  declared 
vacant  January  28,  1689,  470 

English   preparations   for   war 
with  Holland,  195 

war,  the  first,  186  ff.;  the 

second,  317  ff. 

Ernest,  Count,  capture  of  Bra- 
brant  by,  48 

Estates  of  Holland,  the  attempt 
of,  to  prevent  financial  failures 
92 ;  the  resolution  of,  Septem- 
ber 30,  1656,  230 

Etna,  the   battle   of,    April    22, 

1676,  432  ,    . 

European    coalition    feared    by 

Louis  XIV.,  1676,  435 
"European  balance  of  power 

the  beginning  of  the,  443 
Evertsen,  Cornells,  of  Zealand, 

326;  death  of,  328 
Exclusion,     the    Act    of,     215; 

passed   April     28,     1654,    216 
Export    trade     of     Holland    m 

1700,  514 


Fagel,    the    council    pensionary 
in  1672,  405 


Index 


559 


Finance  in  Holland,  1650,  man- 
aged by  DeWitt,  233 

Financial  measures  the,  of  John 
deWitt,  220 

Fisheries,  the  deterioration  of, 
203 

Flanders  conquered  by  the 
French,  452 

an  attack   on,  1643,  125 

Floriszoon,  Pieter,  raised  to 
rank  of  vice  admiral,  211 

Foreign  affairs  of  the  Nether- 
lands in  1626,  25 

France,  attitude  of,  toward  the 
Netherlands,  1670,  357;  co- 
operation of,  with  England, 
1670— 1671,  367 

Frederick,  Count  William  of 
Nassau,  46;  suggestion  of,  for 
reduction  of  the  army  of  Hol- 
land, 1649,  162;  moved  from 
Abcoude,  171 

Prince  William,  the  em- 
peror, 1654,  223 

III.,    succession   of,   in 


Sweden,  158 
Freedom    of    worship,    the,    in 

Holland,  275 
French  alliance,  the,  103  ff. ;  the 

unpopularity    of,    1673,    415; 

diplomacy      concerning      the 

siege  of  Mons,  1677,  441 
Friedrich,     George,      count     of 

Waldeck,    as    field     marshal, 

1672,  402 
Friesland,  soldiers  sent  into,  by 

the  states-general,  in  1634,  68 
Fuchs,    Paul    von,    the    special 

envoy,  451 
Fiirstenberg,  Count,   the   arrest 

of,  1673,  4i7 
Cardinal  Wilhelm   Egon 

von,   archbishop    of    Cologne, 

464 


Galen,  Jan  Van,  on  the  Tuscan 

coast,  200 
Gallican   church,   the,    in    T682, 

454 
Gardie,   de  la,  the  chancellor  of 

Sweden,  342 
Generality  lands,  the,   of   1670, 

374 


Goes,  Van  der,  disaster  to,  June, 
1693,  485 

Gold  Coast,  the  possessions  of 
Holland  on  the,  529 

Golden  Age,  the,  for  the  Nether- 
lands, 1640,  74 

Goyen,  Jan  van,  landscape 
painter,  95 

Graeff,   Andries    de,   the  death 

of,  347 
Jacob  van  der,  attack  of, 

on  De  Witt,  383 
Grand  alliance  of  Vienna,   the, 

472 
Grave,  the  fortress  of  besieged, 

1674,  422 
Great  Assembly,  the  resolutions 

of  the,  184 
Mogul,  the  states  of  the, 


522 


war,  the,  399/7 


Greenland  fishery,  the,  273 
Groningen,  disputes  of,  67 
Guiche,  the  count  de,  Memoirs 

of,  366 
Gustavus,     Charles,     possession 

secured   by,    of     Elbing   and 

Brandenburg,  December,  165  5, 

237 


H 


Haarlem,  connected  with  Ley- 
den,  1667,  by  a  canal,  249 
Haersolte,   the  party   of,    1671, 

35i 

Hague,  The,  the  treaty  of  Sep- 
tember 7,  1 701,  signed  at, 
500 

Halewijn,  Cornelis  Teresteyn 
van,  382 

Hapsburgs,      the,      of     Vienna, 

495 
Harmony,  the  passage  of,  March 

20,  1670,  354 
Harwich,   the   attack   on,   July, 

1666,  337 
Heemskerck,      Coenraad      vary 

Dutch  ambassador    to  Paris, 

499 
Heinsius,    Antoine,    pensionary 

since  1679,  475 
Henry,  Prince  Frederick,  made 

captain-general,  April  4,  1625, 

18;    the  beginning  of,   20  ff. ; 


560 


Index 


Henry,  Prince  Frederick  (Cont.) 
diplomatic  talent  of  21;  cau- 
tion of ,  32  ;  the  military  affairs 
of  43;  the  brilliant  cam- 
paign of,  59;  the  height  of  the 
power  of,  60  ff. ;  decoration  of, 
with  the  "municipal  crown, 
60;  decline  of  influence  of,  69; 
no  longer  a  friend  of  Mazann, 
163;    death     of,     March     14. 

1647.  139 
Heyn,    Pieter   Pieterzoon,   vice- 
admiral  for  West  India  Com- 
pany,   36;    lieutenant-admiral 
of  Holland  in  1629,  42;   death 

of,  42  , 

Histoire  de  Louvois  by  Rousset, 

360  . 

Holland,  the  wide  fame  of,  m 
1648,  150;  the  ambassadors, 
permission  granted  to,  to  send 
the  Act  of  Exclusion  to  The 
Hague,  217;  the  most  import- 
ant of  the  states,  245".  Sit- 
uation in,  1672,  368 
"Holland's  pilot,"  28 
Holmes,  admiral,  of  the  Eng- 
lish navy,  1661,  302 

Sir    Robert  assault  of, 

on  the  Smyrna  fleet,  364 
Holstein    conquered    by     the 

Swedes,  84 
"Homer"     the      painting      en- 
titled, by   Rembrandt,    1663, 
284 
Hooghe,  Romein  de,  508 
Hoorn,  two  hundred    ships  at, 

in  1618,  89 
Hop,  Jacob,  pensionary  of  Am- 
sterdam, 471 
Houbraken  Arnold,  painter,  en- 
graver,   etcher,    and    literary 
man,  1700,  508 
Hudde,  Jan,   a  member  of  the 
Amsterdam  government,  280; 
Amsterdam  under,  448 
Huguenots,     of     La     Rochelle, 
treaty   with,    23;    intolerance 
toward  the,  531 
Hulst    captured  by  the    Prince 
of     Orange,      November      5, 

1643.  126  .    .  r 

Huygens,   Christian  opinion   ot, 

on  death  of  DeWitt,  397 
Constantijn,  315 


Industries,  national  of  Holland, 

ttl6     2  74. 

Innocent  XL,  Pope,  455 
Interest  van  Holland,  the,  244 
Interior  of    Dutch  houses,  the, 

256 /?■ 
International  law,  the  new  rules 

of,  196 
Isabella,  Archduchess,  the,  death 
of,  December  1,  1633,  104 


James,  duke  of  Monmouth,  453 

King,  the  death  of,  22 

III.  saluted   as  king  of 

England,  501 
Jan    Klaaszen,    the    drama    ot, 

by  Asselijn,  509 
Japan,      commerce     with,      75; 
secured    by   the  East    India 
Company,  75 
Jeannin,  death  of,  1622,  n 
Jesuits,    the    expulsion    of   the, 

1687,  457 
John,  count  of  Nassau,  the  cap- 
ture of,  at  Wesel,  50 
Julich,  the  surrender  of,  Febru- 
ary, 1622,  3 
Juntas,  the  two,  44 
Jutland,      conquered     by     the 
Swedes,  84 

K 


Kerkhoven,  Prince,  Johan   van 

der,  62 
Kievit,    Johan,    leader    of    the 

Orange  party,  1666,  332 
Kijkduin,  the  battle  of,  August 

21,  1673,  413    TT  ,, 

Kitchen,  the,  in  Holland,  1660, 

Knuyt,   Johan  de,   of  Zealand, 
influential    friend    of    Prince 

Henry,  66         ,,.,*„+ 
Kodde,  van  de,  the  family  of,  at 

Rijnsburg,   231 
Kostelick  Mai,  the,  by  Huygens, 

260 


Index 


56' 


La  Hogue,  the  naval  battle  off. 

May  29,  1691,  484 
Land,    the    question    of,    1660, 

244  ft. 
Letters,   the  transportation   of, 

between       Amsterdam      and 

Hamburg,  1661,  311 
Levant,  the  commerce  of  in  1640, 

87 
Leyden,     lords     of,     agree     to 

Prince  William's  demands,  166 

Liefde,  de,  the  death  of,  August 

31,   1673,   413 

Lier,  Willem  van,  lord  of  Oos- 
terwijk,  in  Paris,  1635,  114 

Lijn,  Cornelis  van  de,  the 
governor  general,  266 

Lisola,  the  work  of,  in  Vienna, 
1673,  406 

Literary  life  in  Holland,  99 

"Loevestein  faction"  the  new 
attack  of  the,  222 

Loncq,  Admiral,  conquers  Olin- 
da  in  1630,  37 

London,  the  terrible  fire  of 
1665  in,  329 

Louis  XIII.,  treaty  at  Com- 
piegne,  with,  13;  negotiations 
of,  with  the  Netherlands,  1633, 
112 

XIV. ,  king  of  France,  151; 

alliance  of,  with  the  Nether- 
lands, 292;  .the  attitude  of, 
toward  the  Netherlands,  167 1, 
362;  declaration  of  war  by, 
April  6,  1672,  363;  invasion 
of  the  Netherlands  by,    1672, 

375 
Louis,  William,  165 
Lowestoft,  the  battle   of,  319 
Lucifer,  the,  by  Vondel,    1654, 

288 
Lutzen,  the  death  of    the  king 

of     Sweden     at,     November, 

1632,  106 
Luxembourg,  the  retreat  of,  404 
Luyken,  Jan,   author  of  Duytse- 

lier,  1671,  510 


M 


Macassar,    the     subjection     of, 
1669,  521 

36 


Maestricht,  the  siege  of,  56;  the 
capitulation  of,  57  ;  the  siege  of 
1633,  in;  the  arrival  ofPra- 
del  at,  November  10,  1665, 
324,  occupation  by  French 
troops  of,  437 

Magistrates,  the,  of  Leyden  and 
Utrecht,  252 

Magnus  Inter  cur  sus,  the,  of  1495, 
298 

Maintenon,  Madame  de,  the 
influence  of,    455 

Manhattan  Island,  the  pur- 
chase of,  in  1626,  38 

Marck  A.,  author  of  Merck  der 
Godgeleerdheid,  511 

Marie  de  M^dicis,  visit  of,  to  the 
Netherlands,  1638,  120 

Mary,  Queen,  the  will  of,  Octo- 
ber, 18,  1695,  474;  the  death 
of,  January  7,    1695,  487 

Maurice,  John,  the  departure 
of,  from  Brazil,  80;  governor 
of  Cleves,  160 

Mazarin,  in  power  in  France, 
122;  the  felix  quinquennium 
of,  125 

Mazarinades,  the  large  number 
of,  in  France,  156 

Mechlin,  Margaret  of,  19 

Mediterranean  Sea,  navigation 
on,  39 

Meijer,  Dr.  Lodewijk,  effect  of, 
on  Dutch  literature,  1669, 
289 

Merlin,  the  English  yacht, 
361 

Messen,  Johan  van,  the  treach- 
ery of,  225 

Meuse,  trade  and  travel  on  the, 
1700,  517 

Minden,  Prince  William  III.,  at, 
467 

Molenaer,  Jan  Mieuse,  285 

Monk,  General,  offer  of,  to  re- 
store Charles  II.,  242 

Monmouth,  the  duke  of,  460 

Mons,  the  relief  of,  439 

Montecuculi,  count,  47 

Moura  -  Cortereal,  Manuel  de, 
minister  to  the  Netherlands, 
1644,  123 

Muiden,  the  capture  of,  1672, 
377;  attack  on,  abandoned, 
1673,  409 


562 


Index 


Miinster,  the  peace  of,    123  ff. ; 

negotiations  at,  1647,  127  ff. ; 

the  peace  of,  concluded   148; 

the  bishop   of,   the  treaty  of, 

with  England,  June   13,  1665, 

313;    the    campaign    against, 

1666,  330 
Musch,    Cornells,    clerk    of    the 

States-General,  1628,  65 


N 


Naarden,  failure  of  the  first  at- 
tack on,  403 

Namur,  the  capture  of,  June, 
1692,  485 

Nassau,  Louis  of,  lord  of  Bever- 
weert,  172 

Nassau-Saarbruck,  commissary 
general,  371 

Naval  engagements  in  the 
British  Channel  in  1639,  118; 
1673,  412;  expedition  of  1666, 

333 

Navigation  Act  of  Parliament, 
the,  October  9,  1651,  191 ;  dis- 
cussion of  the  repeal  of,  334 

Navy,  the  strength  of  the  Dutch, 

Nederhorst,  accused  of  bribery, 
1646,  145;  death  of,  146 

Neercassel,  Johannes  van,  278; 
the  leadership  of,  457 

Neerwinden,  the  battle  of,  July 
29,  1693,  486 

Negotiations  at  The  Hague,  the 
failure  of ,  1663,  no;  at  Miin- 
ster, 127  ff.;  after  the  death 
of  Prince  William  of  Orange, 
180;  of  July,  1652,  204 

Nes,  Van,  admiral,  in  the  Eng- 
lish Channel,  1673,  411 

Netherlands,  the  "bad  life"  of, 
6 ;  the  critical  condition  of, 
in  1625,  25;  position  of,  in 
Java,  1632,  35;  condition  of, 
in  1672,  400;  at  the  end  of 
17th  century,  506  ff.;  condi- 
tion of,  in  1700,  542 

New  Netherland,  the  colony  of, 

.37 

Nieuwburg,  the  peace  conference 
in  the  palace  of,  490 ;  the  peace 
of,  491 


Nieuwpoort,  the  battle  of,  June 
12,  1652,  206 

Nimwegen,  the  army  at,  17; 
May,  1632,  55;  the  departure 
of  William  III.,  from,  424; 
disputes  at,  concerning  evacu- 
ation, 440 

North  Foreland,  the  battle  of, 
June,  n  1665,  327 

Northern  Company,  the,  the 
decline  of,  in  163 3- 164 2,  81  ; 
the  fall  of  the,  1642,    272 


O 


Odijk,  second  cousin  to  William 

HI-,  445 

Oeland,  the  victory  of,  June 
n,  1676,  430 

Oldenbarnevelt,  Prince,  1 ;  the 
policy  of,   505 

Ommeland,  the  disputes  of  the, 
67 

Orange,  the  House  of,  the  rise 
of  power  of,  62  ff. ;  one  of  the 
most  powerful  in  Europe,  63 ; 
the  condition  of,  in  1664,  316; 
Prince  William  of,  72;  men- 
aced at  Breda,  108;  at  Dieren, 
173  ;  taken  sick  at  Dieren,  175; 
death  of,  November  6,  1651, 
176;  William  Henry  of,  177; 
power  of  increased,  219;  a 
member  of  the  council  of  state, 
369;  preparations  of,  for  de- 
fence, 387 

party,  the,  adroit  man- 
agement of,  299 

Oudaen,  Frans,  the  Rotterdam 
baker,  in  1660,  231 

Oudshoorn,    de    Vlaming     van, 

525 
Outhoorn,  William  van,  527 
Overyssel   the    domestic      diffi- 
culties of,  350 

William  III.  at,  March  2, 

1674,  426 


Pamphlets  for  and  against  Spain 
at  the  conference  of  Miinster, 

i35 
Pappenheim  repulsed   in  reliev- 
ing Maestricht,  57 


Index 


563 


Parliament,  assembly  of,  Febru- 
ary, 1677,  436 

Pauw,  Adriaan,  appointed  to 
council  pensionary,  32;  de- 
parture of,  from  The  Hague, 
October  16,  1647,  143 

Peace,  with  Spain,  discussed,  73  ; 
the  first  years  of,  151  ff. ;  in 
Holland,   290  ff. 

Penaranda,  the  correspondence 
of,  in  1647,  138 

Pennington,  Admiral,  the  at- 
titude of,  119 

People,   the,   of   Holland,    1660, 

244  ff- 
Perpetual    Edict,    the,    370;    in 

1672,    385;  the  repeal  of ,  386 
Perre,  Zealander  Van  de,  on  the 

embassy  to  England,  193;  the 

death  of,  213 
Philip  III.,  the  death  of,  7 
IV.,  leader  of  the  Catholic 

reaction,  8 ;    the  Company  of 

Commerce  established  in  1624, 

by  41 

-of   Spain,   the   death  of, 


September,  1665,  325 
Pirates  of  Dunkirk,  the,  71 
"Plan    of    Harmony"    the,    by 

De  Witt,  348 
Portland,  the  battle  of,  Febru- 
ary 28,  1653,  201 ;  the  victory 

of,  204 
Portugal,    commerce    with,    89; 

opposition    of,    to   the    West 

India    Company,     152;      the 

treaty    with,    signed    August 

6,  1661,  241 
"Portuguese  Jewish  nation"  at 

Amsterdam,  1672,  513 
Prosperity,   the   remarkable,   in 

Holland,  1660,  262  ff. 
Protestant  commercial  alliance, 

the  suggestion  of  a  great,  209 
"Public  prayer"  the,  of    1657, 

302 
Pyrenees,    the    Peace    of    the, 

November,  1659,  234 


R 


Raalte,  the  meeting  at,  October 
1,  1657;  order  restored  in  the 
province  by,  226 


Ratisbon,  the  truce  of,  August 
15,  1684,  453 

Recife,  the  surrender  of,  to 
Portugal,  270 

Reinierszoon,  Carel,  as  governor 
general,  267 

Reformed  Church,  the,  privi- 
leged above  all,  276 

Remonstrants,  at  Amsterdam, 
in  1626,  27;  the,  in  control  at 
Rotterdam,  1630,  31;  semi- 
nary for,  at  Amsterdam,  1634, 

33 

Renesse,  Rene  de,  count  of 
Warfusee,  president  of  the 
council  of  finance,  54 

Renswoude  of  Utrecht,  member 
of  Prince  William's  deputation 
to  the  cities  of  Holland,  167 

Revolt  against  Spain,  the  great, 
70 

Revolutionary  epoch  in  Eng- 
land, the,  290 

Rheede,  Godard  van,  447 

Rhine,  the  league  of,  concluded 
August,  1658,  236 

Richelieu,  the  powerful,  23 

Richelieu,  Cardinal,  the  difficul- 
ties of,  103;  the  death  of, 
December,   1642,   121 

Rijnberk,  the  capture  of,  1633, 
108 

Rippenda,  bailiff  of  Twente,  the 
death  of,  October  1653,  224 

Rixdollar,  the  Dutch,  the  money 
of  commerce,  1689-1700,  516 

Rocroy,  the  defeat  of,  May  19, 
1643,  I23 

Roeskilde,  the  peace  of,  main- 
tained, 240 

Roman  Catholics,  the  placards 
against,  93 

Romanists,  the  disorder  among, 

381 
Roose,  Pieter,  president  of  the 

privy  council  of  Brussels,  44 
Rothe,  Johannes,  the  herald  of 

the  "fifth  monarchy,  "  232 
Rotterdam,  the  rebellious  dis- 
position at,  1652,  208;  called 
"the  second  Venice,"  1660, 
246 
Royal  African  Company,  the, 
disputes  of,  with  the  West 
India  Company,  304 


564 


Index 


Royal  Charles,  the    capture  of, 

336 
Rubens,  the  artist,  visit  of,  to  The 

Hague,  163 1,  S3 
Rupert,   Prince,   commander  in 

the  English  navy,  1665,  317 
Ruyter  de,  the  death  of,  April 

29,  1676,  432 
Ryswick,  the  treaty  of,  473 


Salamanca,  Dom  Miguel  de,  130 
Sardan,  de,  attempt  of,  to  raise 

Huguenot  revolution  in  France 

1674,  423 
Schenkenschans,   the  recapture 

of,  April,  1636,  115 
Schepers,    Willem     Bastiaensze, 

480 
Scheveningen,  the  departure  of 

Charles  II.  from,  June  2,  1660, 

297 
Schonauwen,   Van    Reede   van, 

388 
Schuerman,    Anna    Maria    van, 

282 
Science,  the,  of  Leyden,  100 
Scilly    Islands,    one  of  the,  oc- 
cupied by  Tromp,  189 
Scotch     fishermen,     167  5-1 700, 

534 

"Secret  Works"  the  introduc- 
tion of,  June,  1663,  306 

Setubal,  exportation  of,  the  salt 
of,  1700,  520 

Seven  Provinces,  the,  commanded 
by  De  Ruyter,  379 

Shaftesbury,  the  English  chan- 
cellor, 410 

Shares  of  the  East  India  Com- 
pany sold  for  500  per  cent.,  77 

Silk,  the  manufacture  of,  518 

Smout  expelled  from  Amster- 
dam, January,  1630,  30 

Sobieski,  John,  king  of  Poland, 

494 
Society,  the,  of  Holland,  253 
Solebay,  the  battle  off,  June  7, 

1672,  378 
Sommelsdijk,  Cornells  van,  Aers- 

sen  van,  530 
Spain,    treaty    with,     in     1646, 

137;     influence     o'f,     in     the 

Netherlands,  1681,  450 


Spanish  brandy,  the  exportation 
of,  1688,  519 

fleet  destroyed  off  Zea- 
land, 52  ;  defeated  in  the 
Downs,  October  21,  1639,  120 
-Netherlands,  plan  to  cede, 


by  Mazarin,  132 
succession,  the  affair  of, 


492 


Specx,    Jacques,    repulsed    the 

enemy,  35 
Speult,  Henry  van,  the  governor 

of  Moluccas,  14 
Stadtholder,  the  power  of   the, 

265 
Stadtholdership,     the    question 

of  heredity  in,  1674,  421 
States-General,  assembly  of,  at 

Brussels,  58;  the,  of  Holland, 

1650,  163 
St.  Denis,  the  battle  of,  442 
Stel,  Simon  van  der,  commander 

at  Cape  Town,  1679,  526 
St.  Germain  en  Laye,  the  terms 

of  peace  at,  345 
St.    John,    Oliver,    Lord    Chief 

Justice,  188 
Strasburg,  the  seizure  of,  August 

30,  1681,  449 
Stromboli,  the  battle  of,  431 
Stuarts,    the,    allowed     in     the 

Netherlands,  235 
Stuyvesant,   Peter,  governor  of 

New  Netherlands  in  1647,  271 
Styrum,  Count  van,  46 
Sweden  ,  necessary  to    curb  the 

power  of,  239 
Summa   doctrince    de    jcedere    et 

testamento  Dei,  the,  by  Cocce- 

jus,  279 
"Surinam  Society,"  the,  530 


Tallard,  Count  de,  at  Het  Loo, 
1698,  496 

Taverns,  the  closing  at  10  p.m. 
of  the,  259 

Temple,  Sir  William,  opposition 
of,  to  France,  343 

Texel,  the  council  pensionary  at, 
320 

Textile  industries,  the  flourish- 
ing condition  of,  from  1580, 
90 


Index 


565 


Thames,  naval  operations  in  the, 

1666,  335 
Tichelaer  of   Piershil,   390;   the 

arrest  of,  391 
Tilly,  Count,  the  victorious  army 

of,  12,  394 
Torbay,  the  landing  of  William 

III.  at,  470 
Tories,  the,   in  England,  1689- 

1700,  498  ff. 
Torre,  Jacobus  de  la,  vicar  of 

the  diocese  of  Utrecht,  1656. 

229 ;  the  apostolic  vicar,  1651- 

1661,373 
Torture  inflicted   on  Jacob    de 

Witt,  393 
Trade  in  the  West  Indies,  1625- 

1627,  36 
Traite  des  droits  de  la  Reine,  the, 

of  1667,  340 
Treaty,    the,    of    September  3, 

1689,  477 
Triple  Alliance,  the  completion 

of,  January  26,  1668,  344 
Tromp,     Martin    Harpertszoon, 

the  victory  of,   before    Dun- 
kirk, February,  1639,  117 
Truce,  the  first  years  after  the, 

iff- 
Tulipomania,  the,  of  1636,  255 

Turenne,  the  death  of,  429 


U 


United  Netherlands,  under  Old- 
enbarnevelt,  1 ;  policy  toward, 
12;  in  1640,  74  ff. ;  relation  to 
France  in  1633,  no  ff.;  a 
powerful  nation,  in  1643,  123; 
at  the  summit  of  their  power, 

339  ff- 
United  Provinces,  called  respub- 

lic<z  federates,  185;  the  ambig- 
uous condition  of  government 
in  1674,  425 
Utrecht,  the  treaty  of,  signed 
May  15,  1648,  144;  results  of, 
147  ff. ;  return  to  the  Union 
of,  1674,  420;  the  peace  of, 
1713.  474 


Valenciennes,    the    capture    of, 
March,  1677,  434 


Van    der    Kemp,   Maurits     van 

Nassau  by,  19 
Van  Petersom,  a  secret  emissary 

from  Brabant,  1623,  10 
Venetian  glass,  importation  of, 

520 
Voetians,  dependence  of,  on  the 

partisans  of  Orange,  277 
Voetius,  the  death  of,  1676,  479 
Vries,   Tjerk   Hiddes   de,    from 

Friesland,  326;  death  of,  328 

W 

Waayen,  Van  der,  protection  of, 
by  Frisian  stadtholder,  1677, 
479;  restored  to  honour,  1685, 

535  ,    . 

Walcourt,  the  battle  of,  August 

25,  1689,  481 

Wallenstein  and  the  Nether- 
lands, 25 

War  declared  against  Spain, 
May,  1635,  114 

party     in    England,     the 

supremacy  of,  309 

-with  Spain,  the  last  years 


of,  123  ff. 

Warendorp,  a  popular  rising  led 
by,  at  Groningen,  227 

Warnaer  and  Frederick,  the  Dia- 
logue between,  written  April  1 7  , 
1648,  146 

Wassenaer,  Jacob  van,  lord  of 
Obdam,  elected  lieutenant 
admiral,  210;  the  Dutch  fleet 
under,  318 

Water  line,  the  defence  of  the, 
1672,  380 

Wealth  of  the  Republic,  1688- 
1695,  532 

West  India  Company,  charter  of 
June  3,  1621,  3;  decline  of,  78 

Westminster,  the  peace  of,  Feb- 
ruary 19,  1674,  418 

Whale  fisheries,  the  importance 
of,  to  the  Netherlands,  in  1640, 
82 

Wildervanck,  Adriaan.the  lead- 
ership of,  247 

Wildt,  de,  on  the  board  of  ad- 
miralty, 476 

William,  Archduke  Leopold, 
governor  of  the  Southern 
Netherlands,  154 


566 


Index 


William  Frederick,  in  Groningen, 
March  14,  1663,  314 

William,  son  of  Frederick  Henry, 
born  May  26,  1626,  21 

William  I.,  Prince  of  Orange,  the 
debts  of,  149 

II.,  of  Orange,  140;  at- 
tempt of,  to  keep  up  the  war, 
142;  displeasure  of,  at  treaty 
of  Utrecht,  147 

-III.,  of  Orange,  residence 


of,  at  Breda,  245;  the  educa- 
tion of ,  300;  the  thirty  years' 
rule  of,  399;  the  personality 
of,  400 ;  the  growing  popularity 
of,  1674,  419;  the  sturdiest 
opponent  to  Louis  XIV.,  442  ; 
interest  of,  in  English  crown, 
466 ;  the  last  years  of,  493  ff. ; 
collar  bone  of,  broken,  March 
4,  1702,  503;  as  king  of  Eng- 
land, 506;  death  of,  March  19, 
1702,  504 

With,  Witte  Corneliszoon  de, 
vice-admiral,  71 

Witsen,  Nicolaas,  the  burgo- 
master of  Amsterdam,  1697, 

533 


Witt,  Jacob   de,   of  Dordrecht, 

punishment  of,  169 
John  de,  as  instructor  to 

the  Prince   of  Orange,   1666, 

33* 
Woolen  industries,  the,  1630,  91 


York,  the  duke  of,  presentation 
to,  of  Manhattan,  March  22, 
1663,  308;  opposition  to  the 
marriage  of,  1673,  414 


Zaan,  the  shipyards  of  the,  516 
Zealand,  a  proposed  attack  upon 

5i 
Zevecote,   Fleming  van,  poetry 

by,  98 

Zoutelande,  Madame,  the  mem- 
oirs of,  251 

Zuid-Polsbroek,      Cornells      de 
Graeff    van,    consulted    by 
De  Witt,  238 


A  History  of  the  People  of  the 
Netherlands 

By  Petrus  Johannes  Blok,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of 
Dutch  History  in  the  University  of  Leyden. 
Parts  I,  II,  and  III  translated  by  Ruth  Putnam 
and  Parts  IV  and  V  by  Oscar  A.  Bierstadt. 
To  be  completed  in  five  parts,  8vo,  with  maps, 
each  $2.50. 

Part  I. — The  Netherlands  from  the  Earliest 

Times  to  the  Beginning  of  the  Fifteenth 

Century. 
Part  II.— The     Gradual     Centralization    of 

Power  and  the  Burgundian  Period. 
Part  III.— The  War  of  Independence,  1568- 

1621. 
Part  IV.— Frederick  Henry,  John  de  Witt, 

William  III. 
Part  V. — To  be  announced  later. 

"  This  is  the  standard  history  of  the  whole  Netherlands,  and  the  author 
may  be  congratulated  on  finding  so  excellent  a  translator.  .  .  .  She 
has  saturated  her  mind  with  the  thoughts  and  general  sweep  of  the 
author's  mind,  and  with  that  thorough  mastery  of  the  language  which 
would  enable  her  to  give  a  perfect  literal  translation  she  does  what  is  far 
better.  She  makes  a  free,  flowing,  yet  thoroughly  representative  version 
that  accurately  reproduces  the  spirit,  the  color,  the  vigor,  and  the  charm 
of  the  original." — Literary  World. 

William  the  Silent 

Prince  of  Orange,  the  Moderate  Man  of  the 
XVI.  Century 

The  Story  of  His  Life,  as  told  in  his  own  letters, 
in  those  of  his  Friends  and  of  his  Enemies,  and 
from  Official  Documents.  By  Ruth  Putnam. 
Fully  illustrated.     2  vols.,  8vo,  gilt  tops,  $3.75. 

"  It  is  doubtful  if  any  previous  works  on  this  interesting  character  are 
more  readable  and  accurate  than  this  of  Ruth  Putnam.  Her  book  shows 
a  vast  amount  of  intelligent  research  among  original  documents,  and  an 
unbiased,  thoughtful,  discriminating  study  of  the  histories  of  her  sub- 
ject."—^. Y.  Times. 

"  It  is  certain  that  the  author's  book  will  be  read  with  pleasure,  for  it 
tr  rows  new  light  upon  the  struggle  for  religious  and  civil  liberty  inthe 
Netherlands,  and  renders  it  easier  for  us  to  detect  in  the  most  conspicu- 
ous figure  of  its  earlier  stages  the  real  lineaments  of  the  man."—  N.  Y. 
Sun.  __^__^__— 

New  York— Q.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS— London 


"  In  balance  of  judgment  and  proportion  of  interest 
.here  is  no  history  so  helpful." — The  Congregationalist. 

A  History  of  England 

From  the  Earliest  Times  Down  to  the 

Year   1815 

WRITTEN  BY  VARIOUS  AUTHORS  UNDER 
THE    DIRECTION   AND    EDITORSHIP     OF 

G.  W.  G.  OMAN 

Deputy  Chichele  Professor  of  Modern  History  in  the  Univer- 
sity of  Oxford 

Author  of  "  The  Art  of  War  in  the  Middle  Ages,"  etc. 
Six  volumes.         Octavo,  cloth.         Each,  net,  $3.00 

The  volumes  and  their  authors  are  asfolloivs  : 

I.     From  the  Beginning  to  1066.     By  Professor  Oman. 
II.     From  1066-1272.     By  H.  W.   C.   Davis,   Fellow  and 
Tutor  of  Balliol  College,  formerly  Fellow  of  All  Souls', 
author  of  "  Charlemagne." 

III.  From   1272-1485.    By  Owen  Edwards,   Fellow  and 

Tutor  of  Lincoln  College,  Oxford,  author  of    "A  His- 
tory of  Wales,"  etc. 

IV.  From   1485-1603.      By  Arthur  D.  Innes,  author  of 

"  Britain  and  Her  Rivals,"     "  A  Short  History  of  the 
British  in  India,"  etc. 

V.  From  1603-17 14.  By  G.  M.  Trevelyan,  Fellow  of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  author  of  "  The  Age  of 
Wycliffe." 

VI.  From  1714-1815.  By  C.  Grant  Robertson,  Fellow 
of  All  Souls',  formerly  Lecturer  in  History  at  Exeter 
College,  Examiner  in  the  School  of  Modern  History  in 
the  University  of  Oxford. 

"  His  clear  and  rapid  writing,  his  strong  and  imaginative  grasp  of  per- 
sonalities, his  deep  human  sympathy,  his  sense  of  the  greatness  and  dignity 
of  life  and  the  glory  of  liberty,  all  make  him  eminently  the  man  for  such 
a  task  as  this.  .  .  .  It  is  no  mere  summary  of  results  we  have  here, 
but  the  salient  features  of  a  period  as  they  present  themselves  to  a  reflect- 
ing mind." — Guardian. 

Send  for  descriptive  circular 

G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

New  York  London 


DJ  Biok,  Petrus  Johannes 

109  history  of  the  people  o: 

B66  the  Netherlands. 

v.4. 


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